[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 108 (Wednesday, July 6, 2016)]
[House]
[Pages H4279-H4280]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONSENSUS BILL
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Jolly) for 5 minutes.
Mr. JOLLY. Mr. Speaker, in the wake of continued terror around the
globe and here at home, the American people are rightfully asking what
solutions exist within the Halls of Congress, and they are rightfully
asking questions about national security and, yes, about the Second
Amendment and about firearms.
The numbers don't lie. Eighty-five percent of Americans believe that
if you are being investigated for terror, you should not be able to
purchase a firearm; but 88 percent of Americans also believe that this
body should follow the Constitution.
The congressional approval rating--not 58 percent, not 88 percent--is
somewhere around 10 percent. Why? It is because the American people
want to see a Congress that is governing, a Congress that is solving
problems. We each run on closely held convictions, and we should honor
those every day in the Halls of this body.
The days of reaching consensus seem to be imperiled, seem to be just
out of reach. We prioritize the politics of blame over the politics of
governing. We prioritize the politics of November over the politics of
now.
In the past few weeks, this conflict has played out in very real time
on very closely held issues, personal issues right here in this well.
My friends on the left want to vote on a bill that will lose. It will
lose. We on the right are often chastised for bringing up legislation
that will be vetoed, with the question, ``Why even go down that road?''
The same questions can be asked about why do we demand a vote on a bill
that will lose, and it will lose based on constitutional convictions
about a lack of due process in the current draft of the no fly, no buy
bill.
Eighty-eight percent of Americans support the Constitution, and that
includes due process. Current restrictions on firearm purchases are all
post-adjudication--if you have been adjudicated mentally incompetent,
if you have been adjudicated and convicted of a violent crime, if you
have been adjudicated and separated dishonorably from the Armed Forces.
But a no fly, no buy list with no process says there is no
adjudication, and that raises constitutional convictions, which is why
that bill would go down. My friends on the right are rightfully
concerned over a slippery slope about the Second Amendment, a
fundamental right to purchase and bear firearms.
We can't let this debate end in inaction, which is the great fear of
the next 2 weeks. The truth is we can protect the Second Amendment, we
can protect due process, and we can protect communities throughout the
country, which is why I have introduced H.R. 5544 as a consensus bill.
Is it perfect? Perhaps not, but work with me to make it better.
It says this: If you are being investigated as a terror suspect, you
can't buy a firearm. But if your government denies you the right to
purchase that firearm, your government has 10 days to notify you they
did so because you are being investigated.
You are then entitled to a due process hearing within 30 days at
which the government has the burden of proof by a preponderance of the
evidence to prove why you shouldn't be able to purchase a firearm. The
individual is entitled to see all unclassified evidence, and the
hearing remains private to protect the interests of the individual and
the interests of government.
My bill would also notify law enforcement if somebody who is the
subject of a closed investigation later tries to purchase a firearm. We
can probably make it better together. We can add reimbursement of court
fees. We can allow a provision in the Collins bill that says law
enforcement should be allowed to let a transfer go through if it helps
an investigation as opposed to hindering it.
To the left, it provides no fly, no buy with due process. To the
right, it protects the Second Amendment. The Second Amendment is not
infringed because someone is being investigated. It is infringed
because someone is denied the right to purchase a firearm, which is why
my bill finally provides due process and puts the burden of proof on
the government if that right is denied.
We can do this. We can actually do this. We can reach consensus on
both sides of the aisle. The real scandal in
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this town right now is not about sit-ins. The real scandal is not about
inaction. The real scandal is that this isn't that hard. This isn't
that hard.
Eighty-five percent of Americans say no fly, no buy. Eighty-eight
percent say support the Constitution. So let's do that. Let's stand
with those who support no fly, no buy. Let's stand with those who
support the Constitution. And let's give some level of hope to cling
to, to the 90 percent of this country who disapprove of what is
happening in this Chamber right now.
A demand for a bill that will go nowhere only promises inaction that
makes its way into political commercials in November. Ignoring the fact
that America wants no fly, no buy is also catering to the politics of
November.
Let's cast aside this current debate and recognize that the solutions
are right in front of us if we extract the politics out of this.
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