[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 8 (Thursday, January 12, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S299-S307]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR AN EXCEPTION TO A LIMITATION AGAINST APPOINTMENT OF
PERSONS AS SECRETARY OF DEFENSE WITHIN SEVEN YEARS OF RELIEF FROM
ACTIVE DUTY AS A REGULAR COMMISSIONED OFFICER OF THE ARMED FORCES
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report the bill by
title.
The senior assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
A bill (S. 84) to provide for an exception to a limitation
against appointment of persons as Secretary of Defense within
seven years of relief from active duty as a regular
commissioned officer of the Armed Forces.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the provisions of Public Law
114-254, there will now be up to 10 hours of debate, equally divided
between the two leaders or their designees.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, we are on the Mattis waiver.
Anyone who would like to debate, please come over.
In the meantime, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sasse). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be
permitted to speak as in morning business for 15 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Nomination of Jeff Sessions
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, the Senate is holding hearings on each
of President-Elect Trump's nominees to his Cabinet. Traditionally,
Presidents are accorded a very high level of deference on assembling
their own team, in part because these nominees are directly accountable
to the President. But they are accountable to the American people too.
No Cabinet member is more powerful or has more impact on the day-to-
day lives of Americans than the Attorney General of the United States.
The Attorney General is, indeed, a general, in command of an army of
thousands of lawyers whose words carry enormous weight and power. It is
the weight and power of the people of the United States. He speaks for
us. He charges defendants in our name. He has sweeping authority to
bring criminal charges in all Federal offenses, enormous unreviewable
discretion in cases ranging from minor misdemeanors to the most serious
felonies. In every sense, as capital penalties can be sought for some
of these crimes, he wields the power of life and death.
The Attorney General's authority is not only sweeping, it is uniquely
independent of the President's Cabinet. His decisions must supersede
partisan politics. In most cases, there is no recourse to overrule his
decisions unless there is political interference. He is not just
another government lawyer or even just another member of the
President's Cabinet. He is the Nation's lawyer, and he must be the
Nation's legal counsel and conscience.
The job of U.S. Attorney General at stake here is one that I know
pretty well. Like some of my colleagues in this body, I served as U.S.
attorney, the chief Federal prosecutor in Connecticut.
I reported to the U.S. Attorney General. For years afterward as a
private litigator and then as attorney general of the State of
Connecticut for 20 years, I fought alongside and sometimes against the
U.S. Attorney General and the legal forces at his disposal. I have seen
his power, or hers, firsthand. The power of this Attorney General is
awesome, as is that of any Attorney General.
In the best of cases, they are inspiring too. Even as he protects the
public from vicious and violent criminal offenders, his role is also to
protect the innocent from unfounded charges that could shatter their
lives even if they are acquitted. As Justice Robert Jackson, a former
Attorney General himself, once said: His job is not to convict, but to
assure justice is done.
So this job requires a singular level of intellect and integrity and
nonpartisan but passionate devotion to the rule of law and an
extraordinary sense of conscience. That is because he is responsible
for so much more than prosecuting and preventing crime and ensuring
public safety. He is responsible for aggressively upholding our
Nation's sacred constitutional commitment to protecting individual
rights and liberties and preventing infringement on them, even by the
government itself, maybe especially by the government.
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This responsibility for safeguarding equal justice under the law is
particularly important today, at a time when those civil rights and
freedoms are so much in peril. This historic moment demands a person
whose life work, professional career, and record shows that he will
make the guarantee under our Constitution of equal justice under law a
core mandate of his tenure.
Having reviewed the full record and recent testimony, regrettably and
respectfully, I cannot support the President-elect's nominee, our
colleague and friend Jeff Sessions, for this job.
At his confirmation hearing, Senator Sessions simply said he would
follow the law and he would obey it, but the Attorney General of the
United States must be more than a follower. He must be a leader in
protecting the essential constitutional rights and liberties. He must
be a champion, a zealous advocate. He must actively pursue justice, not
just passively follow or obey the law.
Senator Sessions' record reflects a hostility and antipathy--in fact,
downright opposition--to civil rights and voting rights, women's health
care and privacy rights, antidiscrimination measures, and religious
freedom safeguards. He has prided himself on his vociferous opposition
to immigration reform legislation, a measure that passed this body with
68 bipartisan votes, and a criminal justice reform bill that has
attracted a group of 25 cosponsors, Democrats and Republicans. He even
split with the majority of his own party to vote against reauthorizing
the Violence Against Women Act. He opposed hate crime prohibitions.
Senator Sessions' views and positions on these issues and others, which
are critical to protecting and championing rights and liberties under
our Constitution, are simply out of the mainstream. There is nothing in
Senator Sessions' record, including his testimony before the Judiciary
Committee this week, that indicates he will be the constitutional
champion the Nation needs at this point in its history.
Equally important, the Attorney General must speak truth to power. He
must be ready, willing, and able to say no to the President of the
United States and ensure that the President is never above the law.
Senator Sessions' record and testimony give me no confidence that he
will fulfill this core task.
When I asked him about enforcement of cases against illegal conflicts
of interest involving the President and his family, such as violations
of the emoluments clause or the STOCK Act, he equivocated. When I asked
him about appointing a special counsel to investigate criminal
wrongdoing at Deutsche Bank, owed more than $300 million by Donald
Trump, he equivocated. When I asked him about abstaining from voting on
other Presidential nominees while he is in the Senate, he equivocated.
Those answers give me no confidence that he will be the independent,
nonpolitical law enforcer against conflicts of interest and official
self-enrichment that the Nation needs now more than ever--at a moment
when the incoming administration faces ethical and legal controversies
that are unprecedented in scope and scale.
Senator Sessions' record over many years and his recent testimony
fail to demonstrate the core commitments and convictions necessary in
our next Attorney General.
Back in 1986, the Senate Judiciary Committee rejected Senator
Sessions' nomination to a Federal judgeship due to remarks he made and
actions he took in a position of public trust as U.S. attorney in
Alabama. However, my position on his nomination is primarily based on
his record since those hearings and less on what was considered at that
time.
On voting rights, Senator Sessions has often condoned barriers to
Americans exercising their franchise. He has been a leading opponent of
provisions in the Voting Rights Act designed to ensure that African
Americans can vote in places, such as his home State of Alabama, which
have a unique history of racial segregation. He has advocated for
needlessly restrictive and draconian voter ID laws, citing utterly
debunked threats of rampant voter fraud as an excuse for curtailing the
real and legitimate rights of entire groups of voters.
On privacy--very important--Senator Sessions has passionately opposed
this longstanding American right, which is enshrined in five decades of
Supreme Court precedent. It protects women's health care and personal
decisions involving reproductive rights. At a time when these rights
are facing an unprecedented assault, he has continued to condemn Roe v.
Wade and the many court decisions upholding that case.
He is also supported by extremist groups like Operation Rescue that
defend the murder of doctors and the vilification and criminalization
of women. With him as Attorney General, American women would
understandably feel less secure about those rights.
On religious freedom, Senator Sessions has advocated for using a
religious test to determine which immigrants can enter this country.
When this issue arose in committee, Senator Sessions was the only
Senator--the only Senator--to argue forcefully for religious tests and
against principles of religious liberty that have animated our Republic
since its founding. With Senator Sessions as Attorney General, a Trump
administration would enjoy a permanent green light for any racially or
religiously discriminatory immigration policy that might appeal to him.
On citizenship, Senator Sessions has called for abolishing a time-
honored tradition that dates back to reconstruction. Birthright
citizenship is the distinctly American concept that anyone born on our
soil is a citizen of our country. We do not exclude people from
citizenship based on the nationality of their parents or grandparents.
Senator Sessions disagrees, a position that most other Republicans
think is extreme.
With Senator Sessions as Attorney General, the Trump administration
would be encouraged in attempting to deport American citizens--who have
raised families and spent their entire lives here--from the only
country they have ever known.
Senator Sessions declined my invitation at his nomination hearing to
exercise moral and legal leadership and demonstrate his resolve to
serve as the Nation's legal conscience. He refused to reject the
possibility of using information voluntarily provided by DACA
applicants to deport them and their families. As a matter of
fundamental fairness and due process, when a DREAMer has provided
information to our government after being invited to come out of the
shadows, this information should never be used to deport that person.
With Senator Sessions as Attorney General, that sense of legal
conscience would be lacking.
On issues of discrimination and equal protection, Senator Sessions
has publicly opposed marriage equality, claiming it ``weakens
marriage'' and even tried to eliminate protections for LGBT Americans
contained in the Runaway and Homeless Youth and Trafficking Prevention
Act. He has repeatedly voted against steps to enhance enforcement
against hate crimes--violent assaults involving bigotry or bias based
on race, religion, and sexual orientation. He even defended President-
Elect Trump's shocking admission on video of his pattern of engaging in
sexual assault.
Senator Sessions himself has said that public officials can be fairly
judged by assessing who their supporters are. Senator Sessions is
backed by groups with ties to White supremacists.
He has even accepted an award and repeated campaign donations from
groups whose founder openly promotes the goal of maintaining a
``European American majority'' in our society. Neither award, nor many
other important parts of Senator Sessions' record, was reported on the
questionnaire he prepared for the Judiciary Committee.
I gave Senator Sessions an opportunity at the hearing earlier this
week to repudiate these hate groups and racist individuals who have
endorsed his nomination and supported him in the past. In fact, instead
he doubled down, saying that a man who has accused African Americans of
excessive criminality and American Muslims of extensive ties to
terrorism was ``a most brilliant individual.''
So I reach my decision to oppose this nomination with regret because
Jeff Sessions is a colleague and a friend to all of us. Indeed, he and
I have a rapport. I have come to like and respect
[[Page S301]]
him through a number of shared experiences in this building, traveling
abroad, and outside.
We have common causes. He and I both support law enforcement
professionals who serve our communities and the Nation with dedication
and courage. They are never given sufficient thanks and appreciation.
He and I both believe that individual corporate criminal culpability
should be pursued more vigorously. Individual corporate executives
should be held accountable for the wrongdoing of corporations when they
are criminally involved.
This job, this decision, this responsibility is different. Here, my
disagreements stem from bedrock constitutional principles. While I
could envision deferring to Presidential authority and supporting him
for other positions, my objections to his nomination here relate
specifically to this particular, essential, all-powerful job.
At this historic moment, there must be no doubt about the ironclad
commitment of the Attorney General of the United States to the bedrock
principle of equal justice under law, his resolve to be an independent
voice, assuring that the President is never above the law, his
determination to be a champion for all people of America and our
constitutional principles that protect all people, and to be a legal
conscience for the Nation.
Reviewing his record, I cannot assure the people of Connecticut or
the country that Jeff Sessions would be a vigorous champion of these
rights and liberties. Therefore, I stand in opposition to his
nomination.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mrs. GILLIBRAND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the
order for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mrs. GILLIBRAND. Mr. President, I rise to strongly oppose this
legislation concerning a waiver for General Mattis.
I know that all of my colleagues on the Armed Services Committee who
just left the hearing on this very topic with General Mattis and this
entire body take the oversight role of our committee very seriously. We
take civilian control of the military as a fundamental constitutional
principle of the Founding Fathers. Even George Washington put aside his
commission 5 years before he became our Commander in Chief and became
the President of the United States. When Congress in 1947 debated the
National Security Act to create the Department of Defense and create
the Secretary of Defense, they decided to imbue this idea of civilian
control into the Secretary of Defense by law, by mandating that he had
to be separated from the military at least 10 years before taking on
the role of Secretary of Defense, enshrining again this notion that
civilian control is so important to our democracy and our American
values.
On Tuesday, the Armed Services Committee had a very compelling
hearing. We had two experts testify about the reasons for civilian
control and why they are still so important today. The importance of
having a Secretary of Defense who brings a civilian perspective to this
position and brings with him or her a breadth of views and experience--
those views coming from a civilian are very important.
Second, they said it is very important not to politicize our officer
ranks, meaning our senior, top military advisers jockeying for the next
job as a political appointee. That undermines the functioning of the
military, and they testified about countries where it has had such
deleterious effects.
The third reason is concern about bias toward one service or another.
Arguably, if one comes from a particular service, one may have
preferences innately for that branch of service, which could undermine
the strength of our military.
The fourth reason, which is really important in today's world, is the
desire to model civilian control for other countries around the world
that are struggling to become more democratic, less autocratic, and
less militarily run.
Those are the four reasons given as to why civilian control of the
military is so important. Dr. Cohen and Dr. Hicks both agreed--despite
those four reasons--that from their perspective, it should be
abrogated. Dr. Cohen said it was because the characteristics of the
incoming administration gave him such concern that he needed to have
someone like General Mattis and thought the qualities of General Mattis
were important. Even Dr. Hicks said it was the qualities of General
Mattis that were so unique and important, but she very importantly
said: Never, though, should we say that it is time for a general to be
the Secretary of Defense. In her perspective, it should never be that
you need a general. So for her it was not the exigencies of
circumstances; it was the specific characteristics of General Mattis.
Overwhelmingly, the Senators and the Members of the Armed Services
Committee, myself included, have expressed enormous gratitude for the
extraordinary service of General Mattis. That is not in debate. But if
there is no civilian in all the world as of today at this moment who
could meet the needs of the incoming administration, then who is to say
that there will be no civilian in the future who could meet the needs
of this administration, should they need another Secretary of Defense,
or the next administration?
What we are doing today, inadvertently, because of a cherished notion
we have toward this one nominee, is subverting the standard, and, in
fact, this exception now can swallow the whole rule. If we are
literally saying an exception could be made because of the nature of an
administration and the nature of a nominee, we have literally swallowed
the rule.
I think it is a historic mistake. I truly believe we are about to
unwind something that has served this country well for the past 50
years. We are about to unwind it. Interestingly, the last time the
Congress unwound it, they said: Never again.
They didn't say: If you have an urgency as we have now, which was the
concern, according to these experts, that World War III was looming,
the concern that we needed a well-known, well-loved general because of
all the foreign policy worries of the moment with North Korea; they
said: Never again.
I don't know why we are here. I really don't know why--because it is
not the standard.
Now this is the world we are going to live in. President-Elect Trump
will mainly have his foreign policy input from two four-star generals
and a three-star general. So where is the diversity of opinion coming
from? Where is that balance going to come from, the No. 1 reason the
experts gave for why we have civilian control of the military--
Tillerson?
Even General Marshall, if we remember history correctly, had the
experience of being a former Secretary of State and head of the Red
Cross, so he had civilian experience in addition to his military
experience. Civilian control has very important constitutional reasons
based on our democratic values, the balance of power, and how our
democracy runs. Those principles are being gutted and ignored. We are
not using the right standards, and I think it is a historic mistake.
As I stated, this has nothing to do with our particular nominee.
These principles exist for a reason. It has enabled our country's
success for decades and has kept our democracy safe. If we take this
change in our laws lightly, as we are about to do today, when future
Congresses--or even this same Congress 2 or 3 year from now--look at
this and want to make the same exception, it will be much easier to do.
I will continue to oppose this waiver for any nominee who is not a
civilian or who has not met the waiting period that is required by law,
and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same. I urge them to vote no.
Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, today I wish to support the legislative
waiver required for retired General James Mattis to become the next
Secretary of Defense.
The principle of civilian control of the military has been
fundamental to the concept of American Government since the inception
of our Republic. It was the Continental Congress that granted General
George Washington his commission, and General Washington reported to
that legislative body throughout the entire war.
[[Page S302]]
At the conclusion of the war, General Washington was the most popular
and important figure in America. He easily could have positioned
himself as the leader of the American government and, in fact, was
urged to do so by many. Instead, General Washington famously resigned
his commission on December 23, 1783, thus firmly establishing the
principle that, in this new country, ultimate authority over the Armed
Forces would rest with democratically elected civilians. General
Washington's noble act was the foundation of such an important tenet of
our democracy that the scene is depicted in a magnificent painting by
John Trumbull, which occupies a prominent position in the rotunda of
the United States Capitol.
The principle of civilian control of the military was at the center
of the debate when the structure of our Armed Forces was dramatically
reorganized after World War II. A congressional consensus emerged from
the military readiness failures of Pearl Harbor that the modern world
required a more significant standing military force with a more
centralized command structure. But harkening back to the precedent
established by George Washington, it was imperative that this new
structure have civilian leadership. This was especially concerning at
the time, given the number of remarkable generals who had deservedly
attained heroic status in the eyes of the American public and the free
world. Thus, in 1947, Congress passed section 202 of the National
Security Act, which provided that the Secretary of Defense needed to
have at least a 10-year gap, later reduced to 7, from any military
service.
Since that time, 16 of the past 24 Defense Secretaries have had some
prior military service. If approved, however, Gen. Mattis would only be
the second Defense Secretary to receive a congressional waiver of the
law--the other being General George Marshall in 1950.
In order to examine this important history and review the wisdom of
granting a waiver for Gen. Mattis, the Senate Armed Services Committee
held a hearing exploring the issue of civilian control of the Armed
Forces. After carefully reviewing the testimony from those hearings, I
do support making an additional, one-time exception to the law in the
specific case of James Mattis.
In 1950, the world was a tumultuous place, with a hot war in Korea
coupled with the extraordinary risks associated with a growing cold war
in the nuclear age. President Truman turned to General Marshall to
serve as Secretary of Defense because his noted character and
competence, combined with his experience and ability, made him an ideal
fit for the unique challenges presented at that time.
Today the world is again a tumultuous place. The combination of the
threat from terrorist organizations like ISIS and al Qaeda, as well as
the threats emanating from countries such as Iran, North Korea, Russia,
and China, has heightened tensions around the globe. And all our
international challenges today take place against the backdrop of the
knowledge that the world has a large and aging nuclear arsenal that
could quickly create chaos in the wrong hands.
As was the case with Gen. Marshall, Gen. Mattis, with his exceptional
character and competence and his remarkable skills and ability, is a
fit for these dangerous times.
Over the course of his 44-year career in the Marine Corps, Gen.
Mattis has earned a reputation as a warrior and commander who is
beloved by soldiers and veterans alike. The ``warrior monk,'' as he is
known in military circles, is a voracious reader and a student of
history. He has served as a military commander at all levels and all
over the world. His assignments have included a combat deployment
during the Persian Gulf Wars and difficult leadership posts in both
Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and Operation Iraqi Freedom,
where Mattis commanded the 1St Marine Division in the city of Fallujah.
His work over the past decade has demonstrated a deep appreciation
for the challenges our country faces today. In 2006, Mattis coauthored
the military's counterinsurgency manual with then-Army General David
Petraeus. As an expert in counterinsurgency, Mattis understands the
crucial role military power plays in conjunction with other civil
instruments of national power, including diplomatic and economic
efforts.
Between 2007 and 2010, while serving as commander of the now
disestablished U.S. Joint Forces Command, Mattis gained experience in
broad DOD policy and management at an organization focused on the
transformation of U.S. military capabilities.
In 2010, I supported Gen. Mattis's nomination to serve as commander
of U.S. Central Command, where he oversaw the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan and was responsible for an area which includes Syria, Iran,
and Yemen. His experience at CENTCOM is a tremendous asset in
developing a coherent strategy to address the threats posed by state
actors and terrorist networks in the region and elsewhere around the
world.
In 2015, he testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee on
the United States' global challenges and offered insight to the
committee on crafting a coherent, bipartisan national security strategy
with an eye towards international diplomacy and alliances, defense
budgeting, and military force size and capabilities.
Last year, he coedited a book on civil-military relations that
explored the growing cultural gap between civilian society and the
military, as well as the impact this lack of understanding may have on
the civilian-military relationship.
Finally,I would note that Gen. Mattis has the support of three very
capable and successful former Secretaries of Defense whose careers were
either largely or entirely in the civilian workforce. Secretaries
Cohen, Panetta, and Gates know as well as anyone what it takes to
succeed in that position and the importance of civilian leadership of
the military. Their unqualified support of Gen. Mattis carries
considerable weight with me and further convinces me that, in this
particular circumstance, a waiver is warranted.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, civilian control of our military is one of
the bedrock principles of American self-government. The National
Security Act of 1947, U.S.C. Title 10 Section 113(a), stipulates that
an individual ``may not be appointed as Secretary of Defense within
seven years after relief from active duty as a commissioned officer of
a regular component of an armed force.'' President-Elect Donald Trump's
choice of retired U.S. Marine Corps General James N. Mattis violates
that provision since he has only been out of the uniform for 3 years;
thus, Congress will need to pass a waiver so that he can serve if
confirmed.
I have considered this issue carefully, and I have listened to Gen.
Mattis's testimony earlier today before the Senate Armed Services
Committee. I believe Gen. Mattis is committed to the principle of
civilian control of the military. I was reassured by his testimony this
morning, and I will vote to grant the waiver. There is a precedent: in
1950, the Senate voted to confirm General George C. Marshall's as
Secretary of Defense, despite the fact that he had been retired for
only 5 years. Former Secretaries of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, Robert
M. Gates, and Leon E. Panetta have expressed bipartisan support for
Gen. Mattis. I am willing to vote for the waiver, as long as one
nomination does not turn into a trend. There are particular times and
circumstances in which granting the waiver may be appropriate, but the
bedrock principle of civilian control of our military must not be
eroded.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I oppose changing the law to allow a
recently retired general to serve as Secretary of Defense. While I
admire Gen, Mattis and I am grateful for his decades of service to our
Nation, I believe that, except in a national emergency, we should abide
by the longstanding principle of civilian control of the military
enshrined in the National Security Act.
Civilian control of the military is a fundamental tenet of our
American democracy. It was in Annapolis, MD that General George
Washington resigned his military commission in 1783, after leading the
Continental Army to secure America's independence. Washington believed
that our new Nation could survive only with civilian leadership. Five
years later, Washington returned to serve the Nation, as a civilian, as
our first President. George Washington's example has been embodied in
the statutory requirements of the National Security Act.
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George C. Marshall, nominated by President Truman in 1950, was the
only Secretary of Defense for whom Congress enacted an exception. In
enacting the exception for General Marshall, Congress expressly
emphasized that:
``the authority granted by this Act is not to be construed as
approval by the Congress of continuing appointments of military men to
the office of Secretary of Defense in the future. It is hereby
expressed as the sense of the Congress that after General Marshall
leaves the office of secretary of defense, no additional appointments
of military men to that office shall be approved.''
Congress should not cavalierly disregard the principle of civilian
leadership of our military. I have no doubt that President-Elect Trump
was briefed on the National Security Act's requirement, but chose to
proceed notwithstanding the law and our Nation's tradition. President-
Elect Trump's lack of regard for this law and the principle of civilian
control of the military should be a matter of concern.
Our Founders' emphasis on civilian leadership distinguished the young
United States from the other nations of the time. It remains an
important bulwark of our democracy today.
My vote today is not against Gen. Mattis. It is a vote to uphold an
important principle of our American democracy. Should Congress vote to
waive this law at this moment in time, I will review the nomination of
Gen. Mattis on its individual merits.
Mrs. GILLIBRAND. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Perdue.) The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sasse). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
ObamaCare Repeal
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, several years ago, Democrats in Congress
pulled out all the stops to pass the so-called Affordable Care Act and
force the system we now call ObamaCare on the American people. They
passed the law on a purely partisan basis and without any regard for
public opinion. Quite simply, it was one of the most blatant exercises
in pure partisanship in our Nation's history. It deepened partisan
divides in Washington and around the country and contributed to the
cynicism many have about whether their government is actually paying
attention to their needs. Worst of all, in the years since the passage
of ObamaCare, the American people have been paying the price in the
form of skyrocketing costs, fewer choices, burdensome mandates, and
unfair taxes.
For 7 years, many of us in Congress--virtually all of us on the
Republican side--have been working to right what has gone wrong under
the Affordable Care Act. We have pledged to our constituents that,
given the opportunity, we would repeal ObamaCare and replace it with
reforms more worthy of the American people. Those promises are among
the biggest reasons why we Republicans are now fortunate enough to find
ourselves in control of Congress and, very soon, the White House.
Last night we took a big step in the effort to repeal and replace
ObamaCare. With the budget resolution passed, many in Washington and in
the media are talking about what happens next. We are hearing a lot of
discussion about the timing of our repeal-and-replace efforts, with
some arguing that we should hit the brakes and solve every problem in
advance of taking another vote. My view is that the repeal of ObamaCare
cannot wait. The American people need us to act now. While there is
still some debate as to what our replacement plan should look like, a
majority of Senators voted last night to give us the tools to take the
next steps to repeal and replace ObamaCare. The American people have
entrusted us with the power to do just that.
We could spend the next several months coming up with more slogans
and analogies, but this is not a campaign. The elections have been won,
and it is time to do what our constituents have sent us here to do. I
am not saying we need to put off the replacement effort. On the
contrary, I think it is important that the legislation we draft
pursuant to the budget reconciliation instructions include as many
sensible health reforms as possible, keeping in mind the limitations
that exist with our rules and the necessary vote count.
We should definitely work on making the largest possible downpayment
on the ObamaCare replacement with the budget reconciliation bill. That
downpayment should include measures that give individuals and families
more control over their health care decisions and empower States to do
more of the heavy lifting when it comes to regulating health care. In
addition, we need to provide for a smooth transition period so we can
maintain some stability in the health insurance markets and ensure that
we are not leaving Americans who have insurance under the current
system out in the cold.
As chairman of one of the primary committees with jurisdiction over
these matters, I have been working closely with my House counterparts--
Chairman Kevin Brady of the House Ways and Means Committee and Chairman
Greg Walden of the House Energy and Commerce Committee--to develop
proposals on the matters that fall within our purviews. We have been
talking with stakeholders throughout the country and working through
the various problems that exist. That work will continue unabated as we
work on the immediate repeal effort and into the future. I am quite
certain that my friend who chairs the Senate HELP Committee has been
similarly engaged in addressing the draconian insurance regulations
that were imposed under ObamaCare, as well as the other parts of the
law that are within that committee's jurisdiction.
In other words, the work to replace ObamaCare is ongoing, and we hope
to have some initial elements ready to include in the budget
reconciliation package. That work will continue once the repeal has
been passed and signed into law so that we can help ensure that
affordable health care options exist for Americans. We do not need to
wait until every single replacement measure is drafted and agreed upon
before moving forward. Instead, we need the incoming administration to
add to our current efforts and work with us to produce a full
replacement plan and then to execute it. I look forward to continuing
to work with President-Elect Trump and his team.
The path forward on replacing ObamaCare could end up taking many
forms. We could draft and pass a series of limited reforms to replace
ObamaCare piece by piece or we could pull together a full and
comprehensive replacement package that puts all the necessary changes
into law at once. I think there are merits and potential pitfalls with
either approach. That is something we need to consider as we move
forward, but it is not a decision that needs to be made before we can
keep the promises we all made to our constituents to repeal ObamaCare.
To be sure, replacing ObamaCare is going to be a difficult process;
however, with a new and more cooperative administration in place, I
have every confidence we can accomplish these important objectives
without imposing artificial deadlines or goalposts or putting the
repeal process on hold. All of this is possible so long as we remain
committed to the principles that have guided most of our efforts thus
far. For example, in my view, the new reforms need to be patient-
centered, not government-driven. They need to recognize the reality of
the marketplace and the benefits of competition. Perhaps most
importantly, any suitable reforms need to put the States back in charge
of regulating and overseeing health care policy. If the ObamaCare
experience has taught us anything, it is that when the Federal
Government gets a hold of something that is as consequential as health
care, it will overpromise results, overstep its authority, and
overregulate the subject matter.
As I have said a number of times, Utah is not California or
Massachusetts, and California and Massachusetts are not Utah. All of
our States face different challenges and have different needs. There is
no reason to begin with the premise that any single approach to health
care policy is what is best for the entire country. That is why I,
along with several of my colleagues, have been engaging with
stakeholders at the State level for quite some time as we work to craft
reforms and to put them in place. For example, next week the Senate
Finance
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Committee is hosting a roundtable discussion on Medicaid with some of
the most prominent Governors in the country. I am pleased that Energy
and Commerce chairman Greg Walden will join us for the discussion as
well. This meeting and others like it will give States the opportunity
to detail the challenges they face and how we can empower them to meet
those challenges instead of dictating solutions from offices here in
Washington, DC.
I believe all of my colleagues want to be judicious and methodical
with this undertaking. No one wants to act recklessly and do even more
damage to our Nation's health care system. Discussions and debates over
the substance of our ObamaCare replacement should continue. As I said,
they have been going on for some time now, and they are not going to
stop. But after last night, we have the tools we need to take the first
major step in this effort by repealing ObamaCare. In my view, we need
to take that step now.
Republicans are united in our desire to repeal ObamaCare. We have the
support of the American people to do just that, and I personally will
do all I can to deliver on that promise. I hope our friends on the
other side will work with us. If they will, I think we can come up with
an approach toward health care that not only will work but will be
better for our country but most importantly, better for our citizens,
better for the States that will manage a lot better than we will here,
and better for our citizens within those States.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Perdue). The Senator from Rhode Island.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I rise today to discuss S. 84, a bill that
would provide a one-time exception from the longstanding law that
requires a member of the military to be retired from the armed services
for at least 7 years before being appointed as Secretary of Defense. We
are considering this legislation today because the President-elect's
nominee for Secretary of Defense, General James Mattis, has only been
retired from the U.S. Marine Corps for 3 years.
In considering the unique situation presented by this nomination,
this week the Armed Services Committee held two hearings. The first
hearing, on Tuesday, had a panel of two excellent outside witnesses who
discussed the history of the retirement restriction law and the
benefits and challenges of legislating an exception to that law. Then,
this morning, the committee held a nomination hearing with General
Mattis and examined his views on a wide range of defense challenges
facing our country and the Defense Department.
General Mattis has a long and distinguished military career, and he
is recognized by his peers as a thoughtful and strategic thinker.
However, since its passage in 1947, the statutory requirement designed
to protect civilian control of the Armed Forces has only been waived
one other time. Therefore, I believe it is extremely important that we
carefully consider the consequences of setting aside the law and the
implications such a decision may have on the future of civilian and
military relations.
Civilian control of the military is enshrined in our Constitution and
dates back to George Washington and the Revolutionary War. This
principle has distinguished our Nation from many other countries around
the world, and it has helped ensure that our democracy remains in the
hands of the people.
The National Security Act of 1947, which established the Department
of Defense, included a provision prohibiting any individual ``within
ten years'' of ``active duty as a commissioned officer in a regular
component of the armed services'' from being appointed as the Secretary
of Defense. However, in 1950, President Harry Truman nominated former
Secretary of State and former Chief of Staff of the United States Army
General George Marshall to serve as the Secretary of Defense, thus
causing Congress to pass an exception to the statute.
While Congress ultimately waived the restriction for General
Marshall, the law included a nonbinding section that stated: ``It is
hereby expressed as the intent of the Congress that the authority
granted by this Act is not to be construed as approval by the Congress
of the continuing appointments of military men to the office of
Secretary of Defense in the future. It is hereby expressed as the sense
of the Congress that after General Marshall leaves the office of the
Secretary of Defense, no additional appointments of military men to
that office shall be approved.''
Nearly 70 years later, Congress again must make a determination if an
exception should be made in the case of General Mattis. Let me remind
my colleagues why making this change is so significant. During our
committee hearings, Dr. Kathleen Hicks astutely noted: ``The Defense
Secretary position is unique in our system. Other than the President
acting as commander in chief, the Secretary of Defense is the only
civilian official in the operational chain of command to the Armed
Forces. Unlike the President, however, he or she is not an elected
official.''
As I stated during the committee's consideration of the waiver
legislation, we must be very cautious about any actions, including this
legislation, that may inadvertently politicize our Armed Forces. During
this past Presidential election cycle, both Democrats and Republicans
came dangerously close to compromising the nonpartisan nature of our
military with the nominating convention speeches from recently retired
general officers advocating for a candidate for President.
I am also concerned about providing a waiver for General Mattis in
light of the fact that he will join other recently retired senior
military officers who have been selected for high-ranking national
security positions in the Trump Administration. Throughout our Nation's
history, retired general officers have often held positions at the
highest levels of government as civilians. In fact, a few have even
been elected President.
What concerns me, however, is the total number of retired senior
military officers chosen by the President-elect to lead organizations
critical to our national security and the cumulative affect it may have
on our overall national security policy. Specifically, there may be
unintended consequences having so many senior leaders with similar
military backgrounds crafting policy and making decisions as weighty as
those facing the next administration.
In the course of our review of General Mattis' nomination, the reason
most often cited in support of a waiver allowing him to serve is that a
retired four-star general known for his war-fighting skills and
strategic judgment to lead the Department of Defense will
counterbalance the President-elect's lack of defense and foreign policy
experience. As Tom Ricks wrote recently in The New York
Times: ``Usually I'd oppose having a general as Secretary of Defense,
because it could undermine our tradition of civilian control of the
military. But these are not normal times.''
Likewise, Dr. Eliot Cohen testified before the Senate Armed Services
Committee earlier this week, and he argued that if it weren't for his
deep concern about the Trump Administration, he would oppose the waiver
for General Mattis. Specifically, he stated: ``There is no question in
my mind that a Secretary Mattis would be a stabilizing and moderating
force . . . and over time, helping to steer American foreign and
security policy in a sound and sensible direction.''
If Congress provides an exception for General Mattis, we must be
mindful of the precedent that action sets for such waivers in the
future. The restriction was enacted into law for good reason, and
General George Marshall is the only retired military officer to receive
this exception.
Based on General Mattis' testimony this morning, as well as his
decades of distinguished service in the U.S. Marine Corps, and weighing
all of the other factors, I will support a waiver for him to serve as
Secretary of Defense. General Mattis testified to the fact that the
role of Congress does not end with the passage of this legislation. As
Dr. Hicks stated, ``The United States Congress, the nation's statutes
and courts, the professionalism of our Armed Forces, and the will of
the people are critical safeguards against any perceived attempts to
fundamentally alter the quality of civilian control of the military in
this country.''
Any of us who support this bill have a profound duty to ensure that
the Department of Defense and its leaders,
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both civilian and military, are following and protecting the principles
upon which this country is founded.
Let me be very clear. I will not support a waiver for any future
nominees under the incoming administration or future administrations. I
view this as a generational exception, as our bipartisan witnesses
recommended. I would ask that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle
make this same commitment. Indeed, I intend to propose reestablishing
the original 10-year ban which was in place when the Defense Department
was established. Restoring the threshold for service to 10 years would
send a strong signal that this principle of civilian control of the
military is essential to our Democratic system of government.
At this point I would ask if the chairman of the committee might
engage in a colloquy. I do that first by thanking him for the
extraordinarily fair, thoughtful, and careful way he has guided this
nomination through the committee and here to the floor.
I wish to thank the Senator from Arizona for the thoughtful and
thorough process we have had in considering the nomination of General
Mattis. I think one of the high points was a hearing on civilian
military relations with Eliot Cohen and Kathleen Hicks. Both witnesses
emphasized that while they supported this waiver, it should be a rare,
generational exception to ensure the integrity of civilian control of
our military, which is the bedrock of our democracy.
I agree wholeheartedly with that assessment, and I would ask the
chairman if he also agrees with that assessment.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I would say that I also agree. I want to
thank the Senator from Rhode Island for his leadership, and I want to
thank him for setting the tenor and the environment that surrounds the
Armed Services Committee, which resulted in the 24-to-3 vote today in
the Armed Services Committee. Because of the relationship that we have,
but also because of his leadership, we have a very bipartisan
committee, which is vital to maintain, considering the awesome
responsibilities we hold.
The Senator from Rhode Island has displayed time after time a
willingness to work together for the good of the country. I think this
is the latest example, even though he had significant reservations--
which are valid--concerning the short period of transition from wearing
the uniform to holding down the highest civilian position as far as
defense of the Nation is concerned. I know he didn't reach this
conclusion without a lot of thought, a lot of study, a lot of--as he
has displayed--references to history; reasons for the origination of
this legislation, which requires 7 years before an individual is
eligible to be Secretary of Defense after leaving the military.
So I just wanted to thank the Senator from Rhode Island, and I look
forward to an overwhelming vote.
Mr. President, could I ask the parliamentary situation as it is right
now.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senate is considering S. 84 with 10 hours
equally divided.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, has a time been set for the vote?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is not yet an order for the vote.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I believe I have the floor.
Mr. McCAIN. I yield to my friend from Rhode Island.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I believe the chairman does concur with me
regarding the fact that this is a rare and generational exception; I
think that is fair to say.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, is it accurate to say that 2:45 p.m. is a
time that is being seriously considered?
Mr. REED. We hope so, and I think, if we recognize Senator Merkley
for his comments, and then I think the chairman of the committee has
comments, we would be on that schedule.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed
5 minutes prior to the vote, if the time of the vote is set, and the
Senator from Rhode Island be given 5 minutes prior to that, in the case
of the time of the vote being set.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I believe I still retain the floor.
Let me make the point that I appreciate very much the Senator from
Arizona allowing me 5 minutes, but I will yield that 5 minutes so that
at the end, the Senator from Arizona would have 5 minutes, and then I
would suggest we recognize Senator Merkley so that we can conduct the
vote at 2:45 p.m.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I would like to modify my unanimous
consent request that I be allowed 5 minutes prior to the vote.
Order of Procedure
Before I do that, however, I ask unanimous consent that the time
until 2:45 p.m. be equally divided between the managers or their
designees, and that following the use or yielding back of that time,
the bill be read a third time, and the Senate vote on passage of S. 84;
further, that following the disposition of S. 84, the Senate recess
subject to the call of the Chair for the all-Members briefing.
So I would ask the Senator from Oregon how much time he needs.
Mr. MERKLEY. Less than 10 minutes.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I am asking for a ruling on the unanimous
consent request I just made.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I add to that unanimous consent request
that I be given the final 5 minutes before the vote.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, we have a longstanding tradition in our
country of civilian control of government and civilian control of the
military. This was first symbolized by George Washington through his
act of resigning as Commander in Chief for all of the Continental Army
on December 23, 1783. It is a tradition, or a moment in time, that is
preserved on the walls of the Rotunda where a mural depicts
Washington's noble and selfless act.
Our early days were full of the warnings of a standing Army and of
ongoing military control at high levels, and those ideas came from
Thomas Jefferson and from Alexander Hamilton and from Samuel Adams.
When we came to the point in our history where we realized that a
continuing military force was necessary, we preserved the importance of
civilian control.
We did so for a host of important reasons, which others have pointed
out on this floor but I think are worth restating. It is important to
have a Secretary of Defense who brings a broad world view that includes
a civilian perspective to the position.
Second, it is important not to politicize our officer ranks and have
them essentially competing to position themselves to hold this position
of Secretary of Defense.
Third, we do not want the services competing against each other in
order to hold this position. This is why the Joint Chiefs of Staff
position is rotated on a specific schedule. And if we have a Secretary
of Defense come from one military service, then another branch of
service is going to say: Next time it should be our turn. The Marine
Corps today, the Air Force tomorrow, the Army after that, and then the
Navy. That is not the position we want to end up in.
We also know that across the world, countries wrestle with preserving
civilian control; that is, preserving democratic republics in the face
of the power of military machinery in their country, military
organizations, and we see military coups and we see massive military
influence.
It has been the desire of our country to model a republic that is of
the people, by the people, and for the people, not a nation that
becomes controlled by a massive concentration of power in the military.
Now my colleagues--many of whom are very learned in the history of our
country--have arisen to say that there is a set of special
circumstances, a unique set of circumstances, that merit an exception,
and they note that there was an exception once before in our history.
That exception was the appointment of George C. Marshall to become
Secretary of Defense in the time following
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World War II. But think about how many circumstances we face in the
world that can be put forward to be an exceptional time. It was
exceptional when terrorists used planes to attack the Twin Towers in
New York City and our Pentagon, and had not one plane gone down, the
additional target may have been the Capitol or the White House. That
was an exceptional moment. It is an exceptional moment when we are
fighting Al Qaeda. It is an exceptional moment when we are fighting
ISIS. It is an exceptional moment when Russia invades Ukraine and takes
over Crimea. There is an exceptional moment almost continuously in the
face of a complex and changing world.
So I stand on the side of maintaining the principle of civilian
control. Each time we violate this principle, it is easier next time to
say: It has been done before. But the conversation will not be ``We did
it once half a century ago, and so we should do it again,'' it will be
``We did it twice, once quite recently when we weren't facing a world
crisis. Nobody had invaded the United States. We had not just lost a
couple hundred thousand folks fighting for our country in a world
war.'' So the conversation will get easier and more fragile, and that
is not the direction we should go.
It was Eisenhower who warned about the overreach of a military
enterprise--the ``military industrial complex,'' as he referred to it.
But one piece of our structure of government that has held back is to
maintain that principle of civilian control. Can anyone in this room
rise up and say that out of the thousands of experienced individuals
who have both national security experience and civilian experience,
there isn't one who currently meets either the 10- or 7-year standard
of separation? I am sure there are hundreds who could meet that
standard.
So here we are. If we could send a message to the President-elect: We
reject your effort to eviscerate civilian control. Send us someone who
is qualified. And if we feel that person is so far out of the reach of
reason--which is what I have been hearing from my colleagues in private
conversation, terrified that this President-elect will nominate
somebody who basically is unhinged, that we have to seize on this
moment to take this individual because this body won't have the courage
to turn down and reject an unhinged individual nominated by this
President-elect. That is a sad commentary on the leadership of this
body. It is a sad commentary on what has become of the U.S. Senate that
we wouldn't have the courage under our advice and consent power to turn
down someone we saw as unfit. That is, in fact, how we are charged
under this Constitution, under the advice and consent clause. It was
Hamilton who laid out that it is our responsibility to determine
whether an individual is of fit character or unfit character, and we
would retain that power for any nomination that, in the collective
judgment of this body, did not meet that standard.
So let's sustain the principle of civilian control and reject this
change.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, in response to the Senator from Oregon who
asked if there were not any people who were qualified to serve as
Secretary of Defense, I am absolutely certain there are. Is there
anyone as qualified as General Mattis? My answer to the Senator from
Oregon is no. I have watched General Mattis for years. I have seen the
way that enlisted and officers react to his leadership. I have seen the
scholarly approach he has taken to war and to conflict.
I hope the Senator from Oregon will have at some point a chance to
get to know him, and he will then appreciate the unique qualities of
leadership that are much needed in these times where the outgoing
President of the United States has left the world in a state of chaos
because of an absolute failure of leadership, which is disgraceful. We
now see an outgoing President of the United States who in 2009
inherited a world that was not being torn apart in the Middle East. The
Chinese were not acting assertively in the South China Sea. The
Russians had not dismembered Ukraine and taken Crimea, in gross
violation of international law. All of those things have come about
because of his presidency.
So now he comes to the floor and objects to one of the most highly
qualified individuals and leaders in military history. I say to the
Senator from Oregon: You are wrong.
I believe the overwhelming majority of this body will repudiate and
cancel out his uninformed remarks.
Mr. President, in a few minutes we will vote on a historic piece of
legislation. For just the second time in seven decades, the legislation
before us would provide an exception to the law preventing any person
from serving as Secretary of Defense within 7 years of Active-Duty
service as a regular commissioned officer of the Armed Forces. This
legislation would allow Gen. James Mattis--the President-elect's
selection for Secretary of Defense, who retired from the Marine Corps 3
years ago--to serve in that office.
Earlier today, the Senate Armed Services Committee received testimony
from General Mattis. Once again, he demonstrated exceptional command of
the issues confronting the United States, the Department of Defense,
and our military servicemembers, but he also showed something else--
that his understanding of civil-military relations is deep and that his
commitment to civilian control of the Armed Forces is ironclad.
General Mattis's character, judgment, and commitment to defending our
Nation and its Constitution have earned him the trust of our next
Commander in Chief, Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle, and
so many who are serving in our Armed Forces. General Mattis is an
exceptional public servant worthy of the exceptional consideration.
That is why, directly following the conclusion of today's hearing, the
Senate Armed Services Committee reported this legislation to the Senate
with an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 24 to 3--I repeat: with an
overwhelming vote of 24 to 3.
I am not saying that members of the Armed Services Committee are
smarter than the Senator from Oregon, but I am saying that members of
the Armed Services Committee have scrutinized--both sides of the aisle,
Republican and Democrat, including the ranking member--have looked at
General Mattis. Many of us have known him for years and years, as he
has shown the outstanding characteristics of leadership that he has had
the opportunity to display in his service to the country, and he was
voted out by an overwhelming vote of 24 to 3. So obviously there are 24
people on the Armed Services Committee who believe in General Mattis
and believe that this exception should be made, as opposed to 3 who
share the view of the Senator from Oregon.
Mr. MERKLEY. I ask my colleague from Arizona if he will yield for a
question.
Mr. McCAIN. That is why, directly following the conclusion of today's
hearing, the Senate Armed Services Committee reported this legislation
to the Senate with a vote of 24 to 3. I urge this body to follow suit.
That said, it is important for future Senators to understand the
context of our action here today. Civilian control of the Armed Forces
has been a bedrock principle of American Government since our
Revolution. A painting hanging in the Capitol Rotunda not far from this
floor celebrates the legacy of George Washington, who voluntarily
resigned his commission as commander of the Continental Army to the
Congress. This principle is enshrined in our Constitution, which
divides control of the Armed Forces among the President as Commander in
Chief and the Congress as coequal branches of government.
Since then, Congress has adopted various provisions separating
military and civilian positions. In the 19th century, for example,
Congress prohibited an Army officer from accepting a civil office, more
recently, in the National Security Act of 1947, and subsequent
revisions, Congress's 7-year ``cooling off'' period for any person to
serve as Secretary of Defense. It was only 3 years later, in 1950, that
Congress granted GEN George Marshall an exemption to that law and the
Senate confirmed him to be Secretary of Defense.
Indeed, the separation between civilian and military positions has
not always been so clear. Twelve of our Nation's Presidents previously
served as generals in the Armed Forces, and over the years, numerous
high-ranking civilian officials in the Department of
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Defense have had long careers in military service.
The basic responsibilities of civilian and military leaders are
simple enough--for civilian leaders: to seek the best professional
military advice while under no obligation to follow it; for military
leaders: to provide candid counsel while recognizing civilians have the
final say or, as General Mattis once observed, to insist on being heard
and never insist on being obeyed. But the fact is that the relationship
between civilian and military leaders is inherently and endlessly
complex. It is a relationship of unequals who nonetheless share
responsibility for the defense of the Nation. The stakes could not be
higher. The gaps in mutual understanding are sometimes wide.
Personalities often clash. And the unique features of the profession of
arms and the peculiarities of service cultures often prove daunting for
civilians who have never served in uniform.
Ultimately, the key to healthy civil-military relations and civilian
control of the military is the oath that soldiers and statesmen share
in common ``to protect and defend the Constitution.'' It is about the
trust they have in one another to perform their respective duties in
accordance with our republican system of government. It is about the
candid exchange of views engendered by that trust and which is vital to
effective decisionmaking. And it is about mutual respect and
understanding. The proper balance of civil-military relations is
difficult to achieve, and, as history has taught us, achieving that
balance requires different leaders at different times.
I believe that in the dangerous times in which we live, General
Mattis is the leader our Nation needs as Secretary of Defense. That is
why, although I believe we must maintain safeguards of civilian
leadership at the Department of Defense, I will support this
legislation today and General Mattis' nomination to serve this Nation
again as Secretary of Defense.
I want to assure my friend from Rhode Island, the ranking member of
the Armed Services Committee, who has very serious concerns--I want to
assure him that this is a one-time deal. I know the Senator from Rhode
Island had deep concerns about this whole process we have been through.
Yet I think he has put the interests of the Nation and placed his
confidence in General Mattis as being so exceptional that the law that
was passed back in 1947--there can be made one single exception to it.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority's time has expired.
The majority leader.
Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 72
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at 4:15
p.m. on Tuesday, January 17, the Committee on Homeland Security and
Governmental Affairs be discharged and the Senate proceed to the
consideration of H.R. 72; further, that there be 30 minutes of debate
equally divided in the usual form, and that upon the use or yielding
back of time, the bill be read a third time and the Senate vote on
passage of H.R. 72 with no intervening action or debate; finally, that
if passed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon
the table with no intervening action or debate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, reserving the right to object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, I agreed----
Mr. McCAIN addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona.
Mr. McCAIN. Has time expired according to the previous UC?
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, I believe I have the floor.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I believe I have the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader has the floor.
Mr. McCONNELL. Just to let everybody know, all I am doing is setting
up a vote for Tuesday afternoon at 4:15. That is what I was asking
consent on.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. MERKLEY. I reserve the right to object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. MERKLEY. I reserve the right to object.
Mr. President, I was very gracious in agreeing to a unanimous consent
request that would grant me 10 minutes. That was cut short by the
filibuster of my colleague, who repeatedly brought me into the
conversation and refused to yield for my question. So I ask unanimous
to have 2 minutes to close.
Mr. McCAIN. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
Is there objection to the majority leader's request?
Mr. MERKLEY. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
The majority leader.
Request for Committees to Meet
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I have four requests for committees to
meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of
the majority and minority leaders.
Mr. MERKLEY. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Duly noted.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading and was read
the third time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill having been read the third time, the
question is, Shall it pass?
Mr. McCONNELL. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. CORNYN. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the
Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Alexander) and the Senator from Kansas (Mr.
Moran).
Further, if present and voting, the Senator from Tennessee (Mr.
Alexander) would have voted ``yea.''
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cassidy). Are there any other Senators in
the Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 81, nays 17, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 27 Leg.]
YEAS--81
Barrasso
Bennet
Blunt
Boozman
Brown
Burr
Cantwell
Capito
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Cassidy
Cochran
Collins
Coons
Corker
Cornyn
Cortez
Masto
Cotton
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Donnelly
Enzi
Ernst
Feinstein
Fischer
Flake
Franken
Gardner
Graham
Grassley
Harris
Hassan
Hatch
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Heller
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johnson
Kaine
Kennedy
King
Klobuchar
Lankford
Lee
Manchin
McCain
McCaskill
McConnell
Menendez
Murkowski
Nelson
Paul
Perdue
Peters
Portman
Reed
Risch
Roberts
Rounds
Rubio
Sasse
Schatz
Schumer
Scott
Sessions
Shaheen
Shelby
Stabenow
Sullivan
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Warner
Whitehouse
Wicker
Young
NAYS--17
Baldwin
Blumenthal
Booker
Duckworth
Durbin
Gillibrand
Leahy
Markey
Merkley
Murphy
Murray
Sanders
Tester
Udall
Van Hollen
Warren
Wyden
NOT VOTING--2
Alexander
Moran
The bill (S. 84) was passed, as follows:
S. 84
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. EXCEPTION TO LIMITATION AGAINST APPOINTMENT OF
PERSONS AS SECRETARY OF DEFENSE WITHIN SEVEN
YEARS OF RELIEF FROM ACTIVE DUTY AS REGULAR
COMMISSIONED OFFICERS OF THE ARMED FORCES.
(a) In General.--Notwithstanding the second sentence of
section 113(a) of title 10, United States Code, the first
person appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, as Secretary of Defense after the date of the
enactment of this Act may be a person who is, on the date of
appointment, within seven years after relief, but not within
three years after relief, from active duty as a commissioned
officer of a regular component of the Armed Forces.
(b) Limited Exception.--This section applies only to the
first person appointed as Secretary of Defense as described
in subsection (a) after the date of the enactment of this
Act, and to no other person.
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