[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 28 (Thursday, February 16, 2017)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E216-E218]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                        LATIN AMERICAN ARTICLES

                                  _____
                                 

                          HON. FRANCIS ROONEY

                               of florida

                    in the house of representatives

                      Thursday, February 16, 2017

  Mr. FRANCIS ROONEY of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to share 
with my colleagues several articles that I have written over the years 
regarding Latin America. As a Member of the Western Hemisphere 
Subcommittee on Foreign Affairs, these pieces serve to outline and 
inform discussions that our Committee will cover in the 115th Congress. 
I include in the Record the attached articles.

              What Real Progress on Cuba Should Look Like

                   (By Mel Martinez & Francis Rooney)

       When President Obama stepped off Air Force One in Havana, 
     many focused on the historic nature of his visit to Cuba--the 
     first since President Calvin Coolidge. Coverage is focused on 
     a thaw in Cold War animosity, and images of President Obama 
     strolling the Malecon and meeting with Raul Castro are being 
     broadcast around the world. However, behind those scenes, the 
     Cuban people continue to suffer under a regime that denies 
     them the rights, the freedom, the opportunity, and the 
     dignity they deserve. Without addressing human rights, 
     economic freedom, and freedom of expression, President 
     Obama's trip is likely to be nothing more than speeches and 
     photo ops.
       First, President Obama should make it clear that further 
     opening of ties between the U.S. and Cuba is contingent upon 
     further political, economic, and social reforms. These 
     preconditions would make it clear to the Cuban regime that 
     despite the restoration of diplomatic ties, the benefits they 
     seek from trade, investment, and tourism from the United 
     States are destined to benefit the Cuban people--not to 
     buttress a repressive regime.
       In Havana, we hope that President Obama reminds the Cuban 
     regime of how far it lags behind its neighbors in the region 
     who have embraced democracy, economic freedom, and the rule 
     of law. Compared to the region, Cuba has remained an economic 
     and political backwater. It must be made clear to the Cuban 
     regime that their restrictions on political freedom, civil 
     rights, free expression, and the rule of law are on the wrong 
     side of history.
       To this end, President Obama should push the Cuban regime 
     to begin significant shifts to ensure the rule of law and 
     initial steps towards the creation of an independent 
     judiciary free of Communist Party influence. Protections of 
     human rights, property, and dignity must come before the 
     interests of the Cuban Communist Party. Furthermore, with 
     party poised to hold its Seventh Congress next month, 
     President Obama should suggest that further rapprochement 
     requires that Congress to chart a path towards free and fair 
     elections, and not to serve as a rubber stamp for the next 
     generation of Communist apparatchiks.
       More importantly, it must be made clear to the Cuban regime 
     that the United States will not tolerate the continuing 
     brutal detention of human rights activists and regime 
     opposition. In the lead up to President Obama's visit, 300 
     people have been arrested

[[Page E217]]

     since March 8th. Dozens of the Damas de Blanco were arrested 
     before Obama's arrival over the weekend. Their ``crime'' is 
     to demand the freedoms and rights that are not just U.S. 
     interests, but rather fundamental American values. If the 
     harassment and persecution of these reformers continues, 
     President Obama should let the Cuban regime know that this 
     rapprochement will be at least frozen, if not significantly 
     rolled back.
       On the economic front, the U.S. private sector cannot be 
     the successor to the Soviet Union and Chavez's Venezuela in 
     propping up the Cuban regime. The Helms-Burton Act will 
     continue to remain the law of the land, and President Obama 
     should remind the Cuban regime that Congress is unlikely to 
     change that without a significant relaxation of the political 
     and economic fetters the Cuban regime places on its people.
       Furthermore, President Obama should make it clear that it 
     is not acceptable for the Cuban government to serve as a 
     pass-through middleman who receives investments in dollars or 
     euros, and pays workers in Cuban Pesos that represent a 
     fraction of the value of worker labor. If U.S. firms do 
     invest in Cuba, they must be allowed to pay their workers 
     directly--in dollars.
       Additionally, if further investments are made in Cuban 
     telecommunication systems, and if data connections between 
     the U.S. mainland and Cuba are bolstered, the U.S. government 
     should insist that the Cuban people have access to a free, 
     uncensored version of the Internet. Improved 
     telecommunications need to be contingent on ensuring that 
     Cubans can join the global digital commons and communicate 
     freely. Furthermore, with U.S.-Cuba increased data traffic on 
     the horizon, the Obama Administration should make it 
     absolutely clear that Cuba cannot continue to serve as a 
     listening post for Russian and Chinese signals intelligence 
     and cyber espionage aimed at the United States.
       While we still believe that the Cuban regime has 
     demonstrated far too little in the way of reform or openness 
     to warrant the steps the Obama Administration has taken in 
     opening to Cuba, we feel that these actions would ensure that 
     his trip to Havana can bring about real benefits for the 
     Cuban people.
                                  ____


               US Needs Plan Colombia for Central America

                   (By Mel Martinez & Francis Rooney)

       One of the many positive items within the budget omnibus 
     deal reached by Congress and approved by the president is the 
     $750 million for assisting the countries of Central America 
     that have been beset by crime and instability--which has, in 
     turn, sent vast numbers of unaccompanied minors northward to 
     the United States to seek safety and economic opportunity.
       The $750 million allotted to help El Salvador, Guatemala, 
     and Honduras will help to target the gang violence that has 
     plagued these nations, combined with efforts to promote the 
     rule of law, reduce corruption, and improve governance in 
     these countries. This assistance is a positive step from the 
     United States, but this crisis cannot be solved with American 
     largesse alone.
       Over the past year we have led a project focused on the 
     lessons learned from the past decade of Latin American 
     geopolitical trends, and how these trends affect the 
     relationship between the United States and its hemispheric 
     neighbors. One key lesson from this timeframe is how US 
     assistance is only one part of the equation for addressing 
     criminality and corruption. A willing partner on the ground 
     is as important--if not more important--than the total sum of 
     US assistance.
       During the worst years of narcoviolence in Colombia, the 
     Plan Colombia provided [check sum] to the Colombian 
     government for countering the cartels. This assistance would 
     also include training from US forces and high tech 
     surveillance and precision weaponry to target cartel 
     infrastructure and leadership. However, the money and 
     equipment only worked to solve this crisis because they were 
     accompanied by political and military leadership in Colombia 
     willing to make the sacrifices in blood and treasure to 
     defeat the cartels. Colombian leaders understood that the 
     fight against the cartels and rebel groups would also require 
     significant political and economic reforms at home to address 
     structural shortfalls that made cartels and insurgencies 
     viable.
       In our overview of the region, we also looked at how Latin 
     American nations are, themselves, emphasizing the importance 
     of the rule of law and reforms to governance that improve not 
     only security, but also economic performance and political 
     freedoms. In this sense, while US assistance can provide 
     financial and technical support, it is also incumbent upon 
     the US to work with its other hemispheric partners to 
     stabilize these countries.
       Again, Colombia's experience and success in this area makes 
     it a potential exporter of security expertise and assistance 
     to the region. Reforms and economic structures implemented 
     throughout the region, particularly among the nations of the 
     Pacific Alliance, are also tools that can better integrate 
     Central American economies into the regional economy. This 
     combination of improved security and economic opportunity can 
     starve the flames of gangs and corrupt politicians of their 
     fuel.
       Around the region, the growth of a vocal middle class has 
     also increased the pressure on corrupt politicians as the 
     people of Latin America have demanded more of their political 
     class. Like other nations in the region, the assistance the 
     Central American countries receive from the US and other 
     regional partners should also address the need for improved 
     civil society and the independent institutions that foster 
     good governance and the rule of law.
       Finally, in confronting the human cost of those fleeing 
     Central America for opportunity elsewhere, we must remember 
     that other nations in the region are our partners in 
     addressing this challenge. The vast majority of those 
     crossing our southern border come from these Central American 
     countries, not Mexico. In fact Mexican nationals are now net 
     migrants out of the United States. With the flow of migrants 
     out of Central America, Mexico also finds itself seeking to 
     better secure its southern borders. Solving this problem--and 
     ensuring that young children do not fall victim to gangs of 
     human traffickers--will require cooperation, not 
     confrontation with Mexico.
       The $750 million appropriated to help Central America is a 
     positive first step, but to maximize the return on this 
     investment, it will be necessary to foster a shared regional 
     approach to stabilizing those countries.
                                  ____


Argentina's Fork in the Road: Choosing Between Competing Latin American 
                               Narratives

                       (By Francis Rooney and Max
                            Angerholzer III)

       When the Argentine people go to the polls in October, they 
     will have an opportunity to reject the protectionism and 
     populism that are the hallmarks of current President Cristina 
     Fernandez de Kirchner's government. There are certainly 
     recent Latin American success stories that point towards a 
     more hopeful path, to include the examples set by more 
     conservative governments like those in Colombia and Mexico. 
     There are also several countries that are both geographically 
     and ideologically closer to home for Argentina that offer 
     valuable lessons as well: consider the Chile of President 
     Michelle Bachelet and former President Ricardo Lagos; the 
     Uruguay of President Tabare Vazquez and former President Jose 
     ``Pepe'' Mujica; and, notably, Peru and the transformation 
     launched there by former President Alan Garcia.
       Regardless of which role models and regional examples are 
     chosen, there are now two clear and divergent narratives 
     competing for the future of Latin America. The first 
     encompasses those nations that have embraced elements of 
     free-markets, economic diversification and integration into 
     global commerce, reinforcing democratic institutions. The 
     Pacific Alliance is a good example of this hopeful 
     trajectory.
       The second narrative is one of corruption, cronyism and 
     populism, and the nations who have chosen this path have 
     found themselves increasingly isolated from international 
     commerce and unable to adequately care for their own 
     citizens. Venezuela under Hugo Chavez blazed this trail, and 
     in many ways Argentina and Brazil followed it down a dead 
     end. Largely as a result these countries have missed the 
     economic and democratic revival underway throughout much of 
     the region, and their governments are faced with growing 
     instability resulting from gross economic mismanagement, 
     corruption, and the erosion of democratic institutions.
       In the case of Argentina, ``Kirchnerism''--which combines 
     aspects of populism, nationalism, and protectionism--guided 
     the country's development during the late 1990s and early 
     2000s. This ideology shaped the social and economic 
     institutions of Argentina, leading to the nationalization of 
     the country's largest oil company Yacimientos Petroliferos 
     Fiscales (YPF); the president's rejection of closer economic 
     ties with the European Union; and Argentina's embrace of the 
     protectionist trade bloc Mercosur. The populist economic 
     policies implemented by the administration have also included 
     freezing utility rates and attempting to combat inflation by 
     doctoring official figures. As the Argentine economy has 
     inevitably slowed, inflation and debt have continued to rise, 
     further revealing the shortcomings of this dead-end ideology.
       As Christina Kirchner's second term mercifully comes to an 
     end, presidential candidates Daniel Scioli, Sergio Massa, and 
     Mauricio Macri are looking towards a different path. For 
     Scioli and Massa, that means distancing themselves from 
     ``Kirchnrism.'' Scioli has stated that he would break with 
     populism and protectionism. Massa left Kirchner's FPV Party 
     last year and is running as a candidate for the Renewal Front 
     Coalition. The only non-Peronist candidate, Macri, runs on a 
     more pro-market platform and calls for realignment with the 
     West.
       Unfortunately, whoever wins the election will have to break 
     the government's habit of excessive social spending, and 
     confront entrenched unions resistant to change. Likewise, 
     potential Vice President Carlos Zanini and many governors and 
     legislators who share the Kirchner ideology may work against 
     free market reforms. Change will have to come gradually if 
     sustainable, free market economics are to truly take root in 
     Argentina.
       The United States can help by reaching out to Argentina's 
     next president, enabling him with bilateral trade agreements 
     and resources aimed at promoting free markets, democracy and 
     the rule of law. Efforts should also be made to more closely 
     integrate the country into international trade

[[Page E218]]

     and financing institutions. U.S. think tanks that nurture 
     democratic and free market reforms should also do their part. 
     The next Argentinian president will need all the help we can 
     muster in weaning the country off of the Kirchner brand of 
     cronyism and statism.
       The United States has similarly offered assistance to 
     Colombia and Panama as they implemented comprehensive 
     economic, legal and security reforms. Greater security and 
     stronger democratic institutions in those countries have led 
     to increased foreign investment, making their economies more 
     globally competitive. As noted, Argentina can also look 
     hopefully at the example of Peru, which has similarly 
     transitioned from a statist, socialist model to one that 
     embraces free trade, foreign investment and closer engagement 
     with the United States.
       Ultimately change will have to begin at home with the 
     choice of the Argentinian people in the upcoming election. If 
     the next president decides to break with the past and steer 
     the country out of the dead end of Kirchnerism and Peronist 
     socialism, and towards free markets and more transparent 
     governance, then the United States should be waiting with an 
     outstretched hand.
                                  ____


                  A Vision for the Western Hemisphere

       Consider a region with growing economic and geopolitical 
     importance, home to several of our highest-value trading 
     partners, with significant immigration into and remittances 
     in and out of the U.S., and presenting security challenges 
     vital to our interests. One would think that such a region 
     would be at the top of the list of our foreign policy 
     priorities.
       In reality, this region exists in the Western Hemisphere, 
     but our attention to Latin America has been sporadic and 
     episodic since the 1980's and early-1990's. As we moved away 
     from our Cold War-era attention to the region, we had some 
     promising initial steps with efforts at greater regional 
     integration. However, we failed to follow these initial 
     efforts with needed follow-on measures and consistent policy, 
     due to divisive and distracting issues of domestic politics 
     at home and a focus on the Middle East and South Asia, 
     propelled by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. As a result, 
     we have been forced to react to events, many of which are 
     dictated by nations openly hostile to the United States.
       Whatever the outcome of November 6th might be, the victor 
     has the opportunity, and the responsibility, to build a 
     vision for the reshaping and revitalizing our relationship 
     with the rest of the Western Hemisphere. For the increasingly 
     busy post-campaign transition staffs of President Obama and 
     Governor Romney, it is not too soon to begin laying the 
     groundwork for such a vision.
       In a recent exercise we conducted regarding our Western 
     Hemisphere policies and a way forward, we found key items for 
     an Administration's agenda towards the region. An agenda 
     based around an understanding of the need for greater 
     economic ties, a joint approach to security challenges, and 
     shared political and cultural values can be a vision that 
     shows the region that America is not only a power in the 
     region but also a partner.
       Through NAFTA and various preceding organizations like the 
     IADB, the United States was once a key driver in the economic 
     integration of the region. There were subsequent free trade 
     agreements with Chile, Colombia, Panama, Peru, and CAFTA-DR 
     with the countries of Central America and the Dominican 
     Republic. While these trade pacts have opened up economic 
     opportunities for the nations involved, we have failed to 
     capitalize on follow-up opportunities that would further the 
     economic vitality and integration of the region.
       Integration of the economies of the United States and 
     Canada with those of the Caribbean and Latin America can not 
     only provide economic benefits but also address the economic 
     inequality that fuels governments which are hostile to the 
     United States, and deprives these nations of the bounty that 
     their natural and human resources could provide. For all the 
     socialist vitriol of leaders like Hugo Chavez, his promises 
     to improve the lot of impoverished masses have kept him in 
     power. His opponent in the recent election also made clear 
     that he would continue many of these social programs.
       Furthermore, these commercial partnerships present a clear 
     alternative to the mercantilist policies of China, provide 
     opportunities for American manufacturers and consumers, and 
     create a bloc of Western Hemisphere nations united in 
     negotiations regarding a Pacific trade agenda.
       These commercial ties can also leverage educational 
     exchange in strengthening regional ties. As individuals from 
     the Western Hemisphere come to study at our greatest colleges 
     and universities, we can not only attract the best and 
     brightest talent here, but also strengthen and enrich shared 
     values throughout the region. To accomplish this, we must 
     decouple adverse perceptions about mass immigration from a 
     policy which allows visas for top students and entrepreneurs.
       In an era where crime and terrorism have undergone the same 
     globalization as economies and cultures, the security 
     challenges of the Western Hemisphere are not the concern of 
     one nation. Building on the success of Plan Colombia, we can 
     continue the fight against narcoterror across the region, 
     based around a model of mutually reinforcing kinetic 
     operations and the building and strengthening of institutions 
     resistant to the pressures of crime and corruption.
       Also, as narcotics move from Latin America through Africa 
     into Europe, these issues are no longer solely an American 
     concern. Our traditional security partners in Europe also 
     have a role in the Western Hemisphere through shared 
     interests and their historical and cultural ties to the 
     region.
       While it is often an issue that divides the U.S. from other 
     nations in the region, it must also be understood that the 
     oppression, intellectual bankruptcy, and the aging regime of 
     Cuba present a security risk to all of the Americas.
       Beyond these economic and security concerns, the vacuum 
     created by the lack of consistent U.S. attention requires a 
     shift in our political approach to the hemisphere. The OAS, 
     long the main multilateral institution for the hemisphere, is 
     now on life support. While it would be destructive to the 
     organization for the U.S. to withdraw its support for the 
     OAS, the next President must also build a close multilateral 
     relationship with the leaders from the region. While it is 
     true that many question the utility of the regional summits, 
     the President can set forth a U.S. vision for the Western 
     Hemisphere through a summit with the Presidents of Brazil, 
     Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Panama, Uruguay, and the Prime 
     Minister of Canada.
       Such a vision can revitalize our policies and partnerships 
     with the Western Hemisphere. No longer can we take this 
     region for granted as merely our backyard, nor can we miss 
     the opportunities presented by a vibrant, integrated Western 
     Hemisphere.

                          ____________________