[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 21 (Thursday, February 4, 2016)]
[Senate]
[Pages S665-S666]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STRENGTHENING THE EUROPEAN UNION
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, today I wish to speak about the European
Union, to both recognize the peace and prosperity that it has brought
to Europe for more than 75 years and the unprecedented challenges
confronting the union today.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee recently held a hearing on the
threats to the European Union and the implications for U.S. foreign
policy. Our committee was also briefed this week by Assistant Secretary
of State for European Affairs Victoria Nuland on these issues.
Coming out of these discussions, I am absolutely convinced that the
U.S. has an obligation to stand with our friends in Europe during these
challenging times in support of the principles that we all share:
democracy and the rule of law, respect for human rights, economic
prosperity, and peace and security.
I would like to lay out how I see these challenges threatening the
cohesion and stability of the EU. This is not meant to be an exhaustive
list, but is intended to create a sense of urgency among my colleagues
regarding the crises faced by the EU and our transatlantic alliance.
First, I want to reiterate the remarkable trajectory of the
democratic process and peace in Europe since the World Wars of the last
century. Emerging from the ashes of World War II, what started as the
European Coal and Steel Community expanded to become the European
Economic Community, which created a single market for the free movement
of goods, people, capital, and services. The ideal of a single market
guaranteeing freedom of movement for all member citizens still
underpins the EU today, as it has grown from 6 to 28 members.
This basis in an economic union was always intended to grow into a
political union as well. Jean Monnet, often regarded as the father of
the European Union, stated that ``we are not forming coalitions of
states, we are uniting men.'' This principle serves as the basis for
cooperation amongst member states as they have pooled diplomatic
resources to address some of the most pressing issues around the world,
usually in concert and in lock-step with the United States. In capitals
around the world, the U.S. works with EU representatives to address
vexing regional challenges, the provision of humanitarian assistance,
and support for values that we hold dear.
The allure of EU membership has served as a powerful incentive,
especially for countries in Central and Eastern Europe, to reform and
adopt high governance standards in preparation for EU membership.
Nowhere else in the world does such an incentive exist; and, while not
without its challenges, this accession process has improved the
economic circumstances, political rights, and civil liberties of
millions across the continent.
Today, however, the EU is confronting its most serious crises, which
collectively threaten the future of the European project. These threats
to European cohesion are both internal and external, between north and
south and east and west, as well as within and outside individual
member states.
First, the refugee and migrant crisis today consumes policymakers in
Brussels and across Europe. Tensions have grown among member states on
the right approach to accepting them, as more than 1 million entered
Germany alone in 2015, with the prospect of more in 2016. The heated
debate within the Union on how to deal with the crisis has called into
question the ability of Brussels to enforce commitments by its member
states on borders, Schengen visa-free travel, and quotas associated
with resettlement.
In recent months, member states have agreed to resettlement quotas
and border protocols, only to see those agreements fall apart in quick
succession. Some are now concerned that this trend could extend to
other EU member states' commitments in areas like sanctions on Russia.
Second, the 2008 financial crisis and the possibility of Greece
exiting the Eurozone drew attention to the fiscal policy differences
between Europe's industrialized north and less developed south and
shook the foundations of the monetary union. The EU has not yet
weathered this particular storm, and while perhaps not as prominent in
the news due to other challenges, the fiscal situation in Greece
remains very precarious. Member states and the IMF remain focused on
resolving the crisis, but the natural tension between painful economic
reforms and the associated political and humanitarian costs remains.
Third, governments across the EU are contending with the very real
threat of domestic terrorism and foreign fighters. Horrific attacks
have galvanized European leaders to action, but significant challenges
remain as the necessity for enhanced counterterrorism and intelligence
measures interact with real concerns regarding privacy.
Fourth, an alarming nationalist trend has emerged in several
countries across the Union. Although nationalism has, of course,
existed for years across the Continent, it has been exacerbated by the
migrant crisis. In some countries, governments have embraced a brand of
``illiberal democracy'' which calls into question the very democratic
values of the EU and the four freedoms that make up its core.
Every member state signed up for these values when they joined the
Union--many of which had to enact difficult reforms to make them a
reality. It is unfortunate and worrying that we have seen an erosion of
support for these principles in some corners, a dynamic that deserves
increased attention and understanding.
Fifth, Russia continues to place pressure on the EU and poses a
threat to the security of EU countries in the east. Ukraine is the
clearest example, where Ukrainian aspirations for an association
agreement with the EU were met with the illegal Russian annexation of
Crimea and subsequent invasion of eastern Ukraine.
We have worked closely with the EU to establish and maintain a
sanctions regime on Russia that is having a measurable impact. We must
stay united on sanctions until the Minsk II agreement is fully
implemented and Crimea is returned to Ukrainian control.
For years, Russia has also sought to erode support for EU
institutions though a sustained propaganda campaign across the Union.
We understand that Russia works to fund and influence anti-EU political
parties, think tanks, NGOs, and media voices within the Union and among
aspirant countries.
Russia is using the very strengths of Europe's democratic societies
against it--free press, civil society, and open debate. We should be
prepared to push back against these revanchist efforts, not through
propaganda, but a clear and forceful debate on facts.
Russia has not been reluctant to use its energy resources as a weapon
as it seeks to pursue its ambitions, including by withholding energy
exports to Europe in order to extract concessions on other issues. Much
of Europe imports a considerable share of its oil and gas supplies from
Russia.
The EU plays an important role in negotiating energy deals with
Russia and must constantly contend with the threat that the country
poses to the energy needs of member states. The collective negotiating
power the EU wields with Russia is critical to ensuring the individual
energy security of all EU nations.
[[Page S666]]
Finally, UK Prime Minister Cameron is negotiating a new settlement
between Britain and the 27 other members of the EU prior to a
referendum this summer on the UK's continued participation in the EU.
Although the Prime Minister has said that the ``best answer'' is for
the UK to remain part of a reformed EU, it is up to the British
citizens to vote to remain within the Union.
All of this matters greatly to the United States. EU member states
include some of our oldest and closest allies in the world. Our
partnership with the EU has afforded us the possibility of addressing
some of the most challenging international issues--this partnership has
made us safer and stronger.
We also draw great economic benefit from a stable EU--the Union is
our largest trading partner and our economies are intertwined in
beneficial ways for citizens on both sides of the Atlantic. This
partnership is vital to our interests, but only works if the EU's
institutions are vibrant and able to respond to the challenges before
it.
While many of these problems will be up to the EU member states to
resolve, I strongly believe that we should stand in solidarity with the
Union through this difficult period and take tangible action to support
our friends.
First, we must continue to make clear our support for the democratic
principles that serve as the basis for the EU and should be clear in
speaking out against the growing chorus of illiberal voices. The U.S.
should reenergize ties with civil society across the continent,
especially in Central and Eastern Europe where strong civil society
connections established after the Cold War atrophied as attention
shifted elsewhere.
We also need to reinvigorate the transatlantic dialogue--among
governments, think tanks, NGOs, and civil society organizations--on
these issues. The transatlantic relationship always has and always will
benefit from enhanced ties among our people.
The U.S. should also work to develop a new generation of foreign
policy and security policy leaders and analysts that focus on Europe
and the centrality that the continent has for our interests.
Second, we should support European efforts to bolster energy security
across the continent in a way that ensures reliability and decreased
dependence on Russian supply.
Third, we should continue to work with Europe on strengthening
security, its border controls, and the vitality of the Schengen visa-
free zone. This means sharing of intelligence and best practices on how
to prevent terrorist attacks before they happen. I also want to applaud
the administration's intention to invest $3.4 billion into the European
Reassurance Initiative, which will ensure a sustained U.S. military
presence in Europe to help deter further Russian aggression.
Fourth, we should continue our robust support for the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees, International Organizations for Migration,
and several outstanding NGOs which work directly with refugees and
migrants across Europe. We should be proud of this commitment and
continue to support the most vulnerable populations.
Fifth, we should continue to work closely with the EU and member
states on working to ensure that the Minsk II deal is fully
implemented. Success to date has been rooted in U.S.-EU solidarity, and
we must finish the job--the sanctions regime must remain in place until
Minsk II is realized and Crimea is returned to Ukrainian control.
Finally, we should continue our robust support for Ukraine while
holding the government accountable to progress in the fight against
corruption. I am concerned by the recent departure of Ukraine's
Minister of Economy who resigned in protest against the slow pace of
reform and anticorruption efforts.
The U.S. Congress passed two pieces of legislation last year
supporting Ukraine's economy, Ukrainian civil society, and the
government's broad-based reform efforts. Although some progress has
been made, we must finish the job.
The success of Ukraine will be the success of Europe and the ideals
that have drawn sovereign states to join its ranks for the last 75
years. I call on this body to continue to support Ukraine's reformers
throughout civil society and government as they continue to make real
strides towards integration with the west and adoption of the
democratic ideals that we uphold.
More importantly, I again call upon Ukraine's leaders to prove that
they are serious about countering corruption. The international
community's patience in this regard exists, but is not limitless. We
need to see concrete results soon.
In 2012, the Nobel Peace prize was awarded in recognition of the EU's
central role in providing stability in Europe. The chairman of the
Nobel committee said the following at the ceremony: ``We are not
gathered here today in the belief that the EU is perfect. We are
gathered in the belief that here in Europe we must solve our problems
together. For that purpose we need institutions that can enter into the
necessary compromises. We need institutions to ensure that both nation-
states and individuals exercise self-control and moderation. In a world
of so many dangers, compromise, self-control and moderation are the
principal needs of the 21st century.''
These words continue to ring true today as pressure on the Union
grows. Across the ocean here in the U.S., we should resolutely stand in
solidarity with our friends in Europe and the principles they embrace.
Never before has the EU been so challenged or our transatlantic
alliance so valuable. We must bolster our ties this year and renew our
commitment to a robust transatlantic relationship.
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