[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 163 (Tuesday, November 15, 2016)]
[House]
[Pages H6202-H6208]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IRAN SANCTIONS EXTENSION ACT
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill
(H.R. 6297) to reauthorize the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 6297
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Iran Sanctions Extension
Act''.
SEC. 2. REAUTHORIZATION OF IRAN SANCTIONS ACT OF 1996.
Section 13(b) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (Public Law
104-172; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by striking
``December 31, 2016'' and inserting ``December 31, 2026''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
General Leave
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include any extraneous material in the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6297. This is to extend the
Iran Sanctions Act.
I want to thank Ranking Member Engel for his assistance in bringing
this legislation to the floor.
Time is of the essence, as this critical law expires on December 31.
Unless Congress acts, as we are doing today, we will not have this on
the books. The other body should quickly take up this bill and send it
to the President's desk, keeping a critical tool in place for the
future.
Mr. Speaker, 20 years ago, a bipartisan majority in Congress passed
the Iran Sanctions Act. It was then known as the Iran-Libya Sanctions
Act. The goal was to stop significant foreign investment in Iran's
energy sector, denying the Iranian regime the ability to financially
support international terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and, frankly,
missile proliferation as well. Since then, this legislation has been
reauthorized and expanded on several occasions.
After years of bipartisan work in the Congress, the Iran Sanctions
Act has served here as the statutory foundation of the Iran sanctions
regime. Of course, President Obama developed his nuclear deal with
Iran; and in doing so, that dismantles part of that regime.
I would just point out that, just last week, we heard that a major
European energy firm is close to investing $6 billion in Iran to
develop natural gas, which will, in turn, frankly, enrich the regime.
{time} 1615
The difficulty is in terms of enforcement. What if--and I would
assert ``when''--Iran is found moving towards a bomb? How will we
respond to that?
The Obama administration has long said that sanctions on Iran would
snap back if this were to happen. For that to happen, we need this
legislation because, if the law expires, as the Iran Sanctions Act is
set to do at the end of next month, there is nothing to snap back to.
The Obama administration has struggled to answer that question.
Here is the bottom line: if we let the clock run out on the Iran
Sanctions Act, Congress will take away an important tool to keep Tehran
in check, and that, in turn, will only further jeopardize America's
national security. I urge all Members to support this.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
House of Representatives,
Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R.
6297, the ``Iran Sanctions Extension Act.'' As a result of
your having consulted with us on provisions in H.R. 6297 that
fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways
and Means, I agree to waive consideration of this bill so
that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor.
The Committee on Ways and Means takes this action with the
mutual understanding that by forgoing consideration of H.R.
6297 at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over the
subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and
the Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as
the bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may
address any remaining issues that fall within our
jurisdiction. The Committee also reserves the right to seek
appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any
House-Senate conference involving this or similar
legislation, and requests your support for such request.
Finally, I would appreciate your including a copy of our
exchange of letters on this matter in the Congressional
Record during floor consideration thereof.
Sincerely,
Kevin Brady,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
Hon. Kevin Brady,
Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Brady: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions
Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to
the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I
would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any
House-Senate conference on this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work together
as this measure moves through the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
Hon. Jason Chaffetz,
Chairman, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions
Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to
the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I
would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any
House-Senate conference on this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work together
as this measure moves through the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and
Government Reform,
Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of
Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R.
6297, the Iran Sanctions Extension Act. I agree that your
letter in no way diminishes or alters the jurisdiction of the
Committee on Oversight and Government Reform with response to
the appointment of conferees or to any future jurisdictional
claim over the subject matters contained in the bill or any
similar legislation.
[[Page H6203]]
I am happy to forego a sequential referral of the bill in
the interest of expediting this legislation for floor
consideration. I appreciate you placing a copy of our letter
exchange on H.R. 6297 in the Congressional Record during
floor consideration, to memorialize our understanding.
Thank you for your assistance with this matter.
Sincerely,
Jason Chaffetz,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
Hon. Ed Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing concerning H.R. 6297, the
Iran Sanctions Extension Act.
As a result of your having consulted with the Committee on
Financial Services concerning provisions in the bill that
fall within our Rule X jurisdiction, I agree to forgo action
on the bill so that it may proceed expeditiously to the House
Floor. The Committee on Financial Services takes this action
with our mutual understanding that, by foregoing
consideration of H.R. 6297 at this time, we do not waive any
jurisdiction over the subject matter contained in this or
similar legislation, and that our Committee will be
appropriately consulted and involved as this or similar
legislation moves forward so that we may address any
remaining issues that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction.
Our Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of
an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this or similar legislation, and
requests your support for any such request.
Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter
confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 6297 and
would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on this
matter be placed in the Congressional Record during floor
consideration thereof.
Sincerely,
Jeb Hensarling,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
Hon. Jeb Hensarling,
Chairman, Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Hensarling: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions
Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to
the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I
would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any
House-Senate conference on this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work together
as this measure moves through the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC, November 15, 2016.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: I write with respect to H.R. 6297, the
``Iran Sanctions Extension Act,'' which was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs and in addition to the Committee
on the Judiciary among others. As a result of your having
consulted with us on provisions within H.R. 6297 that fall
within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the
Judiciary, I agree to discharge our committee from further
consideration of this bill so that it may proceed
expeditiously to the House floor for consideration.
The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual
understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 6297 at
this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject
matter contained in this or similar legislation and that our
committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as
this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may
address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our
committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this or similar legislation and asks
that you support any such request.
I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming
this understanding with respect to H.R. 6297 and would ask
that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be
included in the Congressional Record during floor
consideration of H.R. 6297.
Sincerely,
Bob Goodlatte,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC, November 14, 2016.
Hon. Bob Goodlatte,
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Goodlatte: Thank you for consulting with the
Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from
further consideration of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions
Extension Act, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to
the House floor.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of
your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives
on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I
would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any
House-Senate conference on this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 6297 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work together
as this measure moves through the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in support of this measure.
Let me again thank our chairman, Ed Royce, for his leadership on the
Foreign Affairs Committee. I also want to thank the leadership on both
sides of the aisle for working together to get this bipartisan bill to
the floor. Our foreign affairs legislation and particularly sanctions--
we have said this before, but I want to say it again--always work best
when there is bipartisan support.
Since the Iran nuclear deal was struck more than a year ago, I have
consistently said two things: one, I didn't agree with the deal, but
that, once it was in effect, we should try to make it work rather than
try to undermine it; two, we should keep looking for ways to hold
Iran's feet to the fire on all of the other bad behavior issues--
support for terrorism, ballistic missiles, human rights abuses, and all
of those kinds of things.
This legislation--I am happy to say--fits the bill. We can provide
the administration tools to crack down on Iran and still be fully
compliant with our obligations under the nuclear deal. After all, the
exact language in this bill is already law on the books. The Iran
Sanctions Extension Act is a simple, clean extension of current law.
The legislation, which has been reauthorized with large bipartisan
support since 1996, demands that Iran abandon its nuclear weapons
program, cease its ballistic program, and stop its support for
terrorism. All of these remain threats to the United States and to our
allies.
The current law is set to expire on December 31 of this year. We
don't want to let the Iran Sanctions Act lapse. We don't want Iran's
leaders to think we have lost focus on their other dangerous activities
around the world--that we don't mind when they launch ballistic
missiles that are emblazoned with the words, in Hebrew, ``Israel must
be wiped out.'' They must not think that we will look the other way
when they smuggle weapons to the Houthis in Yemen, who, last month,
fired two cruise missiles at a U.S. naval destroyer.
This is a critical moment in the region. There is no end in sight for
Hezbollah's support for the Assad regime. Iran is sowing instability
throughout Yemen, Iraq, Lebanon, and the Gulf; and, more and more, our
friends and allies are unsure about the future of America's resolve. We
need to send a clear message that American leadership is a sure thing.
We all went to school when we were kids, and we learned about the
separation of powers. The legislative branch--this Congress--has an
important say and an important role to play, and we will continue to do
that.
This legislation will provide for an immediate snapback of sanctions
should Iran cheat on the nuclear deal. These sanctions must be in place
to demonstrate to Iran that there are consequences for noncompliance.
In 10 years, when this legislation expires, we will have another
discussion. I sincerely hope that, by then, Iran will have acceded to
every demand of the international community's to stop its ballistic
missile program and will have
[[Page H6204]]
put an end to its destabilizing activities around the region. In the
meantime, hopes won't safeguard our interests. That is why I support
this legislation. That is why we wrote this legislation. I urge my
colleagues to do the same in supporting it.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), who chairs the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee
on the Middle East and North Africa.
Before yielding to the gentlewoman, I do want to express this body's
special appreciation for the work of my predecessor's, Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen--our chairman emeritus--because Ms. Ros-Lehtinen's foresight
and legislative work in prior Congresses, as the author of those
measures, is what put into place the statutory sanctions regime upon
which we continue to rely; so I thank her for that underlying
legislation.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. As always, I thank our esteemed chairman for those
wonderful and kind words, and I thank our terrific friend, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the ranking member. I thank
Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for continuing to be great
examples of the bipartisan cooperation of which we need so much in this
Congress, and I thank the gentlemen for their leadership in bringing
this important bill to the floor this afternoon.
Mr. Speaker, this has been a priority for the United States Congress
but especially to members of our Foreign Affairs Committee, and it has
been an issue on which I have worked extensively--and I thank the
chairman for his words--alongside so many of my colleagues for over two
decades.
In 2006, as the chairman pointed out, I authored a bill that expanded
sanctions on Iran and that extended the Iran Sanctions Act through
2011. In 2010, I worked with then-Foreign Affairs Chairman Howard
Berman on yet another comprehensive Iran sanctions bill, which also
extended the Iran Sanctions Act through the end of this year. Today, I
am so pleased and honored to support Chairman Royce's effort, guided by
Mr. Engel's as well, to extend the Iran Sanctions Act for another 10
years, which will keep the foundation of sanctions against Iran in
place for when Iran violates the nuclear deal.
I believe that those violations have already taken place. Earlier
this year, we already saw the administration buy heavy water from Iran.
Why?
Because Iran was producing more heavy water than it was allowed to
under the terms of the agreement. Just a few days ago, it was announced
that Iran was, once again, over the allowable total of heavy water. We
have also found out that there have been secret exemptions for Iran and
that, without these exemptions, Iran would not have been in compliance
with the JCPOA, which is the initials of the nuclear deal, before the
deal went to Implementation Day.
That is why, Mr. Speaker, it is absolutely vital that we pass Mr.
Royce and Mr. Engel's bill--that we extend these sanctions and that we
keep the foundation of our sanctions against Iran in place. We need to
keep the regime accountable for its violations of its nuclear deal and
for its continued illicit activity.
There is absolutely no justification at all for allowing these
sanctions to lapse. In fact, everything we have witnessed from the
regime this year is a clear indication that we need to be looking at
ensuring that all sanctions against Iran are fully and vigorously
enforced and even expanded.
I urge my colleagues to support this important measure.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Deutch), the ranking member of the Middle East and North
Africa Subcommittee of our Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Speaker, I thank Ranking Member Engel.
I thank Ranking Member Engel and Chairman Royce for moving forward
with this critical piece of legislation to reauthorize the Iran
Sanctions Act, which I am proud to introduce with the gentlemen.
By extending the Iran Sanctions Act for another 10 years, we will
cement the law that has, for 20 years, been the backbone of our Iran
policy. Congress worked for many years in a bipartisan manner to craft
economic sanctions that have brought maximum pressure on the Iran
regime. In fact, it has always been Congress that has been at the
forefront of sanctions policy. The nuclear deal is in place, and these
sanctions provide the teeth when violations occur.
Preserving our sanctions law should not be viewed by anyone as
undermining the nuclear deal. It is, in fact, exactly the opposite.
When the Iran nuclear agreement was negotiated, the entire success of
the deal was predicated on the notion that, should Iran violate the
deal, sanctions would immediately be snapped back into place. The very
real threat of vigorous enforcement of U.S. sanctions is what holds
Iran to its international obligations.
Now, I was not a supporter of the nuclear deal, but that does not
change the fact that the United States is a party to a multilateral
agreement that we have an obligation to enforce vigorously. Strong
sanctions from the European Union and the United Nations have come
because of American leadership. We must continue to exercise that
leadership. By living up to our obligations under the deal and by
continuing to vigorously enforce the deal, including the willingness to
snap back sanctions, we will be able to advance our interests.
The Iran Sanctions Act expires in a matter of weeks. The time for
action is now. I urge my colleagues to move swiftly to pass this bill
and for the Senate to do the same.
Even as we enforce the nuclear deal, Mr. Speaker, the United States
must continue to lead the international community in confronting Iran's
continued sponsorship of terrorism and its dangerous ballistic missile
activity. We must ensure that Iran pays an economic price for
endangering the world through its terror proxies, and we must galvanize
the international community to bring home American and other foreign
citizens whom Iran continues to detain, including my constituent, Bob
Levinson. Iran has not lived up to its obligations to return Bob to his
family.
As we approach Thanksgiving, I plead with my colleagues in the House
and I plead with my fellow citizens from around the country to stand
with the Levinson family so that this is the last Thanksgiving they
celebrate without their husband, their father, and their grandfather
sitting beside them at the Thanksgiving table. We need to bring Bob
Levinson home.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Lance), a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
Mr. LANCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the bipartisan
Iran Sanctions Extension Act. Now is not the time to ease up on the
world's leading sponsor of terrorism. The Iran Sanctions Extension Act
is an important piece of legislation that needs to be extended so that
we can continue our fine work in this area.
I thank Chairman Royce for offering this legislation that will extend
Iranian sanctions for an additional 10 years. As has been stated, these
sanctions will expire at the end of this year if Congress fails to act.
It is imperative that we extend the current sanctions regime. This has
been in place for quite some time, and this in no way affects the
underlying agreement even though I am vigorously opposed to the
underlying agreement.
Let's send a message today that, despite what this administration may
think regarding the continuation of the agreement, the Congress is
united in tough sanctions. We will hold Tehran accountable for its
human rights violations, its support of international terrorism, and
its testing of illegal ballistic missiles.
Sanctions work. Time and time again, U.S. sanctions have been a
powerful force on the world stage and have given the U.S. leverage
against some of the world's worst State actors. Let's not reward
provocations that may have occurred already or provocations that may
occur in the future. I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' and
keep these sanctions in place.
I commend the chairman, the ranking member, and the full committee;
and if this legislation passes, I am hopeful that the President will
sign it into law.
[[Page H6205]]
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, Mr. Engel, and I thank the
chairman, Mr. Royce, for bringing this bipartisan bill to the floor. I
thank them for their efforts on behalf of our country, on behalf of the
security of our country, and on behalf of ensuring that tough sanctions
stay in place.
{time} 1630
Tough sanctions are what brought Iran to the negotiating table, Mr.
Speaker, in the first place; and the prospect of a snapback of
sanctions is what I hope will keep Iran compliant.
Make no mistake: Iran continues to be a bad actor, sponsoring
terrorism, contributing to instability in Syria and Iraq, threatening
Israel, and suppressing democracy within its own borders.
We must continue to ensure that Iran abides by the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action. We had differences on its merits, but we
had no differences that Iran must comply.
No malfeasance ought to be tolerated. Iran's theocratic leaders
continue to threaten Israel and Americans in the region. They continue
as well to pursue ballistic missile technology that destabilizes the
region, and its regime has held Americans captive for years as
bargaining chips in negotiations over its compliance with basic
international law and norms.
This legislation will ensure that President Obama and his successor
will have the full force of sanctions available should Iran violate the
nuclear agreement in any way. It is critical that our approach to Iran
remain bipartisan. Mr. Royce and I have had that discussion; Mr. Engel
and I have had that discussion. I say again that it is critical that
our policy remain bipartisan. Doing so sends a strong signal to our
allies--and even more importantly to our adversaries--that we are
united in our efforts to stop Iran from ever obtaining a nuclear
weapon.
Now that this legislation is completed, we need to turn to the
critical task of ballistic missile sanctions. And I look forward to
working with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to respond
appropriately to Iran pursuing ballistic missile capabilities in
violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions.
Again, I reiterate the fact that we work together, Republicans and
Democrats, where we have many differences; but on this, we should not
have differences because the security of our Nation, the security of
the nations of the Middle East, and indeed the global security depends
upon it.
I thank both Mr. Royce and Mr. Engel, and I thank my colleagues for
working so hard toward this legislation.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith). He is chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee
on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International
Organizations.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chair
for his sponsorship of the Iran Sanctions Extension Act, H.R. 6297.
This is a must-pass measure that would extend for 10 years the Iran
Sanctions Act, a critical set of sanctions targeting Iran's energy
sector that would otherwise expire on December 31st.
As we all know, the administration lifted the vast majority of the
act's sanctions following the purported implementation of the
egregiously flawed Iran nuclear deal in January, but these restrictions
on investment in Iran's nuclear sector would form the backbone of the
so-called snapback sanctions that the U.S. could impose in response to
Iranian violations of the agreement.
Mr. Speaker, let's not kid ourselves, the Iran nuclear agreement is a
mess. There is no anytime/anywhere inspections protocol. Today Iran is
massively expanding both the number and the capability of its ballistic
missile arsenal. Iran remains the leading state sponsor of terrorism.
Now flush with billions of new funding, they are on a weapons
procurement frenzy and are acquiring weapons of many kinds, including
SAM missiles.
There is cheating on a number of fronts. Under the Iranian deal, it
is a matter of when, not if, but when will Iran become a nuclear state.
This is a minimal policy that will at least snap back and say: when
you violate the terms and conditions of the agreement--which I find
flawed and many others do as well--that, at least, there is a snapback,
and those sanctions will be kicked into place. If they don't exist, it
is not going to happen.
So for 20 years, we all know sanctions have played a critical role in
mitigating Iran's destabilizing weapons program and state sponsorship
of terrorism. By imposing sanctions on entities anywhere in the world
that invested in Iran's nuclear sector, the Iran Sanctions Act for
years targeted a key source of revenue that the Iranian Government used
to finance its activities.
So again, I think this is an important bill, and I hope that the
Senate will take it up quickly after House passage.
Again, I thank Chairman Royce and Eliot Engel for their leadership.
This is a bipartisan piece of legislation. It is the barest minimum
that we can do in the face of such a flawed agreement.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Connolly), a very valued member of our Foreign Affairs
Committee.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Engel) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) for their fine
work.
I rise today in support of H.R. 6297, the Iran Sanctions Extension
Act.
When Congress considered the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action last
year, which I supported, we acknowledged that this deal was not a
panacea. It was not designed to resolve the myriad issues that
undergird the U.S. and our allies in their relationship with the
repressive regime in Tehran and its reprehensible support for terrorist
insurgencies throughout the region.
No one agreement is comprehensive. It wasn't in the Soviet era, and
it isn't in this era either.
The Iran deal is designed to eliminate Iran's path to developing a
nuclear weapon and roll it back in exchange for the lifting of all U.S.
nuclear-related sanctions.
Abandoning this deal or reinstating the U.S. nuclear-related
sanctions against Iran would be a dangerous course of action,
introducing unnecessary risks into an already fraught relationship and
into an already delicately balanced multilateral agreement, especially
because the deal is, in fact, working. Iran has met the metrics set
forth, rather rigorous metrics, in the reversal of its nuclear
development program.
However, the scope of the Iran Sanctions Act extends far beyond
nuclear-related sanctions, as do our points of contention with the
Iranian regime. Iran continues to engage in a variety of unacceptable
and destabilizing activities, including domestic human rights abuses,
supporting terrorist groups in the region, and advancing an illicit
ballistic missile program that is of concern, as Mr. Hoyer just
mentioned.
We absolutely can and must continue implementation of the Iran deal
while simultaneously extending this act as leverage to combat Iran's
other unconscionable behavior.
I want to thank the majority for bringing to the floor a clean
reauthorization of the Iran Sanctions Act, which in doing so safeguards
a longstanding bipartisan consensus to counter Iran, something I think
we need, especially after this election, more than ever before.
Again, I commend the chairman and the ranking member for their
leadership.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode
Island (Mr. Cicilline), another very valued member of the Foreign
Affairs Committee.
Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6297, the
bipartisan Iran Sanctions Extension Act.
H.R. 6297 will extend the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996, as amended, for
an additional 10 years through December 31, 2026. If we fail to act,
these sanctions will expire at the end of this year.
The Iran Sanctions Act was the first major extraterritorial sanctions
on Iran which authorized U.S. penalties against third country firms. It
has been an essential part of U.S. sanctions
[[Page H6206]]
aimed at denying Iran the financial means to support terrorist
organizations and other armed factions or to further its nuclear and
weapons of mass destruction programs.
We must confront Iran's dangerous behavior around the world and
actions against its own people by extending the Iran Sanctions Act.
Iran's ballistic missile program and support for terrorism threatens
our regional allies, including Israel.
Also, Iran's blatant disregard for human rights and the human rights
of its own people and other nationals, including Americans, is horrific
and violates well-established international standards of human rights.
I want to emphasize that the Iran Sanctions Act does not violate the
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which remains an important
instrument to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability.
Rather, this bill maintains the strong sanctions architecture to
inhibit Iran from engaging in dangerous activities that are an anathema
to international norms.
We all recognize the significant challenges that remain in our
approach to the Iranian regime. We must continue to condemn and work to
end Iran's support for terrorists throughout the region, including
Hamas and Hezbollah.
This bill enables us to take these steps to accomplish our national
security objectives. It is imperative that we impose sanctions for
Iran's violations regarding support for terrorism, its ballistic
missiles program, and human rights.
I urge my colleagues to pass the Iran Sanctions Extension Act to
maintain the current sanctions architecture and to send a strong
bipartisan message that we will continue to hold Iran accountable for
any terrorist activity.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I will reserve the right to close, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to
close.
In closing, let me say, with the upcoming transition, we are wading
into some uncertain waters when it comes to foreign policy. Congress
must do its part to ensure stability and consistency on core, foreign
policy issues. There is no better example of that stability than this
legislation, which has been on the books for two decades.
I thank Chairman Royce for bringing it up. I am proud to be the
leading cosponsor with him on the bill. I think this again shows the
bipartisan nature of our committee and on foreign policy and how
foreign policy ought to be done.
This bill will help ease the way forward with our own transition. It
will remind Iran's leaders that we still have a lot of contentious
issues to deal with; and it will signal to the world that even after a
hard-fought election here at home and power changing hands, American
leadership on the global stage won't falter.
Again, I thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for moving
this legislation so quickly. I urge a ``yes'' vote and quick action in
the Senate. I hope President Obama will sign this bill and extend this
important law.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Once again, Mr. Speaker, I want to recognize Mr. Engel for his help
in bringing this bill to the floor during the 114th Congress. The
ranking member and I have been to this floor debating Iran many, many
times. For most all of it, we agreed. For some of it, we didn't. But we
never doubted each other's sincere views or motives and always
conducted the debate in the tradition that is befitting of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs and this House.
Mr. Speaker, since it was first passed 20 years ago, the Iran
Sanctions Act has been at the center of the U.S. response to the threat
posed by the Iranian regime. Despite the Obama administration's
dangerous nuclear deal, this law remains critical to U.S. efforts to
counter the full range of Iran's malicious activity.
This law will expire at the end of the year if Congress does not pass
an extension, denying future administrations a critical tool. Its
expiration would compound the damage done by the President's dangerous
nuclear deal and send a message that the United States will no longer
oppose the destructive role of Iran in the Middle East; and that is why
we are acting today to provide clear statutory authority to reimpose or
snap back many of the most powerful sanctions on Iran's energy industry
if the regime rushes toward a nuclear weapon.
I look forward to putting this bill on the President's desk for his
signature before the end of the 114th Congress and then returning next
year to work with Mr. Engel, to work with a new administration, to work
with all the members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs as the United
States and our allies confront the growing aggression of the Iranian
regime.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of extending the
option of sanctions against Iran by passage of H.R. 6297, the Iran
Sanctions Extensions Extension Act, which reauthorizes the Iran
Sanctions Act of 1996 for 10 years.
As a Senior Member of the Homeland Security Committee, and Ranking
Member of the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism,
Homeland Security, and Investigations, I am very much aware of what is
at stake in the work done by President Obama to ensure that Iran does
not have the breakout capacity to build a nuclear weapon.
Events over this Congress make it clear that Congress should be even
more vigilant in providing for the protection of the United States.
Congress should be mindful of the:
United States' leadership in the effort to forge an enforceable and
verifiable nuclear agreement with Iran; and
Deadliness of chemical weapons when they were used during the Syrian
conflict against unarmed men, women, and children.
H.R. 6297 allows Congress the option to impose sanctions, but does
renew the imposition of sanctions.
As Congress continues to review the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action (JCPOA), which resulted in the significant reduction in Iran's
capabilities to develop a nuclear weapon, we must continue the peaceful
and verifiable efforts to cut off Iran's pathways to a nuclear weapon.
President Obama and current and former Secretary of State John Kerry
and Hillary Clinton were successful in the pursuit of global sanctions
and gained the cooperation of the world, including Russian and China,
which was critical in bringing the Iranians to the negotiation table on
their nuclear arms program.
We should retain in our arsenal the option to impose sanctions so
that if necessary the United States can act quickly to coordinate a
global response to any threat posed by Iran's verified breach of the
JCPOA.
Declaring sanctions for the sake of declaring sanctions against Iran
should never be the objective, nor should we forget that the
effectiveness of sanctions are their global nature.
Under President Obama's brilliant leadership the United States had
the stature around the globe to impose sanctions, and the diplomatic
ties to gain global cooperation to expand participation in Iranian
sanctions because we could make the case that Iran's nuclear program
posed an international threat to peace and stability.
The United States is the world's foremost authority on radiological
weapons grade material detection and source identification.
The Department of Homeland Security is leading the effort through its
Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO) to create a Global Nuclear
Detection Architecture, which should be aggressively supported with
sufficient funding by Congress.
Recognizing the threat posed by nuclear and other radioactive
materials, DNDO was created by National Security Presidential Directive
(NSPD)-43 and Homeland Security Presidential Directive (HSPD)-14 and
subsequently codified by Title V of the Security and Accountability For
Every (SAFE) Port Act (Pub. L. No. 109-347), which amended the Homeland
Security Act of 2002.
A key area that the United States has focused its capabilities and
resources is blocking the enrichment of radioactive materials for
weapons use; and the detection of radioactive materials that would pose
a threat to public safety and health.
There are several material facts that must be understood about
weapons grade radioactive material--each nation's process for refining
nuclear material for use in a weapon is unique.
Radioactive material has a unique spectrum range and composition that
is akin to signatures that cannot be confused with other sources of
radioactive material both natural and manmade.
The first essential fact is that having samples and data from Iranian
facilities where materials in Iran were produced established the
radiological signatures for materials that could have only come from
those facilities or from processes that follow the methods used by the
Iranian nuclear physicists who developed their program.
The United States has those samples and the data needed to identify
material from Iranian efforts to purify radiological materials.
[[Page H6207]]
The second essential fact is that radiological material leaves
evidence of its presence long after it may have been removed from an
area.
The physical evidence of centrifuges; storage facilities or weapons
themselves are not the only evidence that may convict Iran of violation
of the agreement; it can also be the unique Iranian radiation trail
left behind during any attempt to refine or purify radiological
material for use in a weapon or the transfer of even small quantities
of material that is generated or sourced by the Iranians.
The third essential fact is that if the Iranians need special
centrifuges to refine radiological material to a point that it may be
used for a weapon.
H.R. 6297, assures that any attempt by the Iranians to cheat by
refining more radiological material than is allowed will be detected
and Congress would be prepared to impose a sanctions regime.
Another significant signal of Iranian violation would be the unique
signature of the sound made by centrifuges that are used to purify
radiological material make noise.
The sound of these massive centrifuges will be detectable many miles
away from where they are operated--and the United States has the
resources in place in cooperation with allies around the world to
detect if enrichment activity is occurring.
Operating more centrifuges than is allowed by the agreement would be
a actionable sign that Iran is seeking to purify more radioactive
material than is allowed by the agreement.
This is important to the timeline in calculating the time to
breakout--having enough enriched material to use in a weapon.
The final essential fact is that the United States has satellite
surveillance and ground surveillance capability to detect in great
detail activity on the ground.
The United States used these resources to identify nuclear arms
activity that informed the administration of the severity of the issue
and used that evidence to galvanize international support for one of
the most successful embargoes in human history.
For these reasons, I will join my colleagues in supporting passage of
this bipartisan effort to extend by 10 years the period that sanctions
may be applied to Iran.
I urge you to join me in support of this bill and the excellent work
of the Obama Administration in making the world much safer from nuclear
threats.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in full support of H.R. 6297--the
Iran Sanctions Extension Act. This critically-needed legislation will
extend for 10 years U.S. sanctions against Iran's energy sector, which
will expire at the end of this year if Congress doesn't act.
These crippling sanctions, in addition to other measures passed by
Congress during the last two decades, were the driving force that
brought Iran to the negotiating table and ultimately curtailed their
nuclear program under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action reached
last year between our P5+1 partners and Iran.
While there has been much debate over the JCPOA, there should be no
question in any one's mind that it must now be rigorously enforced so
that Iran is held accountable for its actions. The measure before us
today is fundamental to this effort.
In order to `snap-back' the sanctions temporarily waived by the
Administration under the deal, we must keep in place our sanctions
infrastructure. Otherwise it would be much harder to quickly re-impose
harsh economic penalties on Iran if they cheat or renege on their
commitments.
Enforcing the Iran deal, stopping Iran's destabilizing activities in
the region, including ballistic missile testing and funding of
terrorist groups, and securing the unconditional release of Americans
imprisoned by the Iranian regime, must remain our top priorities going
forward. That is why I am grateful to Congressman Royce and Congressman
Engel for working together on a bipartisan basis on today's measure and
for their leadership on these issues.
For all of us, this is now a critical and challenging moment. We must
come together as lawmakers, put aside partisan differences, and abide
by our long-standing bipartisan approach to foreign policy. Our
national security and security of our allies in the region depend on
it.
Thank you and I urge immediate passage of the Iran Sanctions
Extension Act.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my continued support for
the critical nuclear agreement (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action
or JCPOA) forged to keep Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. I
believe that agreement remains the best option to prevent Iran from
acquiring a nuclear weapon.
Keeping Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon is a bipartisan
priority, which is why the U.S. must uphold the commitments we made
under that deal. According to the evidence before me, Iran has largely
fulfilled its obligations including limiting its stockpile of uranium,
drastically reducing its operating centrifuges, and removed the core of
its Arak reactor.
While not perfect, this is one of the most stringent non-
proliferation agreements ever negotiated and includes tough
verification requirements. The JCPOA has led to real on the ground
progress in restricting Iran's nuclear program, something that our
nation never achieved even under the most biting sanctions.
Despite any limitations, the agreement is working as intended in the
face of many skeptics and naysayers. And we all have a shared interest
in helping to continue to foster the fertile ground necessary to
support its continued implementation and compliance by both parties.
So I will support a ``clean'' reauthorization of the Iran Sanctions
Act authorities even though the President has made clear he has
authority under other federal laws (that do not expire) to snap back
some sanctions even in the absence of this law. Critically, this bill
does not put new obstacles in the way of the U.S. upholding its
commitments but intends to essentially reassert the existing status
quo. This is unlike other legislation we will consider this week that
more directly impact our commitments under the JCPOA.
The stakes at play here are very high for our nation and our regional
allies including Israel. So rather than wasting time trying to
undermine it, we all must continue to work to ensure the long term
success of this deal and the goal we all share of keeping Iran from
obtaining nuclear weapons.
We used sanctions to bring Iran to the table, worked with our
international partners to secure a strong deal, and now more than ever
need to make sure we uphold our end of the bargain.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House suspend the rules
and pass the bill, H.R. 6297.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the 15-
minute vote on suspending the rules and passing H.R. 6297 will be
followed by a 5-minute vote on suspending the rules and adopting H.
Res. 780.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 419,
nays 1, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 577]
YEAS--419
Abraham
Adams
Aderholt
Aguilar
Allen
Amash
Amodei
Ashford
Babin
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Benishek
Bera
Beyer
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Bost
Boustany
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brat
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Capps
Capuano
Cardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clawson (FL)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coffman
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comer
Conaway
Connolly
Conyers
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Costello (PA)
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Curbelo (FL)
Davidson
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Denham
Dent
DeSaulnier
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Dold
Donovan
Doyle, Michael F.
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Ellmers (NC)
Emmer (MN)
Engel
Eshoo
Esty
Evans
Farenthold
Farr
Fincher
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garrett
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Graham
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffith
Grijalva
Grothman
Guinta
Guthrie
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hanna
Hardy
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Higgins
Hill
Himes
Holding
Honda
Hoyer
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huffman
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Hurt (VA)
Israel
Issa
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
[[Page H6208]]
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kirkpatrick
Kline
Knight
Kuster
Labrador
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latta
Lawrence
Lee
Levin
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
MacArthur
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McCollum
McGovern
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Meng
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Moore
Moulton
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Newhouse
Noem
Nolan
Norcross
Nunes
O'Rourke
Olson
Palazzo
Pallone
Palmer
Pascrell
Paulsen
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters
Peterson
Pingree
Pittenger
Pitts
Pocan
Poliquin
Polis
Pompeo
Posey
Price (NC)
Price, Tom
Quigley
Rangel
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (NY)
Rice (SC)
Richmond
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney (FL)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Russell
Ryan (OH)
Salmon
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Scalise
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Speier
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Trott
Tsongas
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yarmuth
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Young (IN)
Zeldin
Zinke
NAYS--1
Massie
NOT VOTING--14
Comstock
DeSantis
Fitzpatrick
Granger
Gutierrez
Hinojosa
Lewis
McDermott
Neugebauer
Nugent
Pearce
Poe (TX)
Sanchez, Loretta
Westmoreland
{time} 1707
Mr. SENSENBRENNER changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and
the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mrs. COMSTOCK. Mr. Speaker, my card did not register. Had I been
present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 577.
Mr. PEARCE. Mr. Speaker, I was not present to vote on H.R. 6297, the
Iran Sanctions Extension Act. Had I been present, I would have voted
``yea'' on rollcall No. 577.
____________________