[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 5 (Monday, January 9, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S151-S153]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY'S SPEECH ON A TWO-STATE SOLUTION TO THE
ISRALEI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, last week the junior Senator from Texas
spoke about Secretary of State Kerry's recent speech explaining the
administration's decision to not veto U.N. Security Council Resolution
2334 and supporting a two-state solution to the conflict between Israel
and the Palestinians. The Senator asserted that Secretary Kerry
``equated'' Israel and Hamas, that President Obama and Secretary Kerry
are ``relentless enemies of Israel'' who ``consider the existence and
creation of Israel to be a disaster.'' He said their actions toward
Israel were intended to ``facilitate assaults on the nation of
Israel.'' He also accused them of ``turning a blind eye'' to terrorism.
Anyone who reads Secretary Kerry's speech will recognize the fallacy
of those baseless and inflammatory accusations. To the contrary,
Secretary Kerry eloquently and compellingly and with a foreboding sense
of urgency about the receding prospects for a two-state solution
reaffirmed the administration's condemnation of terrorism and
incitement, its unprecedented support for Israel's security, and his
own longstanding commitment to Israel's survival as a democratic state,
living in peace with its Arab neighbors.
I urge all Senators to read his speech and to arrive at their own
conclusions. The situation the Secretary describes should be alarming
to anyone who wants peace and security for Israel and a viable,
independent state for the Palestinian people, which are of vital
importance to the national interests of the United States. While the
Secretary's speech is too long to be printed in the Record in full, I
ask unanimous consent that the first half of his remarks be printed in
the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Remarks of John Kerry, Secretary of State, The Dean Acheson Auditorium,
Washington, DC, December 28, 2016
Thank you very much. For those of you who celebrated
Christmas. I hope you had a wonderful Christmas. Happy
Chanukah. And to everybody here. I know it's the middle of a
holiday week. I understand. But I wish you all a very, very
productive and Happy New Year.
Today, I want to share candid thoughts about an issue which
for decades has animated the foreign policy dialogue here and
around the world--the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Throughout his Administration, President Obama has been
deeply committed to Israel and its security, and that
commitment has guided his pursuit of peace in the Middle
East. This is an issue which, all of you know, I have worked
on intensively during my time as Secretary of State for one
simple reason: because the two-state solution is the only
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way to achieve a just and lasting peace between Israelis and
Palestinians. It is the only way to ensure Israel's future as
a Jewish and democratic state, living in peace and security
with its neighbors. It is the only way to ensure a future of
freedom and dignity for the Palestinian people. And it is an
important way of advancing United States interests in the
region.
Now, I'd like to explain why that future is now in
jeopardy, and provide some context for why we could not, in
good conscience, stand in the way of a resolution at the
United Nations that makes clear that both sides must act now
to preserve the possibility of peace.
I'm also here to share my conviction that there is still a
way forward if the responsible parties are willing to act.
And I want to share practical suggestions for how to preserve
and advance the prospects for the just and lasting peace that
both sides deserve.
So it is vital that we have an honest, clear-eyed
conversation about the uncomfortable truths and difficult
choices, because the alternative that is fast becoming the
reality on the ground is in nobody's interest--not the
Israelis, not the Palestinians, not the region--and not the
United States.
Now, I want to stress that there is an important point
here: My job, above all, is to defend the United States of
America--to stand up for and defend our values and our
interests in the world. And if we were to stand idly by and
know that in doing so we are allowing a dangerous dynamic to
take hold which promises greater conflict and instability to
a region in which we have vital interests, we would be
derelict in our own responsibilities.
Regrettably, some seem to believe that the U.S. friendship
means the U.S. must accept any policy, regardless of our own
interests, our own positions, our own words, our own
principles--even after urging again and again that the policy
must change. Friends need to tell each other the hard truths,
and friendships require mutual respect.
Israel's permanent representative to the United Nations,
who does not support a two-state solution, said after the
vote last week, quote, ``It was to be expected that Israel's
greatest ally would act in accordance with the values that we
share,'' and veto this resolution. I am compelled to respond
today that the United States did, in fact, vote in accordance
with our values, just as previous U.S. administrations have
done at the Security Council before us.
They fail to recognize that this friend, the United States
of America, that has done more to support Israel than any
other country, this friend that has blocked countless efforts
to delegitimize Israel, cannot be true to our own values--or
even the stated democratic values of Israel--and we cannot
properly defend and protect Israel if we allow a viable two-
state solution to be destroyed before our own eyes.
And that's the bottom line: the vote in the United Nations
was about preserving the two-state solution. That's what we
were standing up for: Israel's future as a Jewish and
democratic state, living side by side in peace and security
with its neighbors. That's what we are trying to preserve for
our sake and for theirs.
In fact, this Administration has been Israel's greatest
friend and supporter, with an absolutely unwavering
commitment to advancing Israel's security and protecting its
legitimacy.
On this point, I want to be very clear: No American
administration has done more for Israel's security than
Barack Obama's. The Israeli prime minister himself has noted
our, quote, ``unprecedented'' military and intelligence
cooperation. Our military exercises are more advanced than
ever. Our assistance for Iron Dome has saved countless
Israeli lives. We have consistently supported Israel's right
to defend itself, by itself, including during actions in Gaza
that sparked great controversy.
Time and again we have demonstrated that we have Israel's
back. We have strongly opposed boycotts, divestment
campaigns, and sanctions targeting Israel in international
fora, whenever and wherever its legitimacy was attacked, and
we have fought for its inclusion across the UN system. In the
midst of our own financial crisis and budget deficits, we
repeatedly increased funding to support Israel. In fact, more
than one-half of our entire global Foreign Military Financing
goes to Israel. And this fall, we concluded an historic $38
billion memorandum of understanding that exceeds any military
assistance package the United States has provided to any
country, at any time, and that will invest in cutting-edge
missile defense and sustain Israel's qualitative military
edge for years to come. That's the measure of our support.
This commitment to Israel's security is actually very
personal for me. On my first trip to Israel as a young
senator in 1986, I was captivated by a special country, one
that I immediately admired and soon grew to love. Over the
years, like so many others who are drawn to this
extraordinary place, I have climbed Masada, swum in the Dead
Sea, driven from one Biblical city to another.
I've also seen the dark side of Hizballah's rocket storage
facilities just across the border in Lebanon, walked through
exhibits of the hell of the Holocaust at Yad Vashem, stood on
the Golan Heights, and piloted an Israeli jet over the tiny
airspace of Israel, which would make anyone understand the
importance of security to Israelis. Out of those experiences
came a steadfast commitment to Israel's security that has
never wavered for a single minute in my 28 years in the
Senate or my four years as Secretary.
I have also often visited West Bank communities, where I
met Palestinians struggling for basic freedom and dignity
amidst the occupation, passed by military checkpoints that
can make even the most routine daily trips to work or school
an ordeal, and heard from business leaders who could not get
the permits that they needed to get their products to the
market and families who have struggled to secure permission
just to travel for needed medical care.
And I have witnessed firsthand the ravages of a conflict
that has gone on for far too long. I've seen Israeli children
in Sderot whose playgrounds had been hit by Katyusha rockets.
I've visited shelters next to schools in Kiryat Shmona that
kids had 15 seconds to get to after a warning siren went off.
I've also seen the devastation of war in the Gaza Strip,
where Palestinian girls in lzbet Abed Rabo played in the
rubble of a bombed-out building.
No children--Israeli or Palestinian--should have to live
like that.
So, despite the obvious difficulties that I understood when
I became Secretary of State, I knew that I had to do
everything in my power to help end this conflict. And I was
grateful to be working for President Obama, who was prepared
to take risks for peace and was deeply committed to that
effort.
Like previous U.S. administrations, we have committed our
influence and our resources to trying to resolve the Arab-
Israeli conflict because, yes, it would serve American
interests to stabilize a volatile region and fulfill
America's commitment to the survival, security and well-being
of an Israel at peace with its Arab neighbors.
Despite our best efforts over the years, the two-state
solution is now in serious jeopardy. The truth is that trends
on the ground--violence, terrorism, incitement, settlement
expansion and the seemingly endless occupation--they are
combining to destroy hopes for peace on both sides and
increasingly cementing an irreversible one-state reality that
most people do not actually want.
Today, there are a similar number of Jews and Palestinians
living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.
They have a choice. They can choose to live together in one
state, or they can separate into two states. But here is a
fundamental reality: if the choice is one state, Israel can
either be Jewish or democratic--it cannot be both--and it
won't ever really be at peace. Moreover, the Palestinians
will never fully realize their vast potential in a homeland
of their own with a one-state solution.
Now, most on both sides understand this basic choice, and
that is why it is important that polls of Israelis and
Palestinians show that there is still strong support for the
two-state solution--in theory. They just don't believe that
it can happen.
After decades of conflict, many no longer see the other
side as people, only as threats and enemies. Both sides
continue to push a narrative that plays to people's fears and
reinforces the worst stereotypes rather than working to
change perceptions and build up belief in the possibility of
peace.
And the truth is the extraordinary polarization in this
conflict extends beyond Israelis and Palestinians. Allies of
both sides are content to reinforce this with an us or--
``you're with us or against us'' mentality where too often
anyone who questions Palestinian actions is an apologist for
the occupation and anyone who disagrees with Israel policy is
cast as anti-Israel or even anti-Semitic.
That's one of the most striking realities about the current
situation: This critical decision about the future--one state
or two states--is effectively being made on the ground every
single day, despite the expressed opinion of the majority of
the people.
The status quo is leading towards one state and perpetual
occupation, but most of the public either ignores it or has
given up hope that anything can be done to change it. And
with this passive resignation, the problem only gets worse,
the risks get greater and the choices are narrowed.
This sense of hopelessness among Israelis is exacerbated by
the continuing violence, terrorist attacks against civilians
and incitement, which are destroying belief in the
possibility of peace.
Let me say it again: There is absolutely no justification
for terrorism, and there never will be. And the most recent
wave of Palestinian violence has included hundreds of
terrorist attacks in the past year, including stabbings,
shootings, vehicular attacks and bombings, many by
individuals who have been radicalized by social media. Yet
the murderers of innocents are still glorified on Fatah
websites, including showing attackers next to Palestinian
leaders following attacks. And despite statements by
President Abbas and his party's leaders making clear their
opposition to violence, too often they send a different
message by failing to condemn specific terrorist attacks and
naming public squares, streets and schools after terrorists.
President Obama and I have made it clear to the Palestinian
leadership countless times, publicly and privately, that all
incitement to violence must stop. We have consistently
condemned violence and terrorism, and even condemned the
Palestinian leadership for not condemning it.
Far too often, the Palestinians have pursued efforts to
delegitimize Israel in international fora. We have strongly
opposed
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these initiatives, including the recent wholly unbalanced and
inflammatory UNESCO resolution regarding Jerusalem. And we
have made clear our strong opposition to Palestinian efforts
against Israel at the ICC, which only sets back the prospects
for peace.
And we all understand that the Palestinian Authority has a
lot more to do to strengthen its institutions and improve
governance.
Most troubling of all, Hamas continues to pursue an
extremist agenda: they refuse to accept Israel's very right
to exist. They have a one-state vision of their own: all of
the land is Palestine. Hamas and other radical factions are
responsible for the most explicit forms of incitement to
violence, and many of the images that they use are truly
appalling. And they are willing to kill innocents in Israel
and put the people of Gaza at risk in order to advance that
agenda.
Compounding this, the humanitarian situation in Gaza,
exacerbated by the closings of the crossings, is dire. Gaza
is home to one of the world's densest concentrations of
people enduring extreme hardships with few opportunities. 1.3
million people out of Gaza's population of 1.8 million are in
need of daily assistance--food and shelter. Most have
electricity less than half the time and only 5 percent of the
water is safe to drink. And yet despite the urgency of these
needs, Hamas and other militant groups continue to re-arm and
divert reconstruction materials to build tunnels, threatening
more attacks on Israeli civilians that no government can
tolerate.
Now, at the same time, we have to be clear about what is
happening in the West Bank. The Israeli prime minister
publicly supports a two-state solution, but his current
coalition is the most right wing in Israeli history, with an
agenda driven by the most extreme elements. The result is
that policies of this government, which the prime minister
himself just described as ``more committed to settlements
than any in Israel's history,'' are leading in the opposite
direction. They're leading towards one state. In fact, Israel
has increasingly consolidated control over much of the West
Bank for its own purposes, effectively reversing the
transitions to greater Palestinian civil authority that were
called for by the Oslo Accords.
I don't think most people in Israel, and certainly in the
world, have any idea how broad and systematic the process has
become. But the facts speak for themselves. The number of
settlers in the roughly 130 Israeli settlements east of the
1967 lines has steadily grown. The settler population in the
West Bank alone, not including East Jerusalem, has increased
by nearly 270,000 since Oslo, including 100,000 just since
2009, when President Obama's term began.
There's no point in pretending that these are just in large
settlement blocks. Nearly 90,000 settlers are living east of
the separation barrier that was created by Israel itself in
the middle of what, by any reasonable definition, would be
the future Palestinian state. And the population of these
distant settlements has grown by 20,000 just since 2009. In
fact, just recently the government approved a significant new
settlement well east of the barrier, closer to Jordan than to
Israel. What does that say to Palestinians in particular--but
also to the United States and the world--about Israel's
intentions?
Let me emphasize, this is not to say that the settlements
are the whole or even the primary cause of this conflict. Of
course they are not. Nor can you say that if the settlements
were suddenly removed, you'd have peace. Without a broader
agreement, you would not. And we understand that in a final
status agreement, certain settlements would become part of
Israel to account for the changes that have taken place over
the last 49 years--we understand that--including the new
democratic demographic realities that exist on the ground.
They would have to be factored in.
But if more and more settlers are moving into the middle of
Palestinian areas, it's going to be just that much harder to
separate, that much harder to imagine transferring
sovereignty, and that is exactly the outcome that some are
purposefully accelerating.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the complete text of the Secretary's
speech, which, again, I urge all Senators to read in its entirety, can
be found at the following Web site: https://www.state.gov/secretary/
remarks/2016/12/266119.htm.
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