[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 21 (Thursday, February 4, 2016)]
[Senate]
[Pages S665-S666]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                    STRENGTHENING THE EUROPEAN UNION

  Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, today I wish to speak about the European 
Union, to both recognize the peace and prosperity that it has brought 
to Europe for more than 75 years and the unprecedented challenges 
confronting the union today.
  The Senate Foreign Relations Committee recently held a hearing on the 
threats to the European Union and the implications for U.S. foreign 
policy. Our committee was also briefed this week by Assistant Secretary 
of State for European Affairs Victoria Nuland on these issues.
  Coming out of these discussions, I am absolutely convinced that the 
U.S. has an obligation to stand with our friends in Europe during these 
challenging times in support of the principles that we all share: 
democracy and the rule of law, respect for human rights, economic 
prosperity, and peace and security.
  I would like to lay out how I see these challenges threatening the 
cohesion and stability of the EU. This is not meant to be an exhaustive 
list, but is intended to create a sense of urgency among my colleagues 
regarding the crises faced by the EU and our transatlantic alliance.
  First, I want to reiterate the remarkable trajectory of the 
democratic process and peace in Europe since the World Wars of the last 
century. Emerging from the ashes of World War II, what started as the 
European Coal and Steel Community expanded to become the European 
Economic Community, which created a single market for the free movement 
of goods, people, capital, and services. The ideal of a single market 
guaranteeing freedom of movement for all member citizens still 
underpins the EU today, as it has grown from 6 to 28 members.
  This basis in an economic union was always intended to grow into a 
political union as well. Jean Monnet, often regarded as the father of 
the European Union, stated that ``we are not forming coalitions of 
states, we are uniting men.'' This principle serves as the basis for 
cooperation amongst member states as they have pooled diplomatic 
resources to address some of the most pressing issues around the world, 
usually in concert and in lock-step with the United States. In capitals 
around the world, the U.S. works with EU representatives to address 
vexing regional challenges, the provision of humanitarian assistance, 
and support for values that we hold dear.
  The allure of EU membership has served as a powerful incentive, 
especially for countries in Central and Eastern Europe, to reform and 
adopt high governance standards in preparation for EU membership. 
Nowhere else in the world does such an incentive exist; and, while not 
without its challenges, this accession process has improved the 
economic circumstances, political rights, and civil liberties of 
millions across the continent.
  Today, however, the EU is confronting its most serious crises, which 
collectively threaten the future of the European project. These threats 
to European cohesion are both internal and external, between north and 
south and east and west, as well as within and outside individual 
member states.
  First, the refugee and migrant crisis today consumes policymakers in 
Brussels and across Europe. Tensions have grown among member states on 
the right approach to accepting them, as more than 1 million entered 
Germany alone in 2015, with the prospect of more in 2016. The heated 
debate within the Union on how to deal with the crisis has called into 
question the ability of Brussels to enforce commitments by its member 
states on borders, Schengen visa-free travel, and quotas associated 
with resettlement.
  In recent months, member states have agreed to resettlement quotas 
and border protocols, only to see those agreements fall apart in quick 
succession. Some are now concerned that this trend could extend to 
other EU member states' commitments in areas like sanctions on Russia.
  Second, the 2008 financial crisis and the possibility of Greece 
exiting the Eurozone drew attention to the fiscal policy differences 
between Europe's industrialized north and less developed south and 
shook the foundations of the monetary union. The EU has not yet 
weathered this particular storm, and while perhaps not as prominent in 
the news due to other challenges, the fiscal situation in Greece 
remains very precarious. Member states and the IMF remain focused on 
resolving the crisis, but the natural tension between painful economic 
reforms and the associated political and humanitarian costs remains.
  Third, governments across the EU are contending with the very real 
threat of domestic terrorism and foreign fighters. Horrific attacks 
have galvanized European leaders to action, but significant challenges 
remain as the necessity for enhanced counterterrorism and intelligence 
measures interact with real concerns regarding privacy.
  Fourth, an alarming nationalist trend has emerged in several 
countries across the Union. Although nationalism has, of course, 
existed for years across the Continent, it has been exacerbated by the 
migrant crisis. In some countries, governments have embraced a brand of 
``illiberal democracy'' which calls into question the very democratic 
values of the EU and the four freedoms that make up its core.
  Every member state signed up for these values when they joined the 
Union--many of which had to enact difficult reforms to make them a 
reality. It is unfortunate and worrying that we have seen an erosion of 
support for these principles in some corners, a dynamic that deserves 
increased attention and understanding.
  Fifth, Russia continues to place pressure on the EU and poses a 
threat to the security of EU countries in the east. Ukraine is the 
clearest example, where Ukrainian aspirations for an association 
agreement with the EU were met with the illegal Russian annexation of 
Crimea and subsequent invasion of eastern Ukraine.
  We have worked closely with the EU to establish and maintain a 
sanctions regime on Russia that is having a measurable impact. We must 
stay united on sanctions until the Minsk II agreement is fully 
implemented and Crimea is returned to Ukrainian control.
  For years, Russia has also sought to erode support for EU 
institutions though a sustained propaganda campaign across the Union. 
We understand that Russia works to fund and influence anti-EU political 
parties, think tanks, NGOs, and media voices within the Union and among 
aspirant countries.
  Russia is using the very strengths of Europe's democratic societies 
against it--free press, civil society, and open debate. We should be 
prepared to push back against these revanchist efforts, not through 
propaganda, but a clear and forceful debate on facts.
  Russia has not been reluctant to use its energy resources as a weapon 
as it seeks to pursue its ambitions, including by withholding energy 
exports to Europe in order to extract concessions on other issues. Much 
of Europe imports a considerable share of its oil and gas supplies from 
Russia.
  The EU plays an important role in negotiating energy deals with 
Russia and must constantly contend with the threat that the country 
poses to the energy needs of member states. The collective negotiating 
power the EU wields with Russia is critical to ensuring the individual 
energy security of all EU nations.

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  Finally, UK Prime Minister Cameron is negotiating a new settlement 
between Britain and the 27 other members of the EU prior to a 
referendum this summer on the UK's continued participation in the EU. 
Although the Prime Minister has said that the ``best answer'' is for 
the UK to remain part of a reformed EU, it is up to the British 
citizens to vote to remain within the Union.
  All of this matters greatly to the United States. EU member states 
include some of our oldest and closest allies in the world. Our 
partnership with the EU has afforded us the possibility of addressing 
some of the most challenging international issues--this partnership has 
made us safer and stronger.
  We also draw great economic benefit from a stable EU--the Union is 
our largest trading partner and our economies are intertwined in 
beneficial ways for citizens on both sides of the Atlantic. This 
partnership is vital to our interests, but only works if the EU's 
institutions are vibrant and able to respond to the challenges before 
it.
  While many of these problems will be up to the EU member states to 
resolve, I strongly believe that we should stand in solidarity with the 
Union through this difficult period and take tangible action to support 
our friends.
  First, we must continue to make clear our support for the democratic 
principles that serve as the basis for the EU and should be clear in 
speaking out against the growing chorus of illiberal voices. The U.S. 
should reenergize ties with civil society across the continent, 
especially in Central and Eastern Europe where strong civil society 
connections established after the Cold War atrophied as attention 
shifted elsewhere.
  We also need to reinvigorate the transatlantic dialogue--among 
governments, think tanks, NGOs, and civil society organizations--on 
these issues. The transatlantic relationship always has and always will 
benefit from enhanced ties among our people.
  The U.S. should also work to develop a new generation of foreign 
policy and security policy leaders and analysts that focus on Europe 
and the centrality that the continent has for our interests.
  Second, we should support European efforts to bolster energy security 
across the continent in a way that ensures reliability and decreased 
dependence on Russian supply.
  Third, we should continue to work with Europe on strengthening 
security, its border controls, and the vitality of the Schengen visa-
free zone. This means sharing of intelligence and best practices on how 
to prevent terrorist attacks before they happen. I also want to applaud 
the administration's intention to invest $3.4 billion into the European 
Reassurance Initiative, which will ensure a sustained U.S. military 
presence in Europe to help deter further Russian aggression.
  Fourth, we should continue our robust support for the UN High 
Commissioner for Refugees, International Organizations for Migration, 
and several outstanding NGOs which work directly with refugees and 
migrants across Europe. We should be proud of this commitment and 
continue to support the most vulnerable populations.
  Fifth, we should continue to work closely with the EU and member 
states on working to ensure that the Minsk II deal is fully 
implemented. Success to date has been rooted in U.S.-EU solidarity, and 
we must finish the job--the sanctions regime must remain in place until 
Minsk II is realized and Crimea is returned to Ukrainian control.
  Finally, we should continue our robust support for Ukraine while 
holding the government accountable to progress in the fight against 
corruption. I am concerned by the recent departure of Ukraine's 
Minister of Economy who resigned in protest against the slow pace of 
reform and anticorruption efforts.
  The U.S. Congress passed two pieces of legislation last year 
supporting Ukraine's economy, Ukrainian civil society, and the 
government's broad-based reform efforts. Although some progress has 
been made, we must finish the job.
  The success of Ukraine will be the success of Europe and the ideals 
that have drawn sovereign states to join its ranks for the last 75 
years. I call on this body to continue to support Ukraine's reformers 
throughout civil society and government as they continue to make real 
strides towards integration with the west and adoption of the 
democratic ideals that we uphold.
  More importantly, I again call upon Ukraine's leaders to prove that 
they are serious about countering corruption. The international 
community's patience in this regard exists, but is not limitless. We 
need to see concrete results soon.
  In 2012, the Nobel Peace prize was awarded in recognition of the EU's 
central role in providing stability in Europe. The chairman of the 
Nobel committee said the following at the ceremony: ``We are not 
gathered here today in the belief that the EU is perfect. We are 
gathered in the belief that here in Europe we must solve our problems 
together. For that purpose we need institutions that can enter into the 
necessary compromises. We need institutions to ensure that both nation-
states and individuals exercise self-control and moderation. In a world 
of so many dangers, compromise, self-control and moderation are the 
principal needs of the 21st century.''
  These words continue to ring true today as pressure on the Union 
grows. Across the ocean here in the U.S., we should resolutely stand in 
solidarity with our friends in Europe and the principles they embrace. 
Never before has the EU been so challenged or our transatlantic 
alliance so valuable. We must bolster our ties this year and renew our 
commitment to a robust transatlantic relationship.

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