[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 139 (Wednesday, September 14, 2016)]
[House]
[Pages H5486-H5491]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
AMERICAN FREEDOMS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2015, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gibson) is recognized
for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. GIBSON. Madam Speaker, this evening I will be joined with three
other veterans, and among the four of us are three airborne Ranger-
qualified veterans and one Navy SEAL. We will be talking about our
freedoms and this exceptional way of life.
Madam Speaker, earlier this year, on the Fourth of July, we
celebrated 240
[[Page H5487]]
years of our independence, celebrating our freedoms.
Earlier this week in a series of somber memorials, I was in some of
my towns across the 11 counties of the 19th Congressional District of
New York, and we marked the 15th year since the 11th of September of
2001.
Madam Speaker, it has often been the case in the human experience
that in adversity, character is revealed. I would submit that the
character of the American soul was revealed on that day. Courage in the
face of danger.
At the World Trade Center, when so many Americans were working their
way down the stairs, our first responders were on their way up to make
sure that no one was left behind. Remarkable courage in the face of
danger.
And I think about what it must have been like on United Airlines
Flight 93 when they had that revelation that the country was under
attack and that their plane, which had been hijacked, was destined for
some target, likely in the National Capital Region, and how they
summoned up the courage to attack. Ordinary Americans doing
extraordinary things. Courage in the face of danger. Part of the
American soul, part of our character. Also, I would add, unity, unity
of our country.
Very often we celebrate the diversity in this country. And, in fact,
we are very proud of the fact that we have freedom of thought, freedom
of expression, and we celebrate that diversity. But, Madam Speaker, we
also at the same time honor our unity, and that was clearly on display
on the 11th of September and all the days after.
Then, finally, what I would add is courage in the face of danger,
unity, love, and support. I saw that firsthand again this week
throughout my district at these memorials. It certainly was the case on
the 11th of September.
When you think about what it means to be an American and the freedoms
that we hold dear, this is a way of life worth defending, and that is
why I am excited to be with my colleagues here this evening to talk
about that. Because oftentimes we don't think about this, it is no less
true.
What we did in the 18th century was truly radical. We changed the
trajectory of history with our Revolution. Think about those summoning
words in the Declaration of Independence:
``WE hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of
Happiness--That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted
among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the
Governed.''
We have a tendency to look back on that and say, Well, of course.
That was utterly radical. The 18th century was the era of the divine
right of kings and queens and aristocracies. The heads of state of
Europe, they gave us no chance. They never thought this would work.
They scoffed at us. They believed that, ultimately, chaos would unfold
and that we would beg for the monarchy to come back. And, Madam
Speaker, we showed the world a humble nation, mostly farmers at the
time; and we showed the world that we could not only survive, that we
could thrive and flourish and really go on to be, as many have said,
the greatest hope for mankind.
Madam Speaker, that is why we are here tonight. We all believe
passionately in this. We took an oath that said we were ready to give
our life for that, and we are still fighting for that now, as we serve
in the United States Congress.
And when we consider the kind of government that we brought forward,
this was a government of the people, by the people, for the people, a
self-governing people. Philosophers had written about it. We had some
forms of that in republics over the centuries. But really what many had
theorized, we were really the first to put in full practice.
And here I am talking explicitly about an independent judiciary.
Heretofore, they had been, you know, extensions of the crown,
extensions of the executive branch.
James Madison and many of the Founders came forward and they said--
and this is what was so revolutionary--we are going to put the
individual at the center, the citizen at the center. Before that time,
government really was the state, it was the king, it was the queen. And
we said we are going to be self-governing.
Madam Speaker, to do that, we brought forward a Constitution. And
that was, again, what was really, I think, in the end, pivotal because
we had a contemporary.
Less than a decade later, France had a revolution, but,
unfortunately, ultimately, they begged for the monarchy to come back.
Their revolution did not succeed, but ours did. And it really was the
genius design of the Constitution that diffused power, that celebrated
liberty, and put the citizen at the center, the separation of powers,
the checks and balances, the auxiliary checks that came with it. We are
talking about Federalism.
We chose the word ``state'' on purpose. We could have chose
``province.'' We could have chose any other word. We chose the word
``state'' because we believed in that cosovereignty. And, of course,
undergirding all of that was the idea of an empowered citizen, as I
mentioned.
Some historians have said that when you look at all of this, when you
look at Federalist Papers, when you look at the Constitution, when you
look at the Bill of Rights, it has been argued that these are some of
the most summoning words ever penned; and I agree with that. But, Madam
Speaker, this was also very real.
What our Founders instantiated in the Bill of Rights, everything they
put there, had happened to us. I mean, King George had abused the
colonists. He had abused us. And we said, No more. We said that we
shall have liberty.
So when you look at the First Amendment, for example, the king had
denied us the ability of freedom of speech. He told us that we could
not have freedom of religion. He superimposed his religious views on
all of the colonists. He said that we couldn't meet in groups of more
than three because he said we would be conspiring against him. It turns
out he was actually right about that.
Madam Speaker, he denied us the right to petition our government. We
put together petitions. We sent it overseas to the king, anxiously
waiting on a response. The king didn't even open them. He wouldn't open
these petitions. He said they didn't have the standing, they don't have
the right.
Our Founders said that all of our citizens have the right to petition
their government; they have the right to assemble; they have the right
to freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion. We
hold these dear, and we are very proud of this.
The Second Amendment. Madam Speaker, we often learn that the Brits
marched on our guns; and that, in part, is why the Second Amendment was
put there. Well, let's remember this: sure, it was the Brits, but that
doesn't even make the point. That was our government. The Brits at the
time were essentially our national government, and they marched on our
guns. The Founders said, No more. Free citizens who have rights and
responsibilities have the right to keep and bear arms.
The Third Amendment. Madam Speaker, the king had quartered troops in
our homes. He did that without asking; didn't pay us any money. Our
Founders said that is a violation; it is a violation of the citizen;
and that the only time that a government can quarter troops in a home
is if Congress declares that there is a state of war and if citizens
are reimbursed for that.
Madam Speaker, the Fourth Amendment. The king routinely sent his
troops into our homes. He didn't need cause. They turned furniture
upside down. They could look for anything. Our Founders said that would
not happen again. They said that we have the right--as citizens, we
have the right to be reasonably secure in ourselves, in our belongings,
and that the only way the government could get access to that is if
they followed a process, due process where they stood before a judge
and they showed probable cause for action. Only then shall warrants be
writ, and those warrants shall have specificity in person, place, and
thing. Central to liberty.
Madam Speaker, the Fifth through the Eighth Amendments have to do
with the rights of the accused. We have the right to hear the charges
against us. We have the right to not be locked up, indefinitely
detained without
[[Page H5488]]
charge. We have the right to counsel. We have the right to not be
forced to testify against ourselves. We also won't have double
jeopardy. If we are facing a capital crime, it shall first go to a
grand jury. We have the right to speedy and public trials by jury, and
we have the right to protection from unjust punishment.
{time} 1830
Madam Speaker, the Ninth and Tenth Amendments are an affirmation of
limited government because the Founders said that anything that wasn't
explicitly written in the document would be left for the States or the
people.
Madam Speaker, this changed the history of the world. This was an
incredible moment when freedom was born. And every generation since,
servicemen and -women have had to stand up to protect those freedoms
because we believe in the idea of the citizen and we believe in the
idea of liberty.
Madam Speaker, I want to be clear. There has been a lot of discussion
in this Chamber about the safety and security of our families and our
communities. I want to state very clearly that all of us veterans here,
we believe deeply in this. We love our families, we love our friends,
we love our communities, and we want to assure their safety. That is
partly what inspired us to go forward, to deploy, to fight our enemies:
to ensure the protection of our loved ones.
We don't believe that by targeting with law law-abiding citizens we
are going to be safer. We believe in background checks. Of course, we
do. We don't want terrorists to get guns. In fact, we endeavor to kill
or capture terrorists.
We believe this. We believe that any public policy that is enacted
needs to actually solve the problem while at the same time protecting
our liberties, assuring us of the freedoms that we fought for.
As we look across, what is evident is that we have issues right now
with gangs and narcotraffickers, and so we support action. In fact, we
helped pass, in this Chamber, legislation that addressed that. When we
addressed the opioid issue, we addressed education, which is so
important to cutting down on opioid abuse. We addressed treatment. We
also addressed enforcement.
Federalism has many virtues, but it has some challenges, too. There
are seams. There are seams that these narcotraffickers and gangs can
exploit, and we helped address that.
Madam Speaker, these are constructive actions that can help make us
safer. We fought to defend these freedoms. We are still fighting to
defend these freedoms.
Madam Speaker, we are now going to hear from a series of speakers. I
want to first bring up my friend from Oklahoma, Steve Russell. He
represents the Fifth District in Oklahoma. He served in the United
States Army for 21 years. He commanded a battalion. His battalion was
actually the main effort that captured Saddam Hussein back in December
of 2003 in Iraq. This is an incredible person. He is a warrior. He is
scholar. He is a statesman. He was decorated with the Combat
Infantryman Badge. His servicemen and -women were awarded the Valorous
Unit Award, and he personally was decorated for valor. He is also a
small-business owner, rifle manufacturing business. He was a
representative in Oklahoma before he came here. I am very honored to
serve with him.
I yield to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Russell).
Mr. RUSSELL. Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague and fellow warrior
from New York and my brother warriors who are joining me in this effort
today. It is an honor to have a sister warrior who is also sitting in
the chair with us here tonight.
The right to keep and bear arms is as fundamental to our freedom as
any other inalienable right we enjoy as Americans. This right is God-
given--as much as the freedom of religion and to exercise worship, the
freedom to assemble and express, the freedom to own property and
protect our privacy.
As such, serious-minded individuals must have serious deliberation on
any attempt to alter these fundamental rights. In a time where
Americans face uncertain threats from terrorists at home and abroad,
most Americans clearly understand why we must preserve the right to
defend ourselves, our families, and our property.
For those who would refuse their right to defend themselves, they
certainly have the freedom to do so. They do not have the freedom to
make that decision for others.
In terms of human behavior, our survival instincts are inherent. The
Creator of the universe did not make human beings with fangs, claws,
quills, odors, or poisons for their self-defense. Instead, he gave them
their intelligence and, by extension, their hands to fashion implements
to protect their lives.
While the Progressives are certainly welcome to choose not to defend
themselves, as is their right, it is not their right to prohibit others
from protecting their lives, liberty, and property or the Bill of
Rights of the Constitution of the United States.
It was New Year's Eve in Blanchard, Oklahoma. Eighteen-year-old
mother Sarah McKinley, who was alone with her 3-month-old son, heard a
ruckus at the door. Two men were outside trying to break it down.
Grabbing her baby and barricading the door with her sofa, she
immediately called 911.
In the frantic and desperate situation, it became clear that law
enforcement would not arrive in time to prevent the assault by armed
intruders with designs that can only be imagined. She informed the
dispatcher that she had a shotgun and asked if it was all right to
shoot the intruders if they made it inside. Wisely, the dispatcher told
Sarah: I can't tell you to do that, but you do what you have to do to
protect your baby.
Sarah already knew what she had to do and hoped against hope that law
enforcement, while responding quickly, would arrive in time. When the
armed intruders broke down the door, 24-year-old Justin Martin climbed
over the couch and was greeted with a shotgun blast to the chest. While
his accomplice ran for his life, Sarah had saved hers and her son's.
A year ago, 88-year-old Arlene Orms was at home in Miami, Florida,
when an intruder kicked in her door. Orms responded by retrieving a
small .25-caliber pistol and fired at the home invader, prompting the
criminal to flee.
Following the incident, Orms' neighbors expressed support for her
actions, with one telling a local media outlet: ``You have to do
something . . . You have to do something to protect yourself.''
Americans all across this land understand inherently you have the
right to defend yourself, your property, your loved ones, and your
liberty.
Progressives can no more rewrite history than they can rewrite the
Constitution. From Madison, Hamilton, Jefferson, and Adams, all the way
to the Supreme Court decisions with Heller and McDonald, this
inalienable right has been affirmed in defense of its articulation in
the Bill of Rights.
While the President complains of congressional inaction on the right
to keep and bear arms, we can no more take action to deny this right
that we could deny a free press, free religious expression, or property
rights of individuals. Congress cannot become a vehicle to destroy the
Bill of Rights.
Madam Speaker, my fellow warriors and I have nearly lost our lives
like you defending this Republic in our Nation's Armed Forces doing
very hard things. We stand as brothers in arms to declare that we will
stand in the way of any Executive who will not uphold the Constitution
of the United States, plain and simple.
Still, the administration and progressives press forward with passion
and conviction, convincing Americans that the threat is so grievous,
the injury so great, that Americans must now act. We are told that mass
shootings are on the rise and gun deaths are out of control and the
worst possible environment exists among developed nations.
Before America signs up to eliminate one of her inalienable rights,
let's deliberate with a sober mind on this issue. The President and his
party would report outrage if conservatives suggested that the First
Amendment must be scrapped because of outrageous libel, hate speech,
religious bigotry, and sit-ins warranted necessary commonsense reforms
so that we could take away the first of our enumerated freedoms
embodied in the Bill of Rights. There would be outrage
[[Page H5489]]
over such a suggestion. Americans recognize that we must face the
unpleasantness of its abuse to secure its inviolable status.
Not the same, some may say. We are talking about outrageous loss of
life and injury, and it has to stop. Since when did our security become
substitute for our liberty? Americans for 240 years have rather
sacrificed to secure it.
My brother warriors with me here, Madam Speaker, along with you and
your service, we stand in that group of those who have defended and
supported the Constitution since we were very young adults.
What about the facts? With more than 33,000 gun homicides last year,
the question is asked: Don't you think it is time to do something about
gun violence?
Well, here are the facts:
More than 60 percent of these homicides are suicides. While tragic,
it is not the same.
Only 8,124 were with firearms of the 11,961 that were murders. That
is 8,124, not the 33,000 that you hear.
This is a 9 percent decline in gun murders since 2010. Haven't heard
that one, a 20 percent decline in gun murders since 2005. Again, you
haven't heard that one. A 50 percent decline in gun murders since 1995.
The laws seem to be working. With shall-issue carry laws and good
lawmaking in States, we have seen a 50 percent diminishment in the
problem. That is called success. Why on earth would people want to
change that?
Here is another one that we see people asking: People are being
slaughtered by these assault weapons. Don't you think it is time we ban
them?
Assault weapons are fully automatic and unavailable to the public.
Semiautomatic rifles make up the majority of rifles owned in the United
States. Here is an interesting fact. Of those 8,124 murders with
firearms in 2014, the last full statistical year, only 248 were with
rifles of any kind--that would be flintlocks; that would be
semiautomatic rifles; that could be anything. 8,124--not the 33,000. Of
those, 248 were with rifles. Yet people think that: Oh, my goodness.
This is the problem. This is what we have to ban. Statistically, the
facts are simply not there.
To put that in perspective, of other murders in different categories,
435 people were murdered in 2014 with clubs and hammers; 660 were
murdered in 2014 with hands, fists, and feet.
So let's have the deliberative debate, but let's look at the facts.
Don't you think a terrorist, if they can't board a plane, they ought
not to be able to buy a firearm. News flash: the terrorist watch list
has over 1 million names; 99 percent of them are foreigners. As the
only firearms manufacturer in Congress, I can assure you in the 18 U.S.
Code and in the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms regulations that
govern manufacturers and dealers, guess what. They can't purchase a
firearm, not as a nonresident alien. Ain't going to happen. If we were
to do that, we would be committing a felony.
Of the less than 1 percent that might be eligible, an even smaller
fraction of these are on separate no-fly lists. Yet you don't hear
these facts. You are hearing them tonight in the people's House.
{time} 1845
All Federal prohibitors would trigger an alert to the FBI on any
firearms transfer, even if they were eligible.
What about the gun show loophole? Don't you think businesses should
be forced to conduct background checks at gun shows? I have a firearms
business. If we were to go to a gun show and set up there, and we were
to do a firearms transfer under that license without a NICS check and a
4473, we would be committing a felony.
No firearms licensee can transfer a firearm without a background
check, period. If so, a felony is committed with stiff penalties. On-
site business or off-site transfer, it doesn't matter. It is
irrelevant. These are the facts.
What about Internet gun sales, don't you think there should be a
background check on those? Why, you can just go on the Internet and
they mail you a firearm.
No licensee will transfer a firearm to another location without
sending it to another licensee to make the transfer. When people order
our products, we send them out to another Federal firearms licensee.
They do the background checks. They do the transfer. If that doesn't
happen, nothing is transferred. To do so is to commit a felony
otherwise.
Further, no firearm can be transferred through the mail or a shipping
service unless by a licensee, and unless--the only exception--it is the
owner sending it back to the manufacturer to have some repair made or
something of that nature.
And so these are the facts that we see and that we deal with. As we
go into this debate, we have to go into it with deliberation. We often
hear: Why aren't we having these issues? Why aren't we discussing this
issue? Let's have the debate. Let's go after the facts.
Serious people decline to trivialize any right expressly addressed in
the Bill of Rights. A government that abrogates any of the Bill of
Rights, with or without majority approval, forever acts illegitimately
and loses the moral right to govern this Republic. This is the
uncompromising understanding reflected in the warning that America's
gun owners will not go gently into the utopian woods.
While liberals and gun control advocates will take such a statement
as evidence of their belief in the back-water, violent, untrustworthy
nature of the armed American citizen, as gun owners, veterans, combat
veterans, defenders of this Republic, we understand that hope, that
liberals hold equally strong conviction with theirs about printing
presses, Internet blogs, and television cameras. We get that. It is the
same Bill of Rights, inalienable.
The Republic depends on the fervent devotion to all of our rights,
not selective rights. This is the oath we take, and no President's
tears or progressives' passionate pleas will shake us from the defense
of the Constitution of the United States.
Mr. GIBSON. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Oklahoma. I
want to thank him for providing real illumination on important data and
also on law. I think too often we can move off quickly without having a
firm understanding of what the current law is, and so we really
appreciate him bringing clarity to that subject.
And also inherent in the gentleman's talk, this idea, this Bill of
Rights, is formed with the basis of a citizen that has rights and
responsibilities. We know as citizens that we have a responsibility to
follow the law. And if we don't follow the law, we are fully held to
account for that. That is another piece I think that is occasionally
missing from all this. And certainly what is missing, I believe, is the
fact that all of us here tonight and, indeed, Madam Speaker, all of us
acknowledge your very distinguished career in the United States
military and, in so many ways, how you were a trailblazer and how you
really are a role model for everyone. We are so honored to serve with
you.
We recognize the fact that for all of us, we believe with every fiber
in our body that we are going to stand for these rights, that the
policy that we bring forward is going to be based on those rights, and
also looking to solve the problem which, as I pointed out, when you
actually look at the facts and you listen to the data, you know that
where the problems are are these narcotraffickers. You know, we have
issues with that, and we need to take action with that. So when we
focus our policies in the area that is causing the problem, we will
actually begin to see an even more safe and secure environment.
By the way, also the deterrence, along with addressing the issue with
narcotraffickers and gangs, is the deterrent value itself of the Second
Amendment. So I want to thank Mr. Russell.
At this point, I want to bring up another great American, Ryan Zinke.
He is the at-large representative from Montana. Congressman Zinke spent
23 years in the United States military. He was a United States Navy
SEAL. In fact, he commanded SEAL Team Six. He was the commander of
Joint Special Operations Task Force in the Arabian Peninsula, leading
over 3,500 special operators in Iraq. He also established the Navy
Special Warfare Advanced Training Command and served as the first dean
of the Naval Special Warfare graduate school. He earned two Bronze
Stars during his service, and his service continues now. His daughter
was a former U.S. Navy diver, and she is married to a Navy SEAL.
[[Page H5490]]
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Montana (Mr. Zinke), my
good friend.
Mr. ZINKE. Madam Speaker, when I was a Commander at SEAL Team Six, I
can tell you I was never the best jumper, diver, explosives expert, but
I always knew who was. I was able to surround myself with, I think, the
greatest team that this country could muster.
I feel privileged and honored also in Congress to be able to surround
myself with what I think are the greatest team of patriots, both men
and women who have served our country and have a great love for our
Constitution.
Tonight's discussion is about the Constitution. All of us took an
oath to defend and support the Constitution against all enemies,
foreign and domestic; and this time in our government's history, I
don't think there is more of an important message to do that today.
Our Constitution is about individual rights granted to us not by the
government but by God, secured by the people. What we find ourselves
today is not a Republican or Democrat issue. This is an American issue,
and it strikes at the very heart of our country.
Across our great land, there is a sense that America has lost her
place. There is a sense that tomorrow is not going to be a better day,
that America's greatness has passed. I don't share that thought because
I believe in the people of America.
What I think has happened is this: We always thought that our
President or elected officials would always have our best interests at
heart. And America went busy doing the things that are required every
day, moms were dropping the kids off to school, we were working,
building small businesses, mom-and-pop stores were out there doing
commerce, and we always thought, again, that our officials, our elected
officials, would always do what is right.
Well, there is a saying in the SEALs that you have to earn your
Trident every day. In America, we have to earn our freedoms every day.
And earning our freedoms is participating in our elections, and it is
holding our elected officials accountable, making sure that this great
democracy, which is the light of the world, maintains its place.
John F. Kennedy, in his inaugural address, said that our great Nation
would pay any price and bear any burden in the defense of freedom. That
sounding call was a call to all men and women worldwide that the United
States would be there in the defense of our freedoms. There was a bond,
a democracy, and a government by the people and for the people that
provided the most opportunity for all of us. At the heart of it is the
defense of our individual freedoms--our freedom of speech, religion,
and our freedom to bear arms. They are sacred. They are sacred to
Americans and the envy of the world.
So tonight, as we think about what is important in our country, I say
this: It is time for America to stand. It is time for us to rally. Our
country is worth fighting for. Our values are worth defending. Our
Nation requires all of us to act. We all rise and fall on the same
tide. We all share the same experience of being American.
With that, I am honored to be with you tonight. Thank you, and God
bless.
Mr. GIBSON. I want to thank the gentleman. I want to thank him for
really putting in focus the fact that these natural rights--life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness--these natural rights come from
God, and that governments are instituted among men and women to secure
those rights, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed.
As I mentioned earlier, what really made us different from the rest
of the world, this exceptional Nation which many people thought would
never work out, I want to thank the gentleman for putting that in
focus. I thank him for his service to our Nation, thank him for his
leadership.
We are now going to hear from one of our newest Members here in the
House, Warren Davidson, who represents the Eighth District in Ohio. He
is no stranger to service. He is certainly no stranger to hard work. He
graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1995, and he spent
11 years in the United States Army. He served in some of our most elite
units. He served in the 75th Ranger Regiment, the 101th Airborne
Division, and right here in Washington, D.C. with the Old Guard.
After 11 years having defended these freedoms, he went back home, and
he began to work in his family business. Then later, he branched out on
his own and started his own small business in manufacturing, something
very important to an independent nation. We are very proud of his
service. We are glad he is here with us now, and we know we see great
things in his future.
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Davidson).
Mr. DAVIDSON. Madam Speaker, it is an honor to be here with my
colleagues. It is a different way to support and defend the
Constitution than I ever expected to have. I began my service here much
like, well, everyone else. We all start the same way. We swear an oath
to support and defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign and
domestic. And that was the first time that I swore it, or any of us
here tonight.
In 1988, at the climax of the cold war, I enlisted in the infantry. I
was honored to serve in Germany after Ronald Reagan had uttered the
famous words, ``Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.'' I was honored to
be there at a time when many people in the world worried that Ronald
Reagan, with his intense rhetoric, would somehow cause world war III,
that maybe he was pushing too far, too hard, or asking too much.
I was honored to be there when East Germans tore down their own wall.
Word had gotten past the Iron Curtain and penetrated the lies they had
been told, and they knew what we had here. They tore down their own
wall, and, for once, the oppressor did not stop them.
{time} 1900
I was honored that Thanksgiving to meet East Berliners who could not
believe what they were seeing. They were seeing stores with goods on
the shelves, open at night.
They asked: Is it like this everywhere?
I thought they were talking about how big Berlin was, but they were
just in shock because they had not experienced what we had.
And what did we have?
We had the birth of plenty. We had the world's best markets--and
still do--for goods, for services, for capital, for intellectual
property, for innovation. We are the world's land of opportunity, and
they were hungry for it.
Ronald Reagan, much earlier in his career, had a famous speech: ``A
time for choosing.'' I would encourage everyone one who has not watched
it, to watch it, and everyone who has not watched it in a while, to
watch it again. Reagan said--back then, famous words--``Freedom is
never more than one generation away from extinction.''
Sadly, that is more true today than perhaps at any time since he
uttered those words then.
No one knows the divide between freedom and oppression better than
servicemen and -women. They fight our Nation's wars. They risk their
lives to defend our Constitution. Sadly, the threat to our Constitution
is not just from foreign enemies. Sometimes, sadly, it is right here in
the Halls of Congress.
In my short 3 months here, I have seen attempted infringements on the
First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, and Tenth
Amendments. That is hard to believe.
Just this past summer, we had Members of Congress obstructing the
people's work here, staging a sit-in on the House floor to subvert our
Second Amendment with a radical gun control agenda. It is an agenda
that seeks to deprive us of the very rights our Founding Fathers sought
to preserve with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
Anyone could do a plain reading of the Constitution and see that the
right to bear arms is named right there, to be applied at the
individual level. The rest of the Bill of Rights is certainly talking
about rights at the individual level, and the Second Amendment is no
exception.
Justice Scalia wrote it in the Heller decision, ``Nowhere else in the
Constitution does a `right' attributed to the people refer to anything
other than an individual right.''
``The people'' refers to all members of the political community, not
an unspecified subset. We start, therefore, with a strong presumption
that the
[[Page H5491]]
Second Amendment right is exercised individually and belongs to all
Americans.
You see, for more than 100 years, the 14th Amendment has been used to
link the rest of the Bill of Rights to the State. Somehow, the same
folks that are onboard with applying the First Amendment to States,
whether it is free speech, voting rights, or freedom of religion, in
some cases, they are reluctant to let the same be true for the Second
Amendment.
When they want a uniform view of things that aren't even addressed in
our Constitution, like marriage, they are not willing to apply the same
logic to our Constitution with something that is very plainly stated:
The right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
I take that right very seriously. Those of us who served in the
military know all too well what a society looks like when freedoms are
squashed. We have seen these places and met the people who have lived
under tyranny.
Our Founding Fathers knew the battle between freedom and tyranny too
well, many sacrificing their lives in the struggle to establish this
Nation. It is not an accident that they enshrine that right to keep and
bear arms squarely right after the right to speech and freedoms of
religion. It is so essential to stave off oppressors that we cannot be
truly free without it.
After these men sacrificed life and limb, let us not besmirch their
legacy by subjecting it to an agenda which would seek to attack away
this freedom one firearm or one freedom at a time.
The threats are real. It is hard to imagine. It is not just rhetoric.
Those words, ``freedom is never more than one generation away from
extinction,'' sound like political rhetoric, but it is just so real and
we have to take it very seriously. It is an honor to be here to talk
about it.
Mr. GIBSON. Madam Speaker, I want to thank my colleagues, and I
really want to express what a privilege it is to serve in this House. I
believe in this country and this exceptional way of life. Not that we
don't have warts and challenges--we certainly have those--but there is
nothing that we can't solve together.
We also need to recognize that what we did in the 18th century that
allowed for the most freedom and the opportunity in the history of
mankind is not a birth right. It is not a foregone conclusion. Every
generation has to defend it. They have to defend it from threats from
abroad and also be vigilant for unintentional or perhaps intentional
encroachment here at home.
Our colleagues here believe deeply in protecting this exceptional way
of life. As I stated earlier, we love our family, we love our friends,
we love our communities. We want to ensure that they are safe. We are
ready to work with our colleagues on that. As we do, we need to keep
forefront this exceptional way of life which the first generation of
Americans fought to provide for us and that every successive generation
has fought to preserve and that we also take commonsense approaches
that are based on data and that are focused on actually solving the
problem.
We identified some of those problems tonight and areas where we think
we can find some common ground. I mentioned one of them we already have
in terms of the law enforcement and cracking down on the
narcotraffickers.
Madam Speaker, we are here tonight because we also wanted to make it
very clear that--while there are passions and emotions in every
direction, we wanted to make it very clear that what we hold so dear,
this exceptional way of life, the liberties, the Bill of Rights, the
Constitution, this is something we will defend. We have defended it and
we continue to defend it. May God bless this country.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
____________________