[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 80 (Thursday, May 19, 2016)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3019-S3021]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
INTERNATIONAL ENGAGEMENT
Mr. RUBIO. Madam President, there is an ongoing debate in our
politics today about the value of leadership around the world in the
21st century. There is a view that seems to be gaining traction and
favor--that our international engagement is one-sided, that our allies
are free riders, that we contribute too much and get too little in
return, and so why should we be involved in the world? These voices
exist in both parties, and I would like to answer them today.
I want to start by looking back at the last century, when the world
emerged from the death and destruction of the Second World War. The
United States could have decided after that war to wall ourselves off--
that after the loss of so many of our best and brightest, we had
already paid enough for peace.
Instead, our country became the driving force behind international
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order. We forged a series of strong alliances, led with moral clarity,
and positioned our military strength strategically around the world. In
doing so, the American people benefitted immensely as we helped to
stave off the threat of another global conflict and oversaw decades of
economic growth and the spread of democracy and freedom around the
world. Then, like now, our people benefitted tremendously from our
status in the world, even though our engagement was disproportional to
that of other nations; in fact, we benefitted precisely because our
engagement was disproportional to that of other nations.
International engagement has never been a business deal.
International engagement is not a transaction in which we give
something tangible and receive something tangible in return. America
has more to give to the nations we are helping, and that is one of the
reasons why we have a responsibility to lead. It is written in the
Bible: ``From everyone who has been given much, much will be
required.'' But our leadership ends up paying dividends for the entire
world, and especially for the American people.
First of all, American workers and families benefit economically.
International affairs have a bigger impact on the financial well-being
of our people today than ever before. In our global economy, someone on
the other side of the planet can now buy a product from an American
with the tap of a finger. But when nations or entire regions are torn
apart by war and by oppression, they become closed off, and economic
growth in our own country is restricted as a result.
If America were to fail to protect the openness of international
waters, global shipping would be threatened and prices would rise for
consumers on virtually everything. Similarly, if space and cyber space
became threatened or restricted, global communications and commerce
would suffer as well.
Americans also see real benefits in terms of our safety at home and
around the world. Without American leadership, regional order tends to
break down, and then instability spreads. This opens up vacuums that
are filled up by radicals, and those radicals always--irrespective of
what we are doing or what we are not doing--target America, and they do
so either to bolster their own prestige or for ideological reasons or
often for both. As President Obama has found, leaving the Middle East
doesn't mean terrorists stop trying to kill Americans. Our families,
our homeland, and our men and women in uniform are less safe when
America disengages from the world.
We also benefit geopolitically when we help other nations. Think what
Europe would look like if it had not been for America's moral and
strategic leadership during the Cold War. Europe still faces many
challenges today, mainly because of our neglect of the crisis in Syria,
but for centuries prior, Europe was driven by conflict. European peace
was thought to be impossible. Yet that is what NATO and other
institutions have helped achieve with American support.
What would Asia look like right now had the United States not helped
it to rebuild after the Second World War. Look at the way that American
leadership allowed South Korea to go from a poor country--a
dictatorship--to a vibrant democracy and one of the largest economies
in the world. South Korea is now a net donor to foreign aid and a
crucial ally for us in a region that includes an aggressive China and a
belligerent North Korea.
Japan has gone from a country devastated by war and not trusted by
its neighbors to one of the most peaceful societies in the world. It
has also become a net contributor to global security through its
military and humanitarian assistance programs.
Then there is the Middle East. Whether we should continue to play a
role there is a question that weighs particularly heavily on the minds
of many Americans. I understand the doubts and frustrations. We have
been involved in the region for decades. Nothing seems to be getting
better, and despite our attempts to help, we watch on television as
some celebrate our tragedies and burn our flag in the Arab streets.
It is true that we cannot solve all of the region's problems, but we
have an interest in what happens there, nonetheless. That interest is
served by our involvement, not by our withdrawal. ISIS arose, in the
first place, because of the political instability that exists in both
Syria and Iraq, and that instability was created in part because
President Obama withdrew or withheld American leadership at crucial
moments.
Failing to lead costs us more in the long-term than it saves us in
the short-term, and we will continue to pay a steep price each time we
fail to lead in the future.
There are complex considerations to make regarding our engagement in
every region, but I believe a world without sustained American
engagement is not a world any of us want to live in. This idea shared
by prominent voices in both parties--that America is such a weak nation
that we cannot afford to be engaged in the world--is one of the biggest
lies ever told to the American people. Just because our government
leaders are weak does not mean America is weak.
No American wants to live in a world where Vladimir Putin sets the
agenda or ISIS holds us hostage to their demands. Yet this is the world
we are heading toward as political leaders continue to embrace
America's decline.
Defense spending is currently at roughly 3.3 percent of our budget,
compared to 14 percent at the height of the Korean war. Our Army is on
track to be at pre-World War II levels. Our Navy is already at pre-
World War I levels, and our Air Force has the smallest and oldest
combat force in its history. These are the results of specific policy
choices made by politicians right here. It is no accident that the
result has been more conflict around the world and less American
influence.
I saw firsthand on a recent trip to Iraq how our men and women in
uniform around the world are doing their best to keep us safe with
limited resources. We put them in an untenable position. They are asked
to maintain our global commitments, fight ISIS and other terrorist
groups, and deter countries such as Russia, Iran, North Korea, and
China. They and our country deserve better.
``Spend less abroad so we can spend more at home'' has become a
common refrain among leaders in both parties. It is used to excuse cuts
to the military and our presence around the world. The truth is that
the defense budget is not the primary driver of our debt. It is our
entitlement programs. Every time we try to cut a dollar from our
military, it seems to cost us several more just to make up for it.
In addition to investing in our strength, we must apply that strength
in a way that respects our values and supports our economic interests.
Americans deserve a foreign policy we can be proud of. But for the
last 8 years, we have had a Commander in Chief who praises and appeases
dictators to promote the illusion of peace. Some in my party have now
adopted a similar approach. They may claim to represent different
ideas, but both emanate from the same notion--that Americans are too
tired, that America is too weak, and that we are too much like the rest
of the world to stand up to tyrants, so we should just cut deals with
them instead.
This is not only morally wrong, but it is contrary to our interests.
Whenever our foreign policy becomes unhinged from its moral purpose, it
weakens global stability and it forms cracks in our national resolve.
But whenever freedom and human rights spread, partners for our Nation
are born. We must restore America's willingness to state boldly what we
stand for and why. Just as Reagan never flinched in his criticisms of
the Soviet Union, we must not shy away from demanding that China allow
true freedom for its 1.3 billion people or boldly stating that Vladimir
Putin is a corrupt thug. Nor should we hesitate in calling the source
of atrocities in the Middle East by its real name--radical Islam. We
should always stand with Israel, and we should not abandon the cause of
freedom in our own hemisphere and allow cruel and immoral dictatorships
in Cuba and Venezuela to be absolved of their crimes.
The world needs America's moral and military strength just as much as
our people and our economy do. No other nation can deter global
conflict by its presence alone. No other nation can offer the security
and benevolence that
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America can. No other Nation can be trusted to defend peace and advance
liberty.
America cannot avoid its role as a global leader. But we also know
America cannot be tasked with protecting the world on its own. It will
take an international order of free nations with free economies to do
so. We must work with like-minded allies whenever possible and
encourage them to do their part, but no other nation has the ability to
organize or lead such a coalition if we fail to do so.
That is why I will continue to make the case for an engaged America,
no matter who becomes our next President, no matter how the political
winds may blow. Our safety and our prosperity depend on it. The ideal
of America depends on it. That was true last century, and it is even
more so today.
Madam President, with that, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING Officer. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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