[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 23 (Thursday, February 9, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1017-S1029]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXECUTIVE CALENDAR--Continued
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, for the information of all of our
colleagues, including our newest colleague from Alabama, who is going
to have a very long first day here, if all time is used postcloture on
the Price nomination, the Senate will have two votes at 2 a.m. Senators
should be prepared to stay in session and take those votes tonight. If
an agreement is reached to yield back time and to cast those votes
earlier, we will notify Members the moment such an agreement might be
reached.
I thank my friend from Maryland.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, the point I was starting with is that in
Maryland, yes, there are 400,000 people who now have coverage who
didn't have coverage before, and they are benefiting by being able to
get preventive health care and get affordable care, but it is all
Marylanders who are benefiting because there is less use of emergency
rooms and fewer people who use our health care system who don't pay for
it, the uncompensated care.
Many of my colleagues have read letters that they have received from
constituents, or phone calls, and I am going to do that during the
course of my discussion. I am going to tell you a story that I heard
from a 52-year-old who lives in Harford County who frequently used the
emergency department prior to the adoption of the Affordable Care Act.
This is what this Harford County resident told me: After the passage of
the Affordable Care Act, I began working with Healthy Harford Watch
Program and shortly after was insured. I have been successfully linked
to community health services and no longer depend upon the emergency
room as my only source of health care.
I can give many more accounts of people who had to use the emergency
rooms and are now getting preventive health care and are getting their
health care needs met.
We also now have been able to eliminate the abusive practices of
insurance companies. As I said, over 2 million people have private
health insurance in Maryland. They are all benefiting from the
Affordable Care Act.
If Mr. Price has his way and we repeal the Affordable Care Act, every
Marylander will be at risk. They will be at risk because of the
protections that we put in the Affordable Care Act against abusive
practices of insurance companies.
To me, probably the most difficult thing to understand by my
constituents was the cruel preexisting condition restrictions that were
placed in the law prior to the Affordable Care Act. Simply put, if you
had a preexisting condition, the insurance company would restrict
coverage for that preexisting condition. So exactly what you needed the
health care system to pay for, your insurance company didn't
[[Page S1018]]
pay for it. They said: Look, you had this heart condition before you
were insured; we are not going to pay for your heart needs. You had
cancer; we are not going to pay for your cancer treatment in the
future. You have diabetes, and that leads to a lot of different health
care needs. We are going to restrict your insurance coverage and not
pay for diabetes care. That is a thing of the past with the Affordable
Care Act.
Once again, we are now talking about repealing the Affordable Care
Act. We don't know what it will be replaced with, if at all. Mr. Price,
in the House, has not given us a satisfactory explanation during the
confirmation process of how we are going to be able to guarantee that
everyone who has insurance and everyone who has a need for coverage
with preexisting conditions will be able to get insurance that won't
discriminate against that person because of preexisting conditions.
Another aspect that was an abusive practice before the Affordable
Care Act is that our insurance policies had caps on how many claims you
could make in a year over the lifetime of your policy, and that would
kick in exactly when people who have chronic needs need insurance the
most.
Let me give an example. Juanita, who lives in Hyattsville, MD, told
me about her son. She said her son seemingly was in perfect health, had
graduated from Harvard with a master's degree and was working at a
nonprofit. Then he was diagnosed with a rare cardiovascular disorder.
He didn't know he was going to have that. Well, that required him to
have multiple operations, and it would have fully exceeded his lifetime
cap in hospital stays, and he would not have been able to afford the
care. Thanks to the Affordable Care Act, Juanita's son has full
coverage. That is another example of a person who is at risk if Mr.
Price is able to carry out what he said--repeal the Affordable Care
Act--and we don't have a way to guarantee that insurance companies must
take all comers and must eliminate the caps that we have seen in the
policies before.
Another area which I think has been a pretty popular part of the
Affordable Care Act and which I heard many of my colleagues on both
sides of the aisle say they want to keep is allowing 26-year-olds to
stay on their parents' policies--under 26 years of age. That is a very
popular provision. I heard many of my colleagues speak in favor of it.
Remember, when you repeal the Affordable Care Act, that will be
repealed. Unless we have adequate replacements, unless we have an
improvement, that is at risk as well.
I want to talk about another provision that was in the Affordable
Care Act. I authored the provision. It is called a prudent layperson
standard for emergency care. Let me take you back before the Affordable
Care Act. This is why it is important for Congress to be careful as to
how we pass laws. And if we repeal laws, we can go back to these types
of practices. Before the Affordable Care Act, if you had chest pains
and shortness of breath, you would do what I would think any reasonable
person would do: You would be taken to the emergency room as soon as
possible to see whether you are having a heart attack. Those are
classic signs of a heart attack. Yet there were insurance policies that
said that if you went to a hospital that was out of network, they
weren't going to pay the full amount even though you went to the
closest hospital because you had an emergency situation. That makes no
sense at all, but that was the case.
You went to the hospital. You did the right thing, and you found out
you didn't have a heart attack. You went home. You were happy until you
got the bill, and your insurance company said you didn't need to go to
the emergency room because you didn't have a heart attack. Then you do
have a heart attack because you can't pay the bill.
That was the circumstance that existed before the Affordable Care
Act, and we put into the Affordable Care Act, for all insurance
companies, the prudent layperson standard. If it was prudent for you to
go to the nearest emergency room, your insurance plan must cover that
cost. That is the standard today, and I wonder whether, if we repeal
the Affordable Care Act, we will be going back to those types of
abusive practices.
Before the Affordable Care Act, women in some circumstances were in
and of themselves a preexisting condition. Are we going to go back to
those days?
Let me go on to another point that worries me about Mr. Price's
position if we were to repeal the Affordable Care Act, and that is
affordability. It is one thing to say people can buy insurance--you
know, there is insurance out there; just buy it. It's another thing
whether you can afford the insurance coverage.
One of the benefits of the Affordable Care Act that I don't think has
been fully explained to the American people is that since the passage
of the Affordable Care Act, we have been able to keep the growth rate
of health care costs below what we had seen before the passage of the
Affordable Care Act. We have reduced costs for all individuals and
companies that have health policies. The rate of growth has been at a
slower rate because of the Affordable Care Act. And I have already
alluded to one of the reasons--we reduced uncompensated care because
more people are paying their bills. We kept the growth rate down.
But there are other aspects to the Affordable Care Act that have
helped bring down the costs, and that is, we have premium tax credits.
In 2015, 70 percent of those who were enrolled in the Maryland Health
Connection--that is our exchange in the State of Maryland--received
some form of a credit. That was provided in the Affordable Care Act. We
recognize that not everyone can afford the premiums, so we provided
credits. If you repeal the Affordable Care Act, we may very well not
have affordable policies for those individuals who have been able to
get credits under the Affordable Care Act.
I want to talk about a situation that was brought to my attention at
several of the roundtable discussions I have held in Maryland with
interest groups on health care, and that has to do with small
businesses.
Before the Affordable Care Act was passed, if I had a forum on small
businesses--and I did. I have been a member of small businesses and
entrepreneurship committees since I first came to the Senate. I believe
in the importance of small businesses. That is where job growth and
innovation takes place. It is critically important that we help small
businesses.
Before the passage of the Affordable Care Act, the No. 1 issue that
would come up at roundtable discussions I had with small business
leaders of Maryland was the affordability of health coverage for their
employees. It is no longer an issue that they talk about because the
Affordable Care Act has allowed small companies to have competitive
premium costs with larger companies.
Before the passage of the Affordable Care Act, if you were a small
business owner and you had maybe 10 people in your employ on your
health policy and one of those individuals unfortunately had a major
health episode during that year, you knew that the next year you were
going to get a major premium increase because you were rated on your
own experiences as a small group. That is a thing of the past under the
Affordable Care Act. Now, under the Affordable Care Act, you are in
this big pool, and you are not discriminated against because you happen
to have someone in your employ who needs health care.
It also enables small business owners to hire people who have
particular health needs. They are not going to be discriminated against
because they hire somebody who happens to have the need for health
insurance. Before that, small companies were very reluctant to hire
individuals who had health needs because they knew it would affect
their health policy.
I want to mention one other factor that is pretty telling. Let me
read from a letter I received from Nancy of Silver Spring. This is
something that really gets to me, something I think we have to be very
careful about, because the repeal of the Affordable Care Act is going
to hurt our economy.
Nancy of Silver Spring is a 60-year-old freelance writer/editor and
depends upon the Maryland Health Connection exchange for her health
insurance and the tax credit that helps reduce her premium. She is a
healthy 60-year-old, but no insurance company will write her an
individual policy, she knows--she tried. One of the big factors that
helped Nancy get the courage to leave
[[Page S1019]]
her salaried, full-benefits job and go out on her own was the fact that
the ACA was right on the horizon when she made the leap in 2012.
Nancy writes:
You want a world-class work force? How about giving
everyone access to affordable health care so we can keep
ourselves functioning? You want job creation? How about
keeping the ACA so freelancers, gig workers, and startup
entrepreneurs don't have to split their energy between the
jobs they are creating and some soul-sucking ``day job'' just
for the sake of keeping our health insurance?
This is a real problem. You repeal the Affordable Care Act, people
become what is known as job-locked. They don't like where they work,
they know they can do better, but they can't afford to leave and lose
their health coverage. It may be their spouse, it may be their child,
may be their self, but they are job-locked because they don't have the
protection of knowing they can get affordable coverage if they give up
the insurance they currently have. That hurts our economy. That hurts
the entrepreneur spirit. That hurts innovation. And it is something
that is critically important that we solved in the Affordable Care Act.
Mr. Price talks about the repeal and we will have something to
replace it with. That is not an easy one to fix. That is not one that
you can just say we will take care of because you have to have pools
for individuals in small companies that are competitive. If we don't
have the type of comprehensive coverage we have under the Affordable
Care Act, it is very difficult to understand how that can, in fact, be
done. So that gives me great heartburn with someone who espouses the
repeal of the Affordable Care Act.
We have many stories, many letters here from people who literally
would have had to go through bankruptcy.
In Laurel, MD, Mark tells me about his son Timmy, who developed a
rare genetics syndrome called Opitz G/BBB. Timmy's medical expenses
would have reached his family's lifetime maximum of $1 million when he
turned 3 months old. When Timmy finally made it home, the ACA covered
and continues to cover his cost of medical equipment. The law covers
all of Timmy's specialist appointments, surgeries, and hospital stays.
Recently, Timmy was sick and coughing up blood. Mark and his wife
took him to the emergency room without fear that he would incur debt he
would never be able to pay. Without the Affordable Care Act, Mark's
family would likely be in bankruptcy.
Go back before the Affordable Care Act. Look under bankruptcies. Look
up what the major reason was for bankruptcy. It was people's inability
to pay their medical bills in the United States of America. That is
something we don't want to go back to.
I started my comments by talking about pediatric dental. The
Affordable Care Act provides essential health benefits so that every
person who is insured, every person who is in our system, is guaranteed
certain benefits. That affects nearly 3 million Marylanders who are
protected by the essential health benefits in the current law. They
include such things as maternal benefits and newborn health care,
mental health and addiction.
Mr. President, you have been the leader of this body on dealing with
mental health services and addiction services, and I applaud you for
your efforts, but quite frankly, if we lose the essential health
benefits, private insurance companies aren't going to cover these
costs.
We have an epidemic nationwide on drug addiction. We have seen opioid
misuse lead to heroin, lead to fentanyl. The death rate in Maryland is
up about 20 percent every year. We have doubled and quadrupled the
number of ODs the last 5 or 6 years, and the numbers are still going
up. We need coverage so that we can, first and foremost, stop people
from using it in the beginning--an education program, a prevention
program; we have to do more of that. We also have to keep people alive
and get them into treatment and save their lives, and the Affordable
Care Act helps us get that done.
You repeal these essential health benefits, I really worry as to
whether--mental health and drug addiction have never been a priority
for private insurance companies or, for that matter, the Medicaid
system. So we have to make sure that we maintain that type of coverage,
and the repeal of the Affordable Care Act puts all of that at risk.
One of the areas I worked on very carefully when I was in the House,
and now in the Senate, was preventive health care services.
Immunization, cancer screenings, contraception--those types of services
are critically important. We had a meeting at lunch today. I found out
that unwanted pregnancies are at a historically low level. Are we going
to go back to the day where women cannot afford contraceptive services?
That makes no sense at all. It is counterproductive to what we all
agree we need to do.
I want to talk about one or two other issues which I think are
important which are also in jeopardy with the repeal the Affordable
Care Act or policies that have been espoused by Mr. Price. One is the
Medicaid expansion.
The Medicaid expansion covers our most vulnerable. These are people
who don't really have a strong voice in our political system. They are
people who really depend upon us, every one of us in the Senate, to
protect their health care needs. These are people who are desperate,
who can't afford health care other than through our medical assistance
program, the Medicaid Program. Yet there has been talk about block-
granting that program to the States. Have you looked at State budgets
recently? Do you really believe our States have the financial capacity
to deal with the Medicaid population without a partnership with the
Federal government?
Maryland has been a pretty strong State with Medicaid expansion. My
Governor is doing the right thing. I am proud of what Maryland has
done, but if you withdraw the Federal partnership, the Governor doesn't
have that type of flexibility in the budget to make up the difference.
It is going to hurt. It is going to hurt our health care system, hurt
our most vulnerable.
It has been estimated that a block grant--that by 2019, Maryland will
lose close to $2 billion. We can't make that up. Would we still cover
substance abuse under Medicaid? We didn't before. If we don't cover
that, are we going to now be denying those centers that are located for
substance abuse? All this is put at great risk.
We know that Mr. Price, in his fiscal year 2017 budget proposal,
looked at this proposal, and I believe it was at $1 trillion at that
time.
There is a provision in the Affordable Care Act that I authored that
sets up Offices of Minority Health and Health Disparities within all
our health departments and sets up the National Institute for Minority
Health and Health Disparities. We elevated it in the Affordable Care
Act. I would certainly hope that we would not be repealing that,
although it is in the Affordable Care Act. But I can tell you that the
mission of Minority Health and Health Disparities will be severely
restricted if we repeal the Affordable Care Act or we block-grant the
Medicaid Program because it is the minority population who had been
discriminated against historically in our health care system who are
most at risk.
I can give you one example of that: our qualified health centers. We
significantly increase the resources in the qualified health centers as
part of the Affordable Care Act. I have been to our qualified health
centers in Maryland, and I have seen that they now have dental services
that they didn't have before the Affordable Care Act. They now have
mental health facilities. It is one thing to have third-party coverage
but another thing to have access to a facility. We know that in rural
areas, it is very challenging. In poor neighborhoods, it is also
challenging. Qualified health centers help fill that void.
I was talking to our qualified health centers in Maryland. I said:
What happens now if we repeal the Affordable Care Act? They literally
told me that they can't stay in business because they would lose so
much of their reimbursement because it is now being reimbursed under
the Medicaid system because these people enrolled; that it would
jeopardize their ability to provide the types of services they are
providing today. So you are not only denying people third-party
reimbursement, you are denying them access to care by the repeal of the
Affordable Care Act.
Lastly, let me talk about our Medicare population. Medicare was part
of the Affordable Care Act. We don't hear too much talk about that
today. We extended the solvency of Medicare as a
[[Page S1020]]
result of the Affordable Care Act. We brought down the cost of Part B
premiums as a result of the Affordable Care Act. And we are closing the
doughnut hole coverage gap for prescription medicines within the
Medicare system. Before the Affordable Care Act, how many times would
we go to a senior center and someone would tell us they didn't pick up
their prescriptions from the counter because they didn't have the money
to pay for the cost because they were in the doughnut hole? Well, that
is coming to an end. It has already closed enough so people are not in
that vulnerable situation. But it is now coming to an end as a result
of the passage of the Affordable Care Act.
So I take this time today because of Mr. Price's nomination. I care
deeply about the principle Senator Van Hollen talked about and others
have talked about; that is, health care in America should be a right
not a privilege. The Affordable Care Act has helped us in achieving
that.
Somehow I believe that if we ask the American people, some would say:
Well, we don't like this ObamaCare, but we like this Affordable Care
Act. Let us be honest with the American people. Let us recognize that
this bill has changed the landscape of health care in America for the
better: reduced costs, extended coverage, more quality coverage,
insurance companies now have to spend at least 80 percent of their
premiums on benefits.
So much of that has been done as a result of the Affordable Care Act.
Can we do it better? Absolutely. Let's work together, Democrats and
Republicans, to improve the health care system in this country without
scaring Americans that they are going to lose the benefits they already
have.
For those reasons, I believe Mr. Price does not represent what we
need, and I will, unfortunately, be voting against his confirmation.
With that, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
Mr. PERDUE. Mr. President, I rise tonight actually to support the
confirmation of my friend and fellow Georgian and our next Health and
Human Services Secretary, Dr. Tom Price. I have known Dr. Price
personally and worked with him for quite some time. He is a remarkable
individual, and we should take comfort in his nomination to this
important position because he has years of service and years of
experience working with our Nation's health care system.
He has been a practicing physician, a state legislator, and a Member
of the House of Representatives. Dr. Price knows that government
intrusion has already negatively impacted patient care in the last few
years. He has years of professional experience as a physician and he is
seen as a leading voice in health care policy. My colleagues across the
aisle oppose him, they say primarily because of his opposition to the
Affordable Care Act. Well, the truth is, ObamaCare is collapsing under
its own weight today. In my State of Georgia, this year alone, after
double-digit increases last year, premiums are up 33 percent this year.
Nationwide, premiums are up 26 percent. So the other side talks about
it being affordable. People back home--I am getting letters every week
about the fact that people are withdrawing from ObamaCare because of
the increase in premiums, and most insidious are the increases in
deductibles. Some two-thirds increase--67 percent--increase in
deductibles.
You know, we don't have to worry about repealing ObamaCare because it
is collapsing under its own weight. We just have to sit back and watch
it die of its own volition. Here is how it is going to happen. It is
very simple. In my State, out of 159 counties, we have 99 counties that
only have one health care provider because of the Affordable Care Act.
Even in that carrier, there are limited insurance programs available to
their customers.
What happens if that carrier decides they cannot profitably afford to
be in Georgia? Then 99 counties will lose any health care carrier.
Where do they go? They will be fined under the Affordable Care Act for
not having insurance. Where do they go? Well, the Federal Government
has an answer, obviously. The U.S. Government can always step in and be
the insurer of last resort. Is that not the single-payer strategy that
was behind this all along? It is not what American mainstream voters
want.
The fearmongering that is going on right now about any potential
repeal is just hypocrisy. I believe there is no question that there is
a plan. We know there is, but to fix ObamaCare is very difficult
relatively to the way it was built to begin with. It was based on the
wrong premise; that is, that the Federal Government is going to step in
and take care of everybody's health care.
If you like the Veterans' Administration, you are going to love
health care done by the Federal Government in the Affordable Care Act.
By the way, if you like the way the post office is run, you are going
to love the way the Federal Government runs our health care.
With all of that in mind, the No. 1 objective of Dr. Price that I
have heard today and throughout this week has been nothing more than
the vitriolic argument that he opposes ObamaCare. That is sad. I think
we are taking a great American who is willing to volunteer and become a
member of this President's Cabinet and try to make health care better
for every American.
I can't think of another person in this country who is more qualified
for this timely responsibility. Dr. Price will work to end Washington's
takeover of our health care system, and I know he will work tirelessly
for a health care system that compassionately improves the lives of
every American. Truly, there is no one more qualified to serve as our
next Health and Human Services Secretary than my good friend, Dr. Tom
Price.
I am proud to support him. I am glad we are finally grinding our way
to his confirmation later tonight, but while we talk about his
confirmation, we also need to talk about this frog walk that the
opposition is making us go through to get these nominees confirmed in
this Cabinet. This is taking the longest time to confirm a Cabinet
since George Washington.
We see extreme delays, longer delays than we have seen at any time
since the first President was in office. Imagine if Hillary Clinton was
President right now. Imagine. Imagine if Republicans in the Senate were
doing what the people across the aisle are doing today. Imagine if we
were delaying her Cabinet nominees to the point where we are now
confirming them at a pace slower than any time since George Washington
was in office in 1789.
Imagine. Imagine how the mainstream media would be screaming about
that story and how it would be a very different story than what is
being told today. This last week, the Senate demonstrated exactly the
type of behavior that folks in my home State of Georgia, and I must say
around the country, are absolutely fed up with and sick and tired
after.
They know this is exactly why Washington is gridlocked and why we are
not getting results for the American people. We are wasting time.
People are out of work. The other side says this is very real. Of
course it is very real. It is time to move on. We have a new President.
Put his team in place. The American people are being hurt by and paying
attention to this failure of responsibility.
Real results can only be achieved if Washington politicians
prioritize the well-being of Americans, rather than their own
individual political careers and their next election cycle. The
minority party is well within their rights, of course, to dissent and
oppose the President's nominees on solid ground. Republicans have done
that in the past, but at no time in history have we seen this sort of
frog-walk delay being perpetrated on the people of America.
They are using the rules of the Senate inappropriately, in my mind,
to slow down and bring to a halt the confirmation process of a
President they don't support. No President since George Washington has
had to endure this sort of historic delay, obstruction, and slow-
walking we have seen here since President Trump was inaugurated.
If the minority party had its way, all Cabinet-level nominees would
not be confirmed until June or July of this year. By the way, that is
one-eighth of the first term of this President--12 percent is being
wasted right now--if, in fact, the Republican leadership in this Senate
were not doing what it is doing. The minority party knows it can't stop
any of these nominees on their own
[[Page S1021]]
merits individually. So they are grinding the entire process to a halt
using procedural delays. This is a clear abuse, in my mind, of the
intent of the rules to protect the minority, authored by James Madison.
To combat that, the Republican leadership has kept the doors of the
Senate open 24/7. The people of America should know that we are here
doing their business and doing their bidding to make sure we proceed as
fast as we can to the confirmation of this President's nominees.
We have to move past these delays perpetrated by the minority party
intended to do nothing but to delay the potential impact of this new
President. It is time to get results. The American people have spoken.
President Trump has named his team. He is ready to get to work. He is
already showing that he is willing to move at a business pace, not a
government pace.
The people in Washington, looking at this President through the lens
of the political establishment, are having a hard time dealing with
him, but I have to say, the quality of nominees is something we have
not seen for decades, if ever. It is time to put these people in their
responsible positions and let them go to work. He is already moving at
a pace that we have not seen in many Presidencies.
Like me, President Trump came here to focus on getting results and
changing the direction of the country. He has a plan to do just that.
We need to get on with that business, debate those issues, come to some
conclusion, compromise where necessary, but get government moving, as
the Senate has done for every previous President.
We should confirm this President's nominees now and spend our time
debating those critical issues that will get our country moving again,
to change the direction of our country, to put people back to work.
Things like growing our economy, updating our antiquated tax system,
unleashing our full energy potential, updating our antiquated and
unnecessary regulatory regime, fixing the broken budget process,
changing our outdated immigration system, saving Social Security and
Medicare, and, yes, addressing the spiraling health care costs that,
no, the Affordable Care Act did not even attempt to address.
The American people elected a new President. That President has named
his slate of potential nominees to be Cabinet members. It is time to
cut the foolishness and get down to business.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, my distinguished friend, Senator
Perdue, is actually right. There is something unprecedented going on
around here with these nominations, but it is not the Democratic effort
to try to make sure that those nominees get a fair hearing and some
light on them before they get into office.
What is unprecedented around here with these nominees is, first of
all, what a hash the Trump administration made of getting them ready.
They were not ready to go. They were not prepared for the ethics
reviews. They were dead in the water, and they have a lot of
responsibility just in terms of the simple incompetence of getting a
Cabinet ready to go.
That is not the Senate's fault. The Senate should not roll over in
its advice and consent role because an executive branch can't prepare
nominees. Then you get behind the incompetence of the executive branch
in preparing nominees and you start looking at the nominees.
What else is unprecedented about them is the huge array of conflicts
of interest they bring. We have never seen anything like this. We call
it the ``swamp cabinet'' because it is, in fact, swampy with conflicts
of interest. Many of these candidates have such massive financial
complexities--because it is billionaire after billionaire after
billionaire--that they have had to do all sorts of business contortions
to try to get ready for their appointment.
That also is not our fault. That actually makes our responsibility
greater so we can do our constitutional job in the Senate, as providing
advice and consent, to look at potential conflicts of interest. It is
part of why we have advice and consent, so we can screen for that. When
we are not getting disclosure, we can't even do that.
There are still disclosure gaps for a lot of these nominees. The
controversy and special interest connections of some of them are,
frankly, appalling. So there are, indeed, nominees whom we would love
to stop. If we could stop them, we would do it because we think they
are going to do damage to the American people; damage to Medicare,
which seniors rely on; damage to Medicaid, which so many sick kids rely
on; damage to clean air, which I think everybody tends to rely on if
they breathe; damage to clean water, which fishermen and sailors and
people count on across the country. It is not a question here of doing
the people's business, it is a question of trying to prevent these
people from giving the people business because this looks like the
special interest Cabinet of all time. If you go down one by one through
the civilian Cabinet, you can more or less pick who the most influenced
special interest is, the one who is most harmful to the American people
in that particular area, and bingo, there is your nominee. So we should
not slow down the advice and consent process just for the sake of
slowing down the advice and consent process, but we should slow down
the advice and consent process when we are not getting the basic
information necessary to do our jobs, and we should slow down the
advice and consent process when we are handing over agencies of
government to big special interests. Those are two very good reasons to
have the Senate's noble tradition of advice and consent followed
scrupulously.
As to the nominee for HHS, Dr. Price, he is right in that list. He
has conflicts of interest. He has real harm that he proposes to the
American public.
I think Medicare is one of the great things the United States has
done. It is one of our signal achievements. It has lifted seniors out
of poverty in a way that very few other countries can match and that
the United States had never seen before we did Medicare. It is probably
the most efficient health care delivery system in the United States of
America, and our seniors count on it and love it.
That is not good enough for the good Dr. Price, though. He wants to
voucherize Medicare. What do you do if you are a Medicare patient who
is elderly and infirm? How do you go shopping for health insurance? I
can remember when I was quite capable as a fit lawyer, and I was given
the H.R. forms by the U.S. attorney's office to make my choice. It is a
complicated mess. And you expect some woman who may be in a hospital
bed to sort through that? Great job giving her a voucher. It is just so
unfair and so wrong.
Medicaid. Children across Rhode Island depend on Medicaid. If you are
a family and you have a child with a significant illness, you are very
likely to have that support for that child come through the Medicaid
Program. This is a man who wants to block-grant Medicare and projects
trillion-dollar cuts--trillion-dollar cuts? Who is going to make up the
trillion dollars if we are not taking care of these kids? Is it going
to go back to the families or the care just isn't going to be there for
the Medicaid children? That is just wrong.
These are ideological candidates who want ideological victories that
will hurt real people like Henry, from Warwick. A woman named Lisa
wrote to me. She is a teacher and lifelong resident of Warwick, RI. She
has a son, Henry. Henry was just born last year, and before he was even
1 month old, Henry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis.
Cystic fibrosis, as I am sure we all know, is a genetic disorder. It
affects more than 30,000 people in the United States, and it is one of
the crueler diseases on the face of the planet. As cystic fibrosis
progresses, it can cause infections, it causes difficulty breathing,
and eventually it renders the child unable to breathe and respiratory
failure results. There have been important advances and treatment for
this disease, but there is no cure.
So Henry needs regular tests and treatment. He will need them for the
rest of his life as doctors fight to extend his life as long as they
can in hopes that a cure will arise. His parents are extremely grateful
for the wonderful work of our doctors at Hasbro Children's Hospital who
take care of Henry. But Lisa and her husband are also worried about
their health insurance, and Henry's, because
[[Page S1022]]
Henry has a preexisting condition. If Secretary Price were to have his
way, the Affordable Care Act would be repealed, and without it there
would be no protection for people like Henry--a child like Henry with a
preexisting condition. Either he would face outrageous health care
premiums or be denied coverage altogether. Since then, having to face
the scrutiny of confirmation, he has said: Oh, no, that part we are
going to try to save. But when you go through the parts that my
Republican friends are going to try to save, you end up with pretty
much the whole bill. If you are going to try to save every part of the
bill, why bother repealing it? Why not make it better and move on?
How irresponsible it was to say, ``Repeal,'' when all these points
were in it. When repeal was the great mantra, nobody said: ``Repeal.
Oh, but not that.'' ``Repeal. Oh, but let's protect the seniors from
the doughnut hole.'' No, it was just ``Repeal ObamaCare. Repeal
ObamaCare.'' Frankly, chanting ``Repeal ObamaCare'' I think is about as
disqualifying to lead Medicare and Medicaid as chanting ``Lock her up''
would be to be Attorney General of the United States.
Catherine is a constituent of mine who lives in Cranston. She is a
breast cancer survivor. She owns a small family business. Her family
had health insurance before the Affordable Care Act, but their
insurance company decided that their little company had too few
employees to qualify as a small business, and it dropped them from
their coverage. So it was thanks to the Affordable Care Act that
Catherine and her husband could get affordable and quality health
insurance through our exchange that we call HealthSourceRI. With this
coverage, they go on about their business. They don't have to worry
about whether their insurance company is going to change the rules and
pitch them out again. Catherine and her husband tell me they don't
understand how anyone could say they support small business and want to
repeal the Affordable Care Act.
Timothy wrote to me. He is a freelance writer in Rumford, RI. He has
affordable health care for the first time in his life. There is no big
company to help you if you are a freelance writer; you are on your own.
But the Affordable Care Act has been there for Timothy. He has multiple
chronic health conditions that require medication. Before he had
coverage under the Affordable Care Act, Timothy was hospitalized for a
heart problem. He couldn't afford the resulting hospital bills. Without
health insurance, he couldn't pay for his prescriptions. Having health
insurance, Timothy told me, has changed his life. He feels dignity, he
feels peace, he feels assurance, and a lot of that is simply the
reassurance that you can afford the medications you need to stay
healthy. His chances of having to be hospitalized in the future are
down. If the ACA is repealed, Timothy may be forced to forgo care that
he needs, endangering his health, and potentially, by the way, costing
the system a lot more.
Martha, who lives in Cranston, RI, knows well the dangers of being
uninsured. Before the Affordable Care Act, Martha went several years
without health insurance, gambling that she could get away with it
because she couldn't afford it. A gall bladder infection required
emergency surgery. She was taken to the hospital, the surgery was
performed. It went well, but she was left with a $60,000 hospital bill.
Unable to pay the bill, she declared bankruptcy.
Now she can have coverage, and by the way, when the hospital has to
do the surgery, it gets paid with her insurance. That is why the
American Hospital Association and the Hospital Association of Rhode
Island are saying: Don't repeal ObamaCare. That would be reckless.
Martha and her husband and her 24-year-old son have all been able to
purchase insurance through the Rhode Island exchange. By the way, our
exchange is doing great. People may complain about exchanges in other
States. We are seeing costs steady; we are seeing costs going down. One
of our major insurers, Neighborhood Health Plan of Rhode Island, is
advertising on TV. Whoa. Our rates are going down, and their coverage
is fine, and Rhode Island is a success story under the Affordable Care
Act. The $283 per month that Martha and her family now pay in total for
insurance certainly beats the $500 a month that she and her husband
each faced for individual coverage before the ACA.
Paula wrote to me from Cranston about how the Affordable Care Act has
helped her and her husband bridge the gap until they get to the safe
haven, finally, of Medicare. Paula is 63 years old. She works part
time. Her husband who is 64 years old and retired has health insurance
through our exchange, HealthSourceRI. Paula has beaten breast cancer
once, but she is at high risk of recurrence.
If the Affordable Care Act is repealed, Paula would be at risk to
lose her health insurance and the ability to have tests that would help
her catch a recurrence of cancer in time. Paula and her husband worked
hard and saved well, but as Martha's story shows, one illness can wipe
you out if you don't have health insurance, and they are so content and
comforted knowing they have a good health insurance plan through our
exchange.
Travis is a social worker in Providence. He provides psychotherapy
and counseling to recovering addicts who are receiving medication and
assisted treatment. This is a particularly touching point in Rhode
Island because we lost 239 Rhode Islanders to opioid-related overdoses
last year. That is 239 fatalities in Rhode Island last year.
The Affordable Care Act, Travis believes, is the reason that many of
his patients are actually able to get care and stay away from the risk
of overdose. He wrote of his patients, many of them never accessed
methadone treatment prior to the passage of the Affordable Care Act,
let alone sought treatment for their psychiatric conditions which may
underlie the substance abuse disorders. By the way, a recent report
came out that said if you repeal the Affordable Care Act and its
coverage requirements for mental health and substance abuse, you pull
about $5.5 billion worth of coverage out from American families. Is
that really what this Congress wants to be responsible for doing? I
certainly hope not, not after all the fine statements we heard about
the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act and the funding for it.
Let me make one last point because I see the Senator from Michigan
here and I know she wants to add her thoughts. You can talk about the
personal stories, and it shows how poignant and important having the
Affordable Care Act around is in the lives of real actual people, but
we also have to deal with budget issues in Washington, and I just want
to show this chart.
This chart shows the spending projections for Federal health care
spending. The red line on the top was the projection in 2010 done by
the CBO, the Congressional Budget Office. In 2010, they said: Here is
how we think our spending is going to be in Federal health care. They
predicted that. Then they came back and they did another prediction in
2017.
One thing that happened is that after the passage of the Affordable
Care Act back here, we came in well below predicted expense for Federal
health care. We saved a lot of money in that period. Then when they
rebooted the prediction in 2017, they started off actual and they did a
new prediction right here. The difference in this 10-year period in
Federal health care costs between what they expected to have happen in
that 10-year period before the Affordable Care Act came along and what
experience and the new projections show the savings are since the
Affordable Care Act are $3.3 trillion--$3.3 trillion--and we have this
person who wants to be the Secretary who wants to cut the program? We
are saving money in the program under this. It doesn't make any sense
fiscally, and it is cruel to the individuals and families who have
found comfort and peace and security from the Affordable Care Act.
So I will leave us with that, but if we are going to be responsible
about doing something about our outyear health care costs, find me
something else that shows $3.3 trillion in savings during the period of
2017 to 2027, over 10 years. For these costs, we sometimes look out 30
years, and that number would grow even greater. We have saved trillions
of dollars as a result of the Affordable Care Act, and CBO shows it.
Thank you very much. I yield the floor.
[[Page S1023]]
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Young). The Senator from Michigan.
Ms. STABENOW. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
The decisions made by the next Secretary of Health and Human Services
will affect all of us, and that is why we are here. That is why we have
spent so much time and will continue to talk about the issues. This is
not personal with the individual, this is about everyone in our country
and how they are impacted by the ideas and the policies of this
individual as well as the person who has nominated him.
This particular individual has a very clear record as to what he
believes should happen as it relates to Medicare and Medicaid, and our
entire health care system. More than 100 million people rely on
programs like Medicare--seniors, people with disabilities on Medicare.
With Medicaid, the majority of money spent through the Medicaid health
care system goes to seniors in nursing homes. That is where the
majority of dollars go, long-term care for seniors. So Congressman
Price's ideas, his proposals, the things he has pushed in the House
matter because they show us what he believes should happen to Medicaid
and to Medicare.
We need to make sure the next Health and Human Services Secretary
will fight for the health care of families in Michigan--at least I need
to be sure. That is where my vote goes, based on what is best for
families in Michigan. That is what is best for our communities, rural
communities, where the hospital, like where I grew up in Clare, was the
largest employer in the community, greatly affected and impacted by
what happens to Medicare and Medicaid funding. If the hospital is not
there, chances are the doctors aren't there either or the nurses. Our
larger communities are where, obviously, our hospitals are critically
important as well.
So when we look at communities and hospitals and doctors, families,
children, seniors, and the broad economy--and, by the way, one-sixth of
the whole economy in our country is connected to health care. So who is
in charge as Secretary of Health and Human Services is a big deal. That
is why we have focused so much on this individual, his policies, his
ideas, and his own background as well.
As we have gone through the confirmation process, it is clear to me
that Congressman Price's policies do not--do not--have the best
interests of the people I represent in Michigan at heart, which is why
I will be voting no on his confirmation.
I have heard from thousands of people around Michigan. I have heard
from people who like our hospitals and live in the community, and
businesspeople and nurses and doctors with great concerns. I have also
heard from people around the country and have helped to lead a forum
for people to come and speak, people who were not invited into the
actual hearing for the confirmation hearing. I thought it was
important, as did my Democratic colleagues, to have a forum where
people could speak about the ideas, the bills, the policies that
Congressman Price has passed in the House of Representatives.
So we heard a lot of stories and, overwhelmingly, people were opposed
to this nominee.
One of the people who shared her story was from Michigan. I was very
appreciative that she came in from Michigan. Ann was diagnosed with
multiple sclerosis when she was 4 years old. It resulted in functional
quadriplegia. She has limited use of her right arm and no use of her
left arm. She was fortunate to have strong employee benefits and to be
covered until she went on Medicare at 65. By the way, this nominee
thinks the age should go up--66 or 67, I am not sure how far. But Ann
made it to 65 and, like so many people I know, was holding her breath
to get there so she could have comprehensive quality health care that
she paid into her whole life called Medicare.
Over the course of the last few decades, the price of her
prescription drugs have skyrocketed and would cost her tens of
thousands of dollars a year without Medicare and Medicaid. For her, the
decision about our Health and Human Services Secretary makes an
enormous impact on her life.
She told us: Without Medicare and Medicaid, things would have been
very different for my family. I don't know how I could have cared for
my mom on top of managing my own care. My family would have lost our
home, all of our savings, trying to keep up with the bills. So many
families are squeezed like ours, having to afford care for their aging
parents and their own care, or childcare at the same time. But with
support, we don't have to suffer to just be alive.
If these programs are cut, if we see the kinds of proposals on
Medicare and Medicaid that Congressman Price has put forward in the
House, in the Budget Committee, people will face more catastrophes than
ever before.
Our new President campaigned on a promise not to cut Medicare and
Medicaid. He said himself: ``I am not going to cut Social Security like
every other Republican, and I am not going to cut Medicare and
Medicaid.'' But it doesn't square with the person he has nominated for
this critical position, who will be making administrative decisions as
well as leading his efforts on health care. So actions speak louder
than words, at least that is what we say in Michigan.
Just this fall, Congressman Price said he expects Medicare to be
overhauled--overhauled within the first 6 to 8 months of Trump's
administration. He also believes the age of eligibility needs to
increase--his words--and that ``the better solution is premium
support.'' What does that mean? That is another word for voucher. Some
people say privatization. But basically instead of having an insurance
card and a health care system where you can go to the doctor and know
that you are covered with insurance, you get some kind of a voucher or
an amount of money, and then you would be able to go find your own
insurance, I guess, or figure out a way to pay for your insurance.
Before Medicare, seniors were trying to figure that out and couldn't
find affordable insurance in the private market, which is why, in 1965,
Medicare was created. There is no way in the world I will support going
backward to that kind of approach.
As chair of the Budget Committee, Congressman Price proposed a budget
that would have cut Medicare by nearly $500 million, not counting what
he wants to do with Medicaid, the majority of which goes to fund senior
citizens in nursing homes.
We need to have a Secretary who supports making it easier and more
affordable for people to get care, not less.
Let's talk about health care for a moment in the broader sense. We
know more and more people--some 30 million people--would be affected,
their health insurance ripped away, if the repeal is passed that has
begun--the process has begun by Republicans in the House and in the
Senate. The Affordable Care Act has provided health care and the
opportunity for people to get care for children to be able to see a
doctor. There are parts of the country where we need more competition,
where prices are too high. I want very much to work on that. I am
committed to working to make that system better, and we can do that
without ripping the entire system apart.
There is also another part of the Affordable Care Act that affects
every single person with insurance--things that I know have made a
tremendous difference to anybody with employer-based insurance; first
of all, being allowed to have your child on your insurance until age
26; secondly, knowing that if you get sick, you can't get dropped by
your insurance company, and if you have a chronic disease, something
has happened to your health, you can't be blocked from getting
insurance; and we also know things like making sure you can get all the
cancer treatments your doctor says you need, not just those up to the
cap that the insurance company will pay for. I had pediatric cancer
physicians tell me they have been able to save children's lives who
have cancer because there was no longer a cap on the amount of care.
Mental health and substance abuse services, where if they were
covered at all before the Affordable Care Act, it always cost more
money: higher copays, higher premiums. Now you can't do that. You have
to have the same kinds of copays and the same kinds of premiums.
So many patient protections have basically said to insurance
companies: You don't get, just based on profits, to decide what is
going to happen; that when you buy insurance, you actually
[[Page S1024]]
get health care. And that is something true for everyone today.
So we have a Secretary nominee who supports doing away with all that,
changing all that, who is not someone who is interested in having a
basic set of services identified in health care, like maternity care. I
talked with him, questioned him in the Finance Committee. This is an
area I had championed when we passed the Affordable Care Act to make
sure that basic services for women were viewed as basic services in
health care, and it starts with prenatal care and maternity care. Prior
to the Affordable Care Act, it was very hard to find private insurance
that covered maternity care, unless you wanted to pay for--some 70
percent of the plans out in the private market require women to pay
more. So I asked Congressman Price, did he believe maternity care was a
basic service and should be covered under basic insurance. He said:
Well, women can purchase that if they need it, which is exactly what
happened before--which is, no, it is not basic care, but you can
purchase it on top of your regular premium, if you need maternity care.
So right now the law says you can't discriminate and charge women
more than men, and in fact being a woman is no longer a preexisting
condition.
But the person whom the President has nominated for Health and Human
Services would take us back there, and he would take us back there on a
whole range of areas that create access for people to be able to have
the care they need.
Here is an example from a doctor in west Michigan who wrote me
regarding just basic medical care for someone in need. He said:
In December, a young man arrived in our emergency room with
a badly mangled hand from a machining accident. He knew the
hand was seriously injured and was willing to allow his
coworker to bring him into the hospital so that it could be
stitched up. When our physician studied the wound, they knew
he needed surgery to repair the bone and blood vessel damage.
The patient refused, thinking the only thing he could
possibly afford was stitches.
They then connected this man with a financial services specialist who
took a few minutes to find out that he was eligible for Medicaid,
working; now, because of the expansion, able to receive health care
under Medicaid. He was then able to get the surgery he needed.
Beaumont physicians said that if the surgery hadn't happened, the man
could have had an open wound for an indefinite amount of time, been
prone to infection, and possibly lost his hand entirely, making him
unable to ever work at his job or maybe any job again.
Expanding Medicaid health care to working people is a good idea, and
millions of people have been impacted and have been able to get the
care they need for themselves and for their children.
Access to health care saved this man's arm and possibly his life, and
that is really what is at stake here, both with this nominee and the
larger debate on where we are going to go in our great country on the
whole issue of health care.
We all know that the advice of the Secretary of Health and Human
Services will be a strong influence on the President's decision to
promote, to sign, to veto legislation. We know he has the ability
administratively to do a number of things--to cut off care, to cut off
access to women's health care, to change the system that we have now,
to destabilize it so that the Affordable Care Act will not work. I am
extremely concerned that because of Congressman Price's record and his
actual proposals and decisions and votes, he will be willing to
actually do that. Whether it is cutting Medicare or Medicaid or
removing some of the critical policies that keep people healthy and
care affordable, I am deeply concerned about the decisions this nominee
will make and the recommendations he will make to the President of the
United States.
Again, we don't have to speculate about this. He has put these plans
on paper. He has supported them. He has passed them. It is very clear.
We don't have to guess where he wants to go: to dismantle Medicare as
we know it, to gut Medicaid, most of which goes for seniors in nursing
homes, and to unravel the entire health care system and the patient
protections that every American who has insurance has right now that
allow them to get the health care they are actually paying for.
I need to raise one other thing because this is very serious and goes
to serious issues surrounding conflicts of interest and likely ethics
violations that relate to this nominee.
There are a lot of unanswered questions and serious concerns related
to Congressman Price's investments in health care and pharmaceutical
companies. Frankly, he misled the Finance and the HELP Committees with
answers to questions, and just the night before he was to have a
confirmation hearing and vote, we learned from company officials that
he got a privileged offer to buy stock at a discount. In other words,
he got a special deal on health care stock. He told us he had not; they
had paid fair market value, even though it was already an issue that he
had purchased stock and then put legislation in related to similar
companies or the same companies involved. But then we found out it was
even worse because he got a special deal.
As Democrats, we asked for answers. We did not want to move forward
without asking the Congressman to come back before us so we could ask
questions about what he had said to the committee versus what the
business that sold him the stock said afterwards. Unfortunately, that
did not happen, requiring the Finance Committee to be in a situation
where the rules ended up being broken and the nomination was forced
through the committee without having bipartisan participation.
I have a number of concerns related to the ethics and possible legal
violations of this nominee. On multiple occasions, he did purchase
stock within days of introducing legislation that would have affected
that company's bottom line and his investment. Despite multiple
requests over several weeks, we still don't have the answers and, more
importantly, the American people don't have the answers from the person
who will oversee health insurance, oversee Medicare, Medicaid--the
entire system. Someone who has invested and then helped the same
companies indicated he didn't get a special deal, and now we have
information that says otherwise. I think that is very concerning and
should have been addressed before we were asked to vote on this
particular nominee.
There are a number of reasons--policy, track record, questions that
have been raised that I find extraordinary that they haven't been
answered and shocking that folks haven't felt they should be answered
at this point. But for many reasons, it is my intention to vote no on
behalf of the people in Michigan who care deeply about a strong,
effective Medicare system, about making sure Medicaid is there for our
children as well as our seniors and nursing homes, and for everyone who
believes that in this great country, all should have the ability to see
a doctor and get the medical care you need for your child or yourself.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
Mr. FRANKEN. Mr. President, my understanding was that the Democratic
leader wanted to come and speak for 5 minutes between Senator Stabenow
and myself. But he is not here, so I am going to speak.
Before I start my remarks that I have prepared, I want to say
something specifically to the Presiding Officer because he is a new
Senator from Indiana.
I read a front-page article in the New York Times just a few weeks
ago. It featured Indiana University Hospital and the health physicians
there. It was an article about the savings and the delivery reform that
have been driven by the Affordable Care Act, things that will be
staying with us even if this is repealed, which I hope it isn't. But
this is a quote I would like to read for the Presiding Officer from Dr.
Gregory Kira, cochief of primary care, Indiana University Health
Physicians.
I would ask the Presiding Officer for his attention for a second.
This is what it says: `` `I've been a registered Republican my whole
life, but I support the Affordable Care Act,' said Dr. Gregory C.
Kiray, co-chief of primary care for IU Health Physicians, `because it
allows patients to be taken care of.' ''
I admit, I didn't have 49 others for every State, but I had
remembered reading this.
[[Page S1025]]
On February 3, 2009, Tom Daschle, President Obama's nominee for
Secretary of Health and Human Services, withdrew his nomination because
he hadn't paid his taxes on his car service. On January 9, 2001, Linda
Chavez, President George W. Bush's nominee for the Department of Labor,
withdrew her nomination after questions were raised about her decision
to shelter an undocumented immigrant. Most recently, Vincent Viola,
President Trump's nominee to be--
Would the leader like me to yield to him for a few minutes?
Mr. SCHUMER. That would be great.
Mr. FRANKEN. Really?
Mr. SCHUMER. I would appreciate it.
Mr. FRANKEN. Would that be good for me and my career?
Mr. SCHUMER. Your career is so great, you don't need me.
Mr. FRANKEN. Well, I am going to yield to our leader in just a
moment, when he manages to get there, and it will be the esteemed
Senator from New York, Charles Schumer. I will narrate as he is
stepping over there, walking now to the podium--the leader, whom I will
yield to.
Mr. SCHUMER. First, let me thank my colleague from Minnesota.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader.
Mr. SCHUMER. And I meant what I said: He doesn't need any help. He
does it so well on his own. So I will regard this not as a quid pro
quo--although he can get what he wants--but as an act of kindness and
generosity.
Mr. President, I rise this evening to oppose the confirmation of
Representative Tom Price to be Secretary of HHS and urge my colleagues
to vote no on his nomination.
Representative Price might be the quintessence of President Trump's
Cabinet: a creature of Washington, deeply conflicted, and far out of
the mainstream when it comes to his views on health care.
Like other nominees, philosophically he seems completely opposed to
the very purpose of his Department: the good governance of the health
programs that cover tens of millions of Americans.
Candidate Trump promised he would not cut Medicare or Medicaid, but
Congressman Price has spent his entire career trying to cut Medicare
and Medicaid and dismantle the Affordable Care Act. Just listen to
these quotes:
The nominee for Secretary of Health and Human Services has said,
``Nothing has had a greater negative effect on the delivery of health
care than the federal government's intrusion into medicine through
Medicare.'' That one might have come out of the 1890s, if we had had
Medicare then.
He said he expects lawmakers to push forward with an overhaul of
Medicare, ``within the first six to eight months'' of this new
administration. Does that sound like someone who doesn't want to cut
Medicare and Medicaid? It doesn't to me. It doesn't to the American
people. In fact, if you could pick someone who in either House of
Congress was most likely to cut Medicare and Medicaid, you would pick
Congressman Price. It could not be more of a contradiction to what
Candidate Trump promised in the campaign.
So here is what worries me: From what I know of the President, he
will cede great authority to Cabinet officials, content to jump from
one topic to the next, one tweet to the next. I would put much greater
stock in Representative Price's record than anything the President
promised during the campaign, and that is very bad news for seniors and
the American people generally.
For that reason, every American who receives benefits from those
programs--the millions of American seniors, women, families, and people
with disabilities--should be gravely concerned about what the tenure of
a Secretary Tom Price will mean for their health.
Make no mistake, in the dark hours of the early morning, with the
confirmation of Secretary Price, the Republicans launch the first
assault in their war on seniors. The war on seniors begins when we
select Representative Price over our votes as Secretary of Health and
Human Services.
When it comes to the health care of older Americans, confirming
Representative Price to be Secretary of HHS is akin to asking the fox
to guard the henhouse. It has been revealed that in his time in the
House, Representative Price engaged in a number of questionable
practices related to the trading of stocks in issues that his
legislation impacted. There are many instances.
There were reports late last year that Congressman Price had traded
stocks in dozens of health care companies valued at hundreds of
thousands of dollars during a time when he introduced, sponsored, or
cosponsored several pieces of legislation that potentially impacted
those companies. In one instance, Congressman Price bought shares in a
medical device manufacturing company just days before introducing
legislation in the House that would directly benefit that company.
These were far from isolated incidents. Just yesterday, USA Today
reported that Congressman Price ``bought and sold health care company
stocks often enough as a member of Congress to warrant probes by both
federal securities regulators and the House ethics committee.''
These allegations alone might be enough to sink a nominee in another
administration, but it seems this Cabinet is so rife with ethics
challenges and conflicts of interest that Representative Price's
conduct in the House doesn't place him too far outside this unethical
norm. But that should be no excuse. When you are a Congressman or a
Senator, you must endeavor to avoid even the hint of a conflict of
interest, let alone a situation where you are actively trading stocks
that may be impacted.
So this is a sad evening. The war on seniors by the Trump
administration begins when we confirm Representative Price. People will
look back and say that the public war on seniors began at 2 a.m. Friday
morning when the Senate, unfortunately, confirmed Representative Price.
I urge my colleagues to vote no.
I yield the floor and once again thank my colleague.
Mr. FRANKEN. Thank you, Mr. Leader.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
Mr. FRANKEN. Mr. President, I have to start this over fresh. I don't
know if the Congressional Record needs to have this first half
paragraph twice, but so be it.
On February 3, 2009, Tom Daschle, President Obama's nominee for
Secretary of Health and Human Services, withdrew his nomination because
he hadn't paid his taxes on his car service. On January 9, 2001, Linda
Chavez, President George W. Bush's nominee for the Department of Labor,
withdrew her nomination after questions were raised about her decision
to shelter an undocumented immigrant. Most recently, Vincent Viola,
President Trump's nominee to be the Secretary of the Army, withdrew his
nomination after it proved too difficult for him to distance himself
from his business ties.
Congressman Price's conflicted financial investments and his
affiliation with conspiracy-theory-peddling extremists should be enough
to disqualify his nomination. On top of that, Congressman Price's
policy agenda squarely contradicts what the majority of the American
people want and the key promises President Trump made during his
campaign. It is, frankly, hard to believe that we are seriously
considering someone who has advanced policies that would privatize
Medicare, gut Medicaid, and rip coverage away from millions of
Americans.
For all of these reasons, I strongly oppose Congressman Price's
nomination for Secretary of Health and Human Services.
Let's take these issues one by one.
First, Congressman Price's stock trades. Public documents show that
between 1993 and 2012, Congressman Price owned shares in tobacco
companies worth tens of thousands of dollars. At the same time,
Congressman Price voted against landmark legislation in 2009 that gave
the Food and Drug Administration the authority to regulate tobacco and
bring down the death toll inflicted by tobacco products. That means
Congressman Price, a physician who swore to uphold the Hippocratic oath
of ``do no harm,'' voted against public health and for Big Tobacco.
This is the person who is slated to become the next Secretary of Health
and Human Services, someone who personally profited from increased
sales of deadly, addictive products.
[[Page S1026]]
When asked about this during his hearing in the Health, Education,
Labor, and Pensions Committee, Congressman Price's best defense was
that his broker made the stock trades on behalf without his knowledge.
Here is the problem with that defense:
First, Congressman Price annually reported his financial holdings,
signing off on documents acknowledging his investments in tobacco
companies, meaning that he would have knowledge of the fact that his
vote to block tobacco regulation could have a direct financial benefit
to him.
Second, these were not investments in diversified funds; these were
individual stocks that he owned for nearly 20 years and that he
reported paid him dividends. Let me repeat that. Congressman Price,
medical doctor, owned individual tobacco company stocks that paid him
dividends.
Owning tens of thousands of dollars of tobacco stocks while voting to
help tobacco companies was not Congressman Price's only questionable
investment. In late December, the Wall Street Journal reported that
over the past 4 years, Congressman Price has traded stocks worth more
than $300,000 in about 40 health-related companies while at the same
time serving on the House Ways and Means Committee, where he drafted
and cosponsored legislation that could affect his investments.
Let's talk about one example that is particularly troubling.
Congressman Price made his largest ever stock purchase in a company
called Innate Immunotherapeutics, a small biotech company based in
Australia. This is a company that has only one experimental therapy in
the early stages of testing, has never generated revenues from drug
sales. It is not exactly a household name. How did Congressman Price
get in on this sweetheart deal? He was told about Innate by Congressman
Chris Collins, who, in addition to being a Member of the House of
Representatives, serves on the board of directors for Innate
Immunotherapeutics and is the company's largest shareholder.
The Wall Street Journal reported that Congressman Price was part of a
small group of fewer than 20 U.S. investors who participated in the
private stock sale. The New York Times and the Buffalo News reported
that many of those people had close ties to Congressman Collins,
including Collins' chief of staff, a prominent DC lobbyist, and several
of Congressman Collins' campaign contributors.
On August 31, Congressman Price reported that as part of this special
private stock sale, he bought about 400,000 shares of Innate stock for
as little as 18 cents a share. That same day, the stock was trading on
the Australian Stock Exchange for the equivalent of 31 cents per share.
That is a 42-percent difference--42 percent below the market price--and
Congressman Price now stands to make a profit of more than $200,000.
That is quite a stock tip.
Richard Painter, George W. Bush's chief ethics lawyer, describes
Price's stock trades as ``crazy. . . . We wouldn't have put up with
anybody in the Bush administration buying and selling health care
stocks.'' Painter went on to explain that ``if you, as a member of
Congress, buy and sell health care stocks at the same time you are
possessing non-public information about that legislation, you are
taking the risk of being charged with criminal insider trading.''
Let me repeat that. Mr. Painter, who was George W. Bush's chief
ethics official, suggested that Mr. Price's actions risk a criminal
insider trading charge.
Congressman Price could have directed his broker to stay away from
tobacco stocks. He could have directed his broker to stay away from
health care stocks or individual stocks altogether given that health
care was one of his legislative priorities. But he did not. Why would
Congressman Price take this risk?
My colleagues and I have sent Congressman Price a number of letters
asking for more information about his stock trades and investments. If
this is all aboveboard, then Congressman Price should have nothing to
hide. I also submitted questions for the record as a member of the HELP
Committee. In response to all of these questions, I have received
nothing. It makes no sense that his nomination has been brought to the
floor despite his refusal to respond to committee questions.
Congressman Price has demonstrated a lack of judgment with his stock
trades and now is stonewalling the committee, refusing to answer our
inquiries, but Congressman Price's questionable stock trades aren't the
only area raising red flags.
My second set of concerns stems from Congressman Price's longstanding
association with conspiracy-peddling, anti-science extremists. For more
than 25 years, Congressman Price has been a dues-paying member of the
Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. He has spoken at the
organization's conferences and even described the organization's
executive director as one of his personal heroes. This organization is
way out of the mainstream. It promotes anti-vaccine pseudoscience and
denies the scientific fact that HIV causes AIDS. It is an organization
that blames ``swarms'' of immigrant children for disease and has
published scientifically discredited theories linking abortion to
breast cancer. At one point, it even accused President Barack Obama of
hypnotizing voters with ``neuro-linguistic programming.''
Let me repeat that. It accused President Barack Obama of hypnotizing
voters with ``neuro-linguistic programming.''
That is not all. The statement of principles for the Association of
American Physicians and Surgeons has an entire section devoted to
urging doctors to refuse to participate in Medicare, in which it says
the effect of such government-run programs is ``evil, and participation
in carrying out his provisions is, in our opinion, immoral.''
Congressman Price--the person poised to become the next Secretary of
Health and Human Services, the person responsible for leading
Medicare--has been an active, engaged member of this organization for
25 years.
Just in case you don't think he has bought into these ideas, let me
read you what Congressman Price wrote in 2009 in an op-ed: ``I can
attest that nothing has had a greater negative effect on the delivery
of health care than the federal government's intrusion into medicine
through Medicare.''
Since Congressman Price will not answer my questions, I will pose
this to one of my Republican colleagues: How are the American people
supposed to trust Congressman Price as Secretary of Health and Human
Services given that he has belonged to an organization for over 25
years that has such blatant disregard for science and a propensity for
putting partisanship and ideology above evidence?
Lastly and most importantly, the policy reforms that Congressman
Price has put forward are so extreme that they should be disqualifying
in and of themselves. As an editorial recently published in the New
England Journal of Medicine stated, ``As compared with his
predecessors' actions, Price's record demonstrates less concern for the
sick, the poor, and the health of the public and much greater concern
for the economic well-being of their physician caregivers.'' That is
from the New England Journal of Medicine.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have the article printed in
the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the New England Journal of Medicine; Jan. 12, 2017]
Care for the Vulnerable vs. Cash for the Powerful--Trump's Pick for HHS
(By Sherry A. Glied, Ph.D. and Richard G. Frank, Ph.D)
Representative Tom Price of Georgia, an orthopedic surgeon,
will be President-elect Donald Trump's nominee for secretary
of health and human services (HHS). In the 63-year history of
the HHS Department and its predecessor, the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare, only two previous secretaries
have been physicians. Otis Bowen, President Ronald Reagan's
second HHS secretary, engineered the first major expansion of
Medicare, championed comparative effectiveness research and,
with Surgeon General C. Everett Koop, led the fight against
HIV-AIDS. Louis Sullivan, HHS secretary under President
George H.W. Bush, focused his attention on care for
vulnerable populations, campaigned against tobacco use, led
the development of federally sponsored clinical guidelines,
and introduced President Bush's health insurance plan, which
incorporated income-related tax credits and a system of risk
adjustment. In their work at HMS, both men, serving in
Republican administrations, drew on a long tradition of
physicians as advocates for the most vulnerable, defenders of
[[Page S1027]]
public health, and enthusiastic proponents of scientific
approaches to clinical care.
Tom Price represents a different tradition. Ostensibly, he
emphasizes the importance of making our health care system
``more responsive and affordable to meet the needs of
America's patients and those who care for them. But as
compared with his predecessors' actions, Price's record
demonstrates less concern for the sick, the poor, and the
health of the public and much greater concern for the
economic wellbeing of their physician caregivers.
Price has sponsored legislation that supports making armor-
piercing bullets more accessible and opposing regulations on
cigars, and he has voted against regulating tobacco as a
drug. His voting record shows long-standing opposition to
policies aimed at improving access to care for the most
vulnerable Americans. In 2007-2008, during the presidency of
George W. Bush, he was one of only 47 representatives to
vote against the Domenici Wellstone Mental Health Parity
and Addiction Equity Act, which improved coverage for
mental health care in private insurance plans. He also
voted against funding for combating AIDS, malaria, and
tuberculosis; against expansion of the State Children's
Health Insurance Program; and in favor of allowing
hospitals to turn away Medicaid and Medicare patients
seeking nonemergency care if they could not afford
copayments.
Price favors converting Medicare to a premium-support
system and changing the structure of Medicaid to a block
grant--policy options that shift financial risk from the
federal government to vulnerable populations. He also opposed
reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act and has
voted against legislation prohibiting job discrimination
against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people
and against enforcement of laws against anti-LGBT hate
crimes. He favors amending the Constitution to outlaw same-
sex marriage.
In addition, he has been inconsistent in supporting
investments in biomedical science. He opposes stem-cell
research and voted against expanding the National Institutes
of Health budget and against the recently enacted 21st
Century Cures Act, showing particular animus toward the
Cancer Moonshot.
Price has also been a vociferous opponent of the Affordable
Care Act (ACA) and a leader of the repeal-and-replace
movement. His proposal for replacing the ACA is H.R. 2300,
the Empowering Patients First Act, which would eliminate the
ACA's Medicaid expansion and replace its subsidies with flat
tax credits based on age, not income ($1,200 per year for
someone 18 to 35 years of age; $3,000 for someone 50 or
older, with an additional one-time credit of $1,000 toward a
health savings account). Price's plan is regressive: it
offers much greater subsidies relative to income for
purchasers with high incomes and much more meager subsidies
for those with low incomes. In today's market, these credits
would pay only about one third of the premium of a low-cost
plan, leaving a 30-year-old with a premium bill for $2,532,
and a 60-year-old with a bill for $5,916--along with a
potential out-of-pocket liability of as much as $7,000. By
contrast, subsidies under the ACA are based on income and the
price of health insurance. Today, a low-income person (with
an income of 200% of the federal poverty level) pays, on
average, a premium of $1,528 per year (regardless of age) for
a plan with an out-of-pocket maximum of $2,350, and that
payment does not change even if health insurance premiums
rise.
To put the plan's subsidies into perspective, consider that
in 1992, when per capita health expenditures were just one
third of what they are today, President Bush and HHS
Secretary Sullivan proposed a slightly larger individual tax
credit ($1,250) for the purchase of insurance than Price
proposes today. Even in 1992, analysts reported that the
credit would be insufficient to induce most people to buy
coverage.
The Price plan would eliminate the guaranteed-issue and
community-rating requirements in the ACA and create anemic
substitutes for these commitments to access to comprehensive
coverage for Americans with preexisting conditions. These
replacements include an extension to the nongroup market of
the continuous-coverage rules that have long existed in the
group market with little benefit; penalties on reentering the
market for anyone who has had a break in coverage; and a very
limited offer of funding for states to establish high-risk
pools. In combination with relatively small tax credits,
these provisions are likely to lead low-income and even
middle-class healthy people to forgo seeking coverage until a
serious health problem develops. Without the income- and
premium-based subsidies in the ACA acting as market
stabilizers, Price's provisions would erode the non-group
health insurance market.
Price's plan would withdraw almost all the ACA's federal
consumer-protection regulations, including limits on insurer
profits and requirements that plans cover essential health
benefits. By allowing the sale of health insurance across
state lines, the plan would also effectively eliminate all
state regulation of health insurance plans, encouraging a
race to the bottom among insurance carriers. Finally, Price
would fund his plan by capping the tax exclusion for
employer-sponsored health insurance at $8,000 per individual
or $20,000 per family. These caps are well below those
legislated through the Cadillac tax in the ACA, a provision
that Price himself has voted to repeal.
In sum, Price's replacement proposal would make it much
more difficult for low-income Americans to afford health
insurance. It would divert federal tax dollars to people who
can already buy individual coverage without subsidies and
substantially reduce protections for those with preexisting
conditions. The end result would be a shaky market dominated
by health plans that offer limited coverage and high cost
sharing.
Whereas Price's actions to date have not reflected the
tradition of the physician as advocate for the poor and
vulnerable, they do harken back to an earlier tradition in
American medicine: the physician advocate as protector of the
guild. His Empowering Patients First Act would directly
advance physicians' economic interests by permitting them to
bill Medicare patients for amounts above those covered by the
Medicare fee schedule and allowing them to join together and
negotiate with insurance carriers without violating antitrust
statutes. Both these provisions would increase physicians'
incomes at the expense of patients. Price has consistently
fought strategies for value-based purchasing and guideline
development, opposing the use of bundled payments for lower-
extremity joint replacements and proposing that physician
specialty societies hold veto power over the release of
comparative effectiveness findings. These positions reduce
regulatory burdens on physicians at the cost of increased
inefficiency and reduced quality of care--and reflect a
striking departure from the ethos of his physician
predecessors, Secretaries Bowen and Sullivan.
The HHS Department oversees a broad set of health programs
that touch about half of all Americans. Over five decades and
the administrations of nine presidents, both Democratic and
Republican secretaries have used these programs to protect
the most vulnerable Americans. The proposed nomination of Tom
Price to HHS highlights a sharp contrast between this
tradition of compassionate leadership and the priorities of
the incoming administration.
Mr. FRANKEN. This article cites his votes against mental health
parity--think about what that means in terms of treatment during this
opioid crisis--against funding for AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis,
against the expansion of the State Children's Health Insurance Program,
against tobacco regulation, against the reauthorization of the Violence
Against Women Act, and more.
Price has also been a champion of efforts to repeal the Affordable
Care Act. The Congressional Budget Office recently estimated that if
the ACA is repealed, nearly 20 million Americans will lose their health
care coverage immediately, with the number growing to 32 million over
the next 10 years, and 300,000 of those individuals live in my State of
Minnesota. Let me tell you about at least two of them.
Leanna has a 3-year-old son named Henry. Henry has been diagnosed
with acute lymphoblastic leukemia, and his treatment will last at least
until April of 2018. Henry often needs around-the-clock care to manage
his nausea, vomiting, pain, and sleepless nights. This is a 3-year-old
boy. Henry's immune system is so compromised that he is not supposed to
go to daycare. So Leanna left her job to take care of him. Leanna's
family is supported by her spouse, but they couldn't pay for Henry's
treatment on one salary. Leanna says:
It is because of the ACA that Henry gets proper health
care. Henry can get therapy and the things he needs to
maintain his health and work toward beating cancer. Henry is
still with us because of the ACA.
Let me say that again: ``Henry is still with us because of the ACA.''
I have asked Republicans repeatedly to show me the plan they have to
make sure Leanna and her son Henry and the hundreds of thousands of
Minnesotans who have gained coverage don't lose the care they need. I
have yet to see their plan. What I have seen Congressman Price advocate
for so far is pretty awful. His proposals would strip away coverage for
people with preexisting conditions, strip away preventive health
benefits, strip away protections from annual and lifetime limits, strip
away coverage for young adults. Moreover, Congressman Price views
Medicaid and Medicare as government expenditures to be cut, rather than
lifelines to millions of seniors, disabled populations, children and
families. As chairman of the House Budget Committee, Congressman Price
introduced proposals to cut funding for Medicaid by more than $2
trillion.
In my State, Medicaid provides health insurance to 14 percent of the
residents. That includes two out of five low-income individuals, one in
four children, one in two people with disabilities, and one in two
nursing home residents. Think about that. One in two
[[Page S1028]]
people in nursing homes are covered by Medicaid in my State.
What is going to happen to these people--our parents, our children,
our spouses, our families--if Congressman Price and his colleagues
succeed in slashing Medicaid's budget? I can guarantee you, it will not
be kind and it will not be just and Americans are going to lose out.
Congressman Price's assault on our health care system doesn't end
there. He wants to slash Medicare's budget by hundreds of billions of
dollars, undermining our basic guarantee of coverage to our Nation's
seniors, and no wonder. Let me remind you, this is the same person who
wrote: ``I can attest that nothing has had a greater negative effect on
the delivery of health care than the Federal government's intrusion
into medicine through Medicare.''
Do we really want the person who wrote this to be running Medicare?
Price's determination to gut Medicaid and Medicare is directly opposed
by the vast majority of Americans and in direct opposition to President
Trump's campaign promise never to cut Medicaid or Medicare.
When Tom Daschle withdrew from consideration for HHS Secretary, he
talked about the challenges of health care reform and said:
This work will require a leader who can operate with the
full faith of Congress and the American people, and without
distraction. Right now, I am not that leader, and will not be
a distraction.
So I say to Congressman Price, you do not have the full faith of the
Congress, and you do not have the full faith of the American people.
You are not the leader this country needs, and you should not be a
distraction. Since you have not withdrawn your nomination, I urge my
colleagues to do the right thing and oppose this controversial
nomination.
I yield the floor to my colleague from Hawaii.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, I rise to address the deep anxiety in
Hawaii and across the country about President Trump's choice to lead
the Department of Health and Human Services, HHS, Congressman Tom
Price.
I am particularly concerned about this nominee because of the mixed
messages President Trump has been sending about health care. During the
campaign, President Trump promised to protect Medicare and Medicaid.
Yet he has nominated Congressman Price to head HHS. Congressman Price
has led the effort to privatize Medicare and dismantle Medicaid in the
U.S. House. This is hardly someone who would protect Medicare and
Medicaid.
Shortly before taking the oath of office, President Trump said he
supported the concept of universal coverage. He said:
We are going to have insurance for everybody. They can
expect to have great health care.
Yet he nominated Congressman Price, who has spent the past 6 years
trying to end universal health care coverage by repealing the
Affordable Care Act.
President Trump says a lot of things. He tweets his thoughts daily,
but at this point, instead of listening to what President Trump says,
we should pay attention to what he does. By nominating Congressman
Price, the President demonstrated he does not intend to protect access
to quality, affordable health care for all Americans--not by protecting
Medicare and Medicaid, not by protecting health insurance fraud.
President Trump's health care agenda would have far-reaching, negative,
painful consequences for tens of thousands of people in Hawaii and
millions all across the country. Maybe President Trump should tweet
less and listen more.
Over the past few months, I have heard from thousands of Hawaii
residents concerned that they will no longer be able to afford health
care if President Trump succeeds in repealing the Affordable Care Act
and privatizing Medicare. I would like to read a few of the messages I
have received.
Catherine from Honolulu wrote:
I am writing to you to express serious concern over the
repealing of ACA and other health insurance changes. As a
working (teacher) and single parent of two young children I
am very afraid for our future. I am afraid my insurance will
not cover my psoriatic arthritis if I change jobs, they
change companies, or for some reason I should lose my job or
coverage. My medicine without insurance would cost more than
my mortgage payment, and would thus be cost prohibitive.
If I don't have my medication I would be in so much pain. I
would be unable to work and would therefore lose my insurance
which would mean I would never be able to get coverage
because of a preexisting condition. I am certain there are
many other people out there with similar stories.
Please do everything you can to make sure this scenario
doesn't happen to us. If there is anything I can do, please
don't hesitate to let me know. I just don't know who else to
turn to.
Next, I would like to share a note I received from Julie from
Papaaloa on the Big Island.
My husband and I are on Medicare, together with a
supplemental plan. We are totally dependent on Social
Security for our income and Medicare for our health plan.
Many millions of seniors are in the same situation as we are.
Please continue to fight for us as this abominable horror of
an administration goes forward. I shudder to think what would
happen if these programs are repealed or privatized.
Finally, I would like to share a heartbreaking story from Desi from
Mililani on Oahu. Desi is an extremely hard-working, self-employed
teacher and the single mother of two daughters. Her youngest daughter
has Down syndrome, autism, and is hearing impaired. Desi is self-
employed because she needs the flexibility to work and care for her
daughter. This year, as a sole proprietor over the age of 55, Desi's
premiums for her HMO plan rose to over $680 per month for 2016.
In a letter she wrote to me, Desi said:
Paying this high monthly premium was no longer possible and
was jeopardizing our family's ability to pay our mortgage,
food, and other essentials alone.
Desi successfully found a cheaper plan in the ACA marketplace for
2017. In her letter she went on to say:
If the ACA is successfully repealed, we will no longer be
able to afford medical coverage! Families like ours are the
reasons why it is so important to defend the Affordable Care
Act.
These letters and stories demonstrate what is at stake for our
200,000 seniors on Medicare in Hawaii and millions more across the
country. That is why I will continue to fight tooth and nail to prevent
any cuts that would jeopardize our crucial social safety net progress.
The fight has already begun. Last month, Republicans in Congress
pushed through a partisan budget resolution that would give them the
tools they need to repeal the Affordable Care Act. This assault on the
Affordable Care Act is also an assault on Medicare and Medicaid because
the ACA strengthened Medicare and Medicaid through, for example,
closing the prescription doughnut hole and providing free preventive
checkups for seniors. This is why I joined with my colleague from
Indiana, Senator Donnelly, to introduce an amendment that would block
congressional Republicans from privatizing Medicare or increasing
eligibility standards for Medicare. It would also prevent changes that
reduce funding for Medicaid.
During the debate on our amendment, one of our Republican colleagues,
in his opposition to the amendment, basically made our point for us. He
said something to the effect of, a vote in favor of our amendment to
protect Medicare and Medicaid is a vote against repealing the
Affordable Care Act. Exactly. In the end, it was a close vote on our
amendment. While the amendment lost, I was encouraged that two of our
Republican colleagues, Senator Heller of Nevada and Senator Collins of
Maine, voted in favor of the amendment.
In the coming weeks and months, there will be other battles to
protect Medicare and Medicaid. It is going to be a daunting fight, but
I am not going to shy away from it. I am going to do whatever I can,
whenever I can to protect the Affordable Care Act, Medicare, and
Medicaid. In this fight, I strongly urge my colleagues to vote no on
Tom Price's nomination to serve as Secretary of Health and Human
Services. Tom Price is not the champion that millions of people in our
country are counting on to protect their health and welfare.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
[[Page S1029]]
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.