[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 20 (Wednesday, February 3, 2016)]
[House]
[Pages H519-H532]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ENCOURAGING EMPLOYEE OWNERSHIP ACT OF 2015
general leave
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their
remarks and submit extraneous materials on the bill, H.R. 1675, to
direct the Securities and Exchange Commission to revise its rules so as
to increase the threshold amount for requiring issuers to provide
certain disclosures relating to compensatory benefit plans.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 595 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 1675.
The Chair appoints the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Thompson) to
preside over the Committee of the Whole.
{time} 1402
In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 1675) to direct the Securities and Exchange Commission to revise
its rules so as to increase the threshold amount for requiring issuers
to provide certain disclosures relating to compensatory benefit plans,
with Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the
first time.
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling) and the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Maxine Waters) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1675, the Encouraging
Employee Ownership Act.
I do this because, as you know, Mr. Chairman, regrettably, we saw
that in the last quarter this economy grew at a paltry seven-tenths of
1 percent. On an annualized basis, this economy is limping along at
roughly half the normal growth rate.
That means that this economy is not working for working families, who
under 8 years of Obamanomics have found themselves with smaller
paychecks and smaller bank accounts and greater anxiety about how are
they going to make their mortgage payments, how are they going to make
their car payments, are they going to be able to save enough to send
somebody to college.
This economy is still underperforming for American families. So it is
critical that we help our small businesses, which are truly the job
engine in our economy, Mr. Chairman, as you well know.
I want to commend the sponsors of the five bills that make up H.R.
1675, Representatives Hultgren, Hill, Huizenga, and Hurt. Their work
has resulted in a bipartisan bill that we think will help create a
healthier economy.
Again, we know that 60 percent of the Nation's new jobs over the past
couple decades have come from our small businesses. If we are going to
have a healthier economy that offers more opportunity, we have to offer
more opportunities for small business growth and small business
startups. We have to ensure that they have capital and the credit they
need to grow. You can't have capitalism without capital, Mr. Chairman.
Yet, we have heard from countless witnesses in our committee--from
community banks to credit unions, the primary source of small business
loans--that they are drowning, drowning in a sea of complex,
complicated, expensive regulations, many of them emanating from the
Dodd-Frank Act, which is causing a huge burden on the economy and
working families.
The same is true of many of our burdensome security regulations as
well. Many of them are well intentioned, but, Mr. Chairman, they were
written with our largest public companies in mind, but they end up
hurting our smaller companies. It is time that we help level that
playing field for small businesses with smarter regulations that will
still maintain our fair and efficient markets, protect investors, but
allow small competitors the chance to succeed. We make some progress
today on this bipartisan bill, H.R. 1675.
Now, it is a modest bill, Mr. Chairman. It is only 20 pages long--
anybody can read it--but it provides many overdue improvements that
will help spur capital formation, and the legislation gives companies
options and choices on how to best attract investment and capital. In a
free society, isn't that where we should be?
It updates rules to allow small businesses to better compensate their
employees with ownership in the business. Let them have a piece of the
American Dream. In so doing, it strengthens provisions enacted into law
in the bipartisan JOBS Act and the FAST Act to give employees a greater
opportunity to share in the success of their employer.
It codifies no action relief issued by the SEC to remove regulatory
burdens for individuals who assist with the transfer of ownership of
small- and mid-sized privately held companies.
It will provide investors with more research on exchange-traded
funds, or ETFs, by extending a liability safe harbor consistent with
other securities offerings.
It provides a voluntary, Mr. Chairman--I repeat voluntary--exemption
from reporting in XBRL data format for emerging growth companies and
smaller public companies, the cost and use of which have continually
been questioned in our committee.
The committee received testimony from a biotechnology executive who
said that outreach to his analyst investors yielded a consensus
response that they weren't even aware of XBRL, but the witness went on
to say that his company is having to spend $50,000 annually in
compliance costs that obviously could have been better spent in
productivity and job creation.
Finally, it requires the SEC to conduct a retrospective review every
10 years to update or eliminate outdated, unnecessary, and duplicative
regulations. This is also known, Mr. Chairman, as common sense. The
administration claims that this provision is duplicative because the
SEC is already encouraged to review their regulations. Well,
encouragement doesn't quite get the job done. We need to ensure that
these regulations are looked at and at least looked at on an every-
decade basis.
You will hear some say that, well, the SEC's resources are stretched
too thin. I am happy to go back and amend Dodd-Frank so that they have
more resources to devote to capital formation. By the way, they just
got a big, fat raise in the latest omnibus. Mr. Chairman, I don't think
that argument holds much water.
By enacting H.R. 1675, we are going to ease the burdens on small
businesses and job creators. Isn't that what we ought to be about? We
will help foster capital formation so that Americans can go back to
work, have better careers, pay their mortgages, pay their healthcare
premiums, and ultimately give their families a better life.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting H.R. 1675.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such
time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 1675. It is
really a package of five bills which will harm investors and,
perversely, the very small businesses Republicans say they want to
help. It does so by ignoring and supplanting the good judgment of the
Securities and Exchange Commission, which has already sought to provide
small businesses with regulatory relief in these same areas while also
ensuring that investors in those businesses have the protections they
deserve.
The SEC's balanced approach makes sense as investors who are not
confident in the integrity of our markets
[[Page H520]]
will simply not invest, which means that job-creating companies will
not have the capital they need to grow. In particular, this bill would
reduce corporate transparency for employee stockholders by allowing
private companies to compensate their employees with up to $10 million
in stock every year without having to provide them with relatively
simple disclosures about the financials of the company or the risk
associated with these securities.
Mr. Chairman and Members, I am not going to attempt to hide the facts
of this bill with a lot of rhetoric. The fact of the matter is, if
employees are being given stock up to $10 million that they don't know
the value of, and the companies don't have to disclose anything about
the stock, they could end up with worthless stock, not worth anything,
where they had great expectations that somehow in lieu of raises and
more money that they probably deserve, they are being given rotten
stock.
This provision would double the current disclosure threshold,
allowing larger companies with at least $34 million in total assets to
encourage overinvestment by employees in a company that they cannot
value and that may never permit them to sell except back to the company
at a price set by the company. That is another aspect of this.
This type of deregulation invites more Enron-type fraud into the
market. Remember Enron? I hope we have not forgotten it already and
what happened to those employees. Sometimes you had two members of the
family, the husband and the wife, who both had this bad stock that they
couldn't sell back, they couldn't do anything with, where employees
have to trust the accounting of their companies but instead are left
with valueless stock.
Similarly, this bill would exempt over 60 percent of public companies
from using a computer-readable format known as XBRL in their SEC
filings. Exempting such a large number of filers would prevent these
companies from being easily compared to other companies that use XBRL,
to the disadvantage of analysts, researchers and the SEC, investors,
and even the companies themselves.
Basically, what you are doing is saying, we are going to have a bill
here that would prevent the kind of information that analysts and
researchers, the SEC and investors should have, comparing them with
other companies because somehow we want to protect those who don't want
people to really know what their worth is.
This is very serious stuff. According to the SEC's Investor Advocate,
this exemption seriously impedes the ability of the SEC to bring
disclosure into the 21st century. That is their quote.
Title III of the bill further supplants the SEC's good judgment by
significantly expanding the Commission's recently provided relief for
certain mergers and acquisition brokers without imposing eight
important investor protections granted by the SEC. As a result, bad
actors who may have committed fraud and shell companies could use this
relief and brokers wouldn't have to make basic disclosures about their
conflict of interest.
In committee markup, Democrats attempted to close these loopholes,
but our efforts were rejected in a party-line vote.
Can you imagine that the SEC has taken a big step, and they have
listened to concerns, they have listened to complaints, and they have
gone overboard to make sure that they were providing relief for certain
kinds of mergers and acquisitions.
{time} 1415
What this bill would do is take away the ability of the SEC to have
investor protections that they have already been granted.
So again, this bill, which includes five bills all designed,
basically, to disregard the investors, disregard the small-business
people, disregard the average American citizen, is a bill that would
simply go in the wrong direction, helping the corporations who would
simply not want to disclose and not want to be seen for what they are.
Title II also fails to sufficiently protect investors, as it
eliminates offering liability for brokers who, under the guise of
providing exchange-traded funds, or ETFs, could selectively use data to
promote and sell highly risky, complex, and little-known ETFs to
unsuspecting investors.
Finally, the bill seeks to impose additional regulatory burdens on
the SEC by requiring it to conduct a duplicative and more onerous
retrospective review of its rules.
Specifically, title V would require the SEC to, within 5 years of
enactment, review and revise all of its rules, which I should mention
date back to 1934. It would also allow the SEC to override
congressional mandates, including those in the Dodd-Frank Wall Street
reform bill.
Republicans on the Financial Services Committee are always claiming
that the SEC is unresponsive to Congress, yet this provision in the
bill would allow the Commission to unilaterally repeal the will of
Congress at their whim. Indeed, this title is a thinly veiled
Republican attempt to impose cost-benefit type analyses on our
regulators as a means of eliminating rules designed to benefit the
public and protect investors.
H.R. 1675 is an anti-investor bill that will reduce transparency,
establish additional administrative burdens on the SEC, and create
easily exploited loopholes for bad actors.
It is well known that Members on the opposite side of the aisle do
not like our ``cop on the block,'' which is the SEC. While they talk
about what the SEC will, can, or will not do, they simply try and
strangle it by being opposed to them having the adequate funding that
they need in order to do their job.
So, when we hear today, for example, as the chairman said, that he
would be willing to support some funding for the SEC, it is very
important that they put their money where their mouths are and make
sure that the SEC has the money to do its job.
In conclusion, this bill goes in the wrong direction. It is
unfortunate that, at a time when we have gone through a recession based
on 2008 and the unwillingness or the inability for our regulatory
agencies to watch over our investors and to watch over our average
small-business people and homeowners, et cetera, and while we are
trying desperately to clean up this mess with Dodd-Frank reforms, we
would come in here at this time, having experienced all of this, with a
bill like this that would try and protect the worst actors in the
financial services industry.
I urge my colleagues to oppose H.R. 1675.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Hultgren), a workhorse on our committee and the chief
sponsor of H.R. 1675, to bring more jobs to the American people.
Mr. HULTGREN. I thank Chairman Hensarling for his great work on the
Financial Services Committee, and I specifically want to thank him for
his help on this bill coming to the floor today.
Mr. Chair, today I am very proud to speak in support of the Capital
Markets Improvement Act. The bill includes a number of important titles
that my colleagues on the House Financial Services Committee,
Republicans and Democrats, are confident will improve our capital
markets, whether it is reducing regulatory requirements for emerging
growth companies subject to redundant reporting requirements to the SEC
or making it easier for investors to have access to investment reports
on exchange-traded funds.
This bill also includes a title I worked on diligently with Mr.
Delaney to make it easier for companies in Illinois and nationwide to
let hardworking employees own a stake in the business they are part of.
The Illinois Biotechnology Industry Organization, which represents
companies that employ thousands of residents in my district and
throughout Illinois, believes that making it easier for companies to
offer employee ownership helps Illinois businesses expand and hire more
workers.
Warren Ribley, the president and CEO of iBIO, has stated:
As someone who has worked in economic development for most
of my career, I know that offering an ownership stake to
employees is a critical tool in recruiting top talent to job-
generating companies. And there is no doubt that an equity
stake encourages employees to drive hard for success of the
enterprise.
[[Page H521]]
EEOA promises to aid in job creation in Illinois' growing
technology sector, especially for the many early-stage
companies with whom we assist along their commercialization
path.
Unfortunately, some companies are shying away from offering employee
ownership because of regulations that limit how much ownership they can
safely offer.
SEC rule 701 mandates various disclosures for privately held
companies that sell more than $5 million worth of securities for
employee compensation over a 12-month period. In 1999, the SEC
arbitrarily set this threshold at $5 million without a concrete
explanation for why investors would face difficulties with sales above
this number.
For businesses who want to offer more stock to more employees, this
rule forces those businesses to make confidential disclosures that
could greatly damage future innovations if they fell into the wrong
hands. This required information includes business-sensitive
information, including the financials and corresponding materials like
future plans and capital expenditures.
The SEC originally acknowledged this, and some voiced their concern
that a disgruntled employee could use this confidential information to
harm their former employer. Leaving aside the risk involved in
disclosing this confidential information, it is costly to prepare these
disclosures just so a business can offer the benefits of ownership to
their employees.
My bill is simple. It is a simple, bipartisan fix that changes that.
EEOA amends SEC rule 701 to raise the disclosure threshold from $5
million to $10 million and adjust the threshold for inflation every 5
years.
To be clear, issuers that are exempt from disclosure would still have
to comply with all pertinent antifraud and civil liability
requirements. The employees purchasing these securities go to their
business every day and already have a good sense of how their company
is operating.
Support for this effort to improve the utility of rule 701 can
actually be found in the SEC's own Government-Business Forum on Small
Business Capital Formation Final Reports for 2001, 2004-2005, and 2013.
As the Chamber of Commerce has explained, this legislation would
``help give employees of American businesses a greater chance to
participate in the success of their company.'' Increasing this
threshold, they explain, would ``ensure that rule 701 remains a viable
provision for businesses to use in the future'' and ``decrease the
likelihood of unnecessary regulatory requirements.''
There is no evidence to suggest that rule 701 is not working for
companies and their employees, and we have every reason to make this
option available to more Americans with the desire to build their
wealth through their company's success.
Finally, I want to underscore how important it is that the Capital
Markets Improvement Act pass with a strong bipartisan vote, just like
each title passed in the Financial Services Committee under Chairman
Hensarling's leadership.
My bill, the Encouraging Employee Ownership Act, had a bipartisan
vote of 45-15 in committee. Mr. Hill's bill, making investment reports
on ETFs more accessible, had a vote of 48-9. Mr. Huizenga's bill,
creating a simplified SEC registration system for M&A brokers, had a
vote of 36-24. Mr. Hurt's bill, allowing an optional exemption for
emerging growth companies for SEC reporting requirement, had a vote of
44-11. Also, Mr. Hurt's bill, requiring the SEC to retroactively review
regulations, had a 46-16 vote.
I urge all my colleagues to vote in support of the Capital Markets
Improvement Act of 2016.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman
from Ohio, (Mrs. Beatty), a member of the Financial Services Committee.
Mrs. BEATTY. Mr. Chairman, I think it is simple today. We have heard
Congresswoman Maxine Waters outline our position for this.
Let me just say that this bill is flawed, overly broad, avoids
appropriate oversight, duplicative of existing administrative
authorities, and could be wasteful and costly. I join Ms. Maxine Waters
of California today in opposition to H.R. 1675, a package of capital
market deregulatory bills that undermine the Security and Exchange
Commission's effective oversight of capital markets and places the GOP
special interests ahead of those hardworking Americans whom we are here
to serve.
Secondly, the package also excludes exemptions from certain investor
disclosures and SEC filing requirements and a safe harbor from certain
broker-dealer liabilities, all without commensurate investor
protections.
A key component of this package is title V, H.R. 2354, which is an
unnecessary, burdensome, and unfunded mandate requiring a full-scale
review designed to hamstring the SEC's ability to perform basic
oversight of the financial markets.
Title III of the package exempts small business merger and
acquisition brokers from registering as a broker-dealer with the SEC.
Mr. Chairman, let me sum it up by saying that the bad outweighs the
good in this bill. I stand in opposition to it.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Royce), a valued member of the Financial Services
Committee and chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Chairman, the reason this legislation is on the floor,
frankly, is because of the anemic economic growth that the United
States is facing. We have got less than 2 percent economic growth. If
we are going to figure out a way to get the economic engine running
again, we have got to do something to remove the barriers to access to
capital. That is what the Capital Markets Improvement Act attempts to
do here. H.R. 2354, the Streamlining Excessive and Costly Regulations
Review Act, does just that.
Let's face it, regulators aren't perfect. They are like lawmakers in
that sense. Regulators have a certain obligation to examine their
record to determine failures and to rectify missteps as needed.
The Streamlining Excessive and Costly Regulations Review Act will
give the Securities and Exchange Commission the opportunity to do so.
It would set that up on an ongoing basis. It requires a retrospective
Commission review of rules and regulations that have an annual economic
impact or cost of $100 million or more, result in a major increase of
costs or prices for consumers, or harm the ability of U.S. enterprises
to compete against foreign competitors.
Commissioners will be able to reverse ineffective, insufficient, or
excessively burdensome regulations with the guidance of public notice
and comment, and it ensures that the SEC isn't simply rolling out the
red tape in a vacuum, oblivious to the negative economic impact that
their actions have on consumers, investors, or businesses.
The success of a regulation or rulemaking shouldn't be measured in
quantity. Instead, we need smart guidelines to protect our economy and
preserve the world's strongest capital markets here in the United
States.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the author of this bill, Mr. Hurt of Virginia,
for his leadership on this issue, and I urge my colleagues to join me
in supporting this.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to
the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lynch), the ranking member of the
Task Force to Investigate Terrorism Financing on the Financial Services
Committee.
{time} 1430
Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
It is very rare that I get to speak in opposition to such bad
legislation, but not only do we have a single bill that is bad
legislation, my friends across the aisle have packaged five bad bills
and put them all together. My only regret is that I only have 3 minutes
to speak about these bills.
Let me single one out, the Encouraging Employee Ownership Act of
2015. Currently, employee benefit plans must disclose information to
employees who invest in those plans if the plan's assets are above $5
million.
H.R. 1675, the Encouraging Employee Ownership Act of 2015, now 2016,
modifies SEC rule 701 by allowing private companies to compensate their
employees up to $10 million, indexed for inflation.
So they can pay their employees in stock, basically. But the key here
is
[[Page H522]]
that they don't have to provide the same information that they would to
outside investors in that same stock. Therein lies the danger here.
This means that employees in smaller companies, start-ups,
especially--small drug companies, small software companies--those
employees with smaller plans, oftentimes those companies are more
subject to, more vulnerable to, the ups and downs of the economy. These
are the most vulnerable.
So the employees in those small plans that are paid with company
stock would be less protected as to how their stocks are performing.
Last Congress I voted against a similar bill, H.R. 4571, when it was
marked up in our committee. I also spoke in opposition to this bill
when it was included as title XI of H.R. 37.
This bill uses the veneer of job creation to provide special
treatment for well-connected corporations, mergers and acquisition
advisers, and financial institutions, while doing very little for and
probably doing much damage to employees and working families.
I strongly support employees receiving equity. I think that is a good
deal. If employees can receive stock options and, importantly, if they
can know about the value of those stocks and know about the condition
of these companies, that can be a huge advantage.
Employees will buy into the company, but they have to have the
information about what the stock is worth. This bill allows them to be
denied that information. They are buying a pig in a poke. They don't
know what the stocks are worth. So it puts them at a tremendous
disadvantage.
And, again, these companies are the ones that are most vulnerable to
ups and downs in the economy going forward.
I agree the remarks of Professor Theresa Gabaldon from George
Washington University during our April 29 Capital Markets and
Government Sponsored Enterprises Subcommittee hearing. During her
testimony, the professor expressed opposition to this bill for the very
reasons I have stated.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. I yield another 30 seconds to the
gentleman.
Mr. LYNCH. She opposed this bill because employees deserve the same
protections, she said, as investors.
This makes sense. This is easy. We should be able to do what we want
to do here and stimulate the economy, yet, at the same time, allow
these employees to have the information that they need to know what the
value of the stocks they are being paid with are worth. It is as simple
as that.
I thank the ranking member for her indulgence.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chair, I yield myself 10 seconds to remind my
friends who have spoken that title I of this bill passed 45-15, with
Democratic support; title II, 48-9, with Democratic support; title III,
in the last Congress, passed the floor 420-0; title IV, 44-11, with
Democratic support; title V, 41-16, with Democratic support. So perhaps
they should discuss these attacks amongst themselves first.
I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Hurt), one of
the prime sponsors and author of title IV and title V.
Mr. HURT of Virginia. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman of the
Financial Services Committee for his leadership in moving this
legislation to the floor.
I rise today in support of this bill, the Capital Markets Improvement
Act.
As I travel across Virginia's Fifth District, the number one issue
facing the families I represent is the desperate need for job creation.
Making sure that hardworking Virginians and Americans have adequate
access to capital markets is imperative to job creation and to
sustained economic growth for our great Nation.
This is why it is so important that the Financial Services Committee
and the House of Representatives continue to push legislation that will
make it easier for our businesses, for our farmers, and for families to
be successful.
Indeed, every provision within this bill today we are considering has
received bipartisan support, and each title of this bill is critical to
enhancing access to capital and ensuring that the U.S. capital markets
remain the most vibrant in the world.
Within this Capital Markets Improvement Act, I am pleased that two
provisions that I have sponsored have been included, the Small Company
Disclosure Simplification Act and the Streamlining Excessive and Costly
Regulations Review Act.
The first provision is contained in title IV. The Small Company
Disclosure Simplification Act addresses a 2009 mandate from the SEC
which required the use of eXtensible Business Reporting Language, or
XBRL, for public companies.
While the SEC's rule is well-intended, this requirement has become
another example of a regulation where the costs often outweigh the
potential benefits.
These companies spend thousands of dollars and more complying with
the regulation, yet there is little evidence that investors actually
use XBRL, leading one to question its real-world benefits.
The provision before us today is a measured step that would offer
small companies relief from the burdens of XBRL. Title IV provides a
voluntary--let me say that again--a voluntary exemption for emerging
growth companies and smaller public companies from the SEC's
requirements to file their financial statements via XBRL in addition to
their regular filings with the SEC.
It is important to note that nothing in this bill precludes companies
from utilizing XBRL for their filings with the SEC. The exemption is
completely optional and allows smaller companies to assess whether the
costs incurred for compliance are outweighed by any benefits using this
technology.
During our committee's hearing on this issue, one company reported
that it spent $50,000 on complying with XBRL. That is a real cost to a
small company, especially when that cost does not yield a significant
benefit.
I am not suggesting that every firm pays this much, but certainly we
can agree that, when filing fees are this high, we should ensure that
the requirements result in a benefit to investors and to those public
companies being regulated.
It is also very important to note that, with this legislation, all
public companies will continue to file quarterly and annual statements
with the SEC.
Furthermore, this bill will not kill the implementation of XBRL or
structured data at the SEC. It is merely providing a temporary and
voluntarily exemption for smaller companies so that they may better
utilize their capital.
It is about choice and ensuring that these companies can use their
capital to create jobs instead of using it to comply with unnecessary
red tape.
This bill has previously received strong bipartisan support in the
Financial Services Committee and on the floor of this House when this
measure was part of the Promoting Job Creation and Reducing Small
Business Burdens Act.
Similarly, during the last Congress, this measure was also approved
with a strong bipartisan vote in the House. I ask that my colleagues
once again support this commonsense legislation today.
In addition to the disclosure simplification issues, we have also
sponsored title V of this Capital Markets Improvement Act. This is a
bipartisan bill that I crafted with my colleague, Ms. Kyrsten Sinema of
Arizona.
The Streamlining Excessive and Costly Regulations Review Act is about
accountable and representative government and making sure that the SEC
is taking an ongoing retrospective look at its regulation.
This legislation would simply require the SEC to review its major
rules and regulations on a regular basis to determine whether they are
still effective or outdated or whether they need to be changed in some
regard. In fact, other prudential regulators, such as the FDIC, the
OCC, and the Federal Reserve, are already doing this.
During the mid-1990s, the Economic Growth and Regulatory Paperwork
Reduction Act, or EGRPRA, required these entities to conduct a
retrospective review of all of their regulations to determine if they
were still effective and, subsequently, report their findings to
Congress.
Because the House Banking Committee at the time did not have
jurisdiction over the SEC, the SEC was left out of this process.
[[Page H523]]
Title V would simply require the SEC to retrospectively review its
regulations with the goal of ensuring that they are effective and up to
date. It would enable the SEC to operate in the most effective manner
possible. It would afford the SEC the autonomy and flexibility to make
this mandate effective.
President Obama himself endorsed this idea in multiple 2011 executive
orders, and the other prudential regulators are already operating under
a similar review process. This legislation simply puts the SEC on the
same playing field as the other regulators.
Moreover, this bill provides Congress with the insight it needs to
hold the Commission accountable, and the legislation adheres to the
requirements of the Administrative Procedure Act.
All said, the structure and the process of title V will provide
industry, the SEC, and Congress, with the structure and time necessary
to ensure that this retrospective review process is effective.
I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this title so that we
can continue to improve the SEC's regulatory regime.
In closing, let me again thank the committee chairman, Chairman
Hensarling, and Chairman Garrett, who is our Capital Markets and
Government Sponsored Enterprises Subcommittee chair, for making these
two provisions a part of this act. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes''
on this good bill.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney), the ranking
member of the Subcommittee on Capital Markets and Government Sponsored
Enterprises of the Financial Services Committee.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I thank the
ranking member for yielding and for her leadership on this committee
and on this legislation.
I rise today in opposition to H.R. 1675. It would curtail the
existing regulatory structure protecting investors.
While this package includes bills that I have supported, including
the ETF research bill, which simply allows more research on a fast-
growing market, ultimately, I have to oppose this package because it
would roll back the progress that we have made in many areas, including
on XBRL.
I rise in opposition to the prior speaker from the great State of
Virginia, really, one of my favorite Republicans to work with on the
committee, but I oppose very much his bill that would roll back XBRL
and would allow roughly 60 percent of all public companies to opt out
of the requirement to use XBRL.
I believe that this would hurt the overall economy, the liquidity of
the markets, and the information that investors are able to gain and
gather.
I am a big supporter of XBRL, which allows companies to file their
financial statements in a computer-readable format. XBRL makes it
possible for investors and analysts to quickly download standardized
financial statements for an entire industry directly to a spreadsheet
and immediately start making cross-company comparisons in order to
identify the best performers.
I would argue that this would increase the amount of investment in
start-ups and small businesses. This would enable investors to more
easily identify the companies that are diamonds in the rough, so to
speak; and very often, these are small companies that have innovative
business models but have trouble attracting the attention of analysts
and institutional investors.
One reason is it is simply too time-consuming for analysts and
investors to pick through every small company's 100-page financial
filings.
A small company's filings may tell an incredible story about why that
company is poised to be the next Apple or Google. But if the so-called
search costs are high enough that analysts and investors never see
them, then that company will never get the capital infusion it needs to
grow and our economy will never realize the benefits that the company
has to offer.
This is where XBRL comes in. It dramatically reduces the search costs
by making it fast and cheap for investors to gather standardized
financial statements for entire industries, including the small
businesses that the investors wouldn't have bothered with before.
So if you want to improve small companies' access to capital, rolling
back XBRL is the last thing you would want to do. I believe that we
should be moving forward, not backward, on XBRL.
We are already far behind the rest of the developed world in using
structured data. I rise in opposition to this bill.
The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. I yield the gentlewoman an
additional 1 minute.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I think we should think very
hard about an issue before we take away a tool that literally benefits
both investors and small companies.
{time} 1445
Unfortunately, that is what this bill would do. Instead of moving
forward on XBRL and making it even more useful for analysts and
investors, the bill would allow roughly 60 percent of all public
companies to opt out of their requirements to use XBRL. This would
effectively take our capital markets back to the 20th century.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill which doesn't
benefit investors and I would say the overall economy.
I urge a ``no'' vote from my colleagues.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Huizenga), the chairman of the Monetary Policy and Trade
Subcommittee of the Financial Services Committee and the author of
title III of this act.
Mr. HUIZENGA of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to alert the
American people: we have a red herring alert. This is a legislative
equivalent to an Amber Alert because we have folks who talk a good game
behind closed doors, who come out here, though, in the light of day and
do something very different, and they are missing. They are missing in
action from solving the problem. This red herring alert is very
disturbing. We instead are seeing today trumped-up attacks on
commonsense reforms that need to happen that many people will behind
closed doors agree need to happen.
In my particular case with section 3, we have a ``no-action'' letter
put out by the SEC that those on the other side of the aisle say, ``We
don't need to do anything. The SEC is taking care of it.'' The problem
is that it took years for the SEC to even address the issue. Apparently
what is good enough for a ``no-action'' letter should be good enough
for the law. So they know full well that many of the things that we are
trying to address in H.R. 1675 are coming from unintended consequences.
This important piece of legislation is a package of bipartisan ideas
designed to help Main Street businesses promote job creation and
economic growth. The Second District of Michigan, west Michigan, is
full of these types of family-owned companies.
Mr. Chairman, small businesses, private companies, and entrepreneurs
need access to capital, but burdensome, needless regulations out of
Washington and the SEC have created barriers to that investment
capital.
Main Street small businesses are the heart and soul of our Nation. In
fact, they have created the majority of the Nation's new jobs over the
last couple of decades. So what does that mean? It is not the big,
major companies that are creating those job opportunities. It is our
small, innovative companies that are. For these small businesses to
survive and thrive in a healthy, growing economy, we must reduce
barriers to capital and encourage small business growth and the small
business entrepreneur without putting the taxpayer or the economy at
risk.
H.R. 1675 does exactly that. This compilation of bipartisan
regulatory relief provisions will ensure that Main Street businesses
continue to have access to the capital that they need to grow the
economy and create new jobs.
Mr. Chairman, I urge a ``yes'' vote on H.R. 1675. You need to ignore
the red herrings that are getting thrown out there. The capital markets
need to have these reforms. I look forward to working with my Senate
colleagues to see H.R. 1675 make its way to President Obama's desk for
his signature.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to
the
[[Page H524]]
gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), a true progressive
champion.
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to H.R. 1675, the
Encouraging Employee Ownership Act.
As a young housewife in suburban Chicago, I joined a handful of women
in a successful campaign to get freshness dates on grocery products. At
the time, expiration dates were coded. The stores knew, but consumers
were in the dark about whether the milk they were buying had been on
the shelf too long.
Getting that information was really important. It gave us the facts
and the power to make the right food choices for our families. Getting
information about our stocks--whether those stocks are in the form of
compensation or investments--is equally important. Again, information
is power--the key to being able to protect the financial well-being of
our families.
Simply, workers deserve to know the value of the stocks they are
receiving instead of wages. We are living in a time of serious wage
stagnation. According to the National Employment Law Project, real
hourly wages were 4 percent lower on average in 2014 than in 2009. So
it is important for workers who are offered stock compensation to have
accurate data about the value of those stocks.
Similarly, we are experiencing a real retirement security crisis.
Median savings for all working households is $2,500 for retirement. For
those near retirement, it is $14,500--not a heck of a lot of money
saved for retirement. So we need to encourage investments. But if we
want Americans to invest, we need to give them information. They need
to be able to judge the risks and make wise decisions.
Yet, instead of giving American workers or investors more
information, H.R. 1675 would give them less. This bill would double the
threshold that triggers disclosure of information to workers. It would
reduce the requirements for broker-dealers to be accountable for
certain information that they provide. It would make it harder to find
information on SEC filings, and it would give the SEC unilateral power
to overturn congressionally enacted laws to protect investors.
Those are all really bad ideas, and I think we should vote ``no'' on
H.R. 1675.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire how much time is
remaining on both sides?
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas has 9 minutes remaining. The
gentlewoman from California has 9\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Hill). He is the author of title II of the act.
Mr. HILL. Mr. Chairman, today I rise in support of H.R. 1675 and
particularly want to speak about title II, which is called the Fair
Access to Investment Research Act, which I sponsored along with my
friend and colleague, Mr. Carney from Delaware.
Since starting my most recent investment firm that I had back in the
1990s before I came to Congress a year ago, I have seen the investment
category exchange-traded funds, or ETFs, grow from about 100 funds with
$100 billion in assets to over 1,400 funds with almost $2 trillion in
assets--a significant increase over that time.
Despite their growing popularity and use by retail investors and
small institutional investors, most broker-dealers in this country do
not publish research on ETFs. Primarily, the lack of that publication
is due to anomalies in the securities laws and regulations, and that is
at the heart of what we are talking about here. It is an important
investment category. It deserves research, and it deserves more
information, not less.
Title II's mission is simple. It directs the SEC to provide a safe
harbor for research reports that cover ETFs so that those reports are
not considered offers under section 5 of the Securities Act of 1933.
Therefore, ETF research is just treated like all other stock corporate
research.
This is a commonsense proposal, and it mirrors other research safe
harbors implemented by the SEC which clarify the law and allow broker-
dealers to publish ETF research allowing investors more information
about this rapidly growing and important market.
Further, this bill holds the SEC accountable--a large challenge
before the Congress--to follow our direction. This bill requires the
SEC to finalize the rules within 120 days, and if the deadline is not
met, an interim safe harbor will take effect until the SEC's rules are
finalized.
I might add to my friends at the Commission, this is not a topic
unfamiliar to you as it has been raised at the Commission many times,
including by the Commission staff over the past 17 years--and yet no
action has happened. So we are no longer out ahead of the curve on this
topic, we are behind it, as there are some 6 million U.S. households
currently using ETFs in their investment portfolios, and they need
access to this research.
Having worked in the banking and investment industry for three
decades, I appreciate Chairman Hensarling and Congress' efforts to
promote capital formation, reduce unnecessary barriers, provide
sunshine, provide information to our investors, and, by definition,
grow jobs and our economy.
I want to finally thank Mr. Carney of Delaware for working with me on
this project and for being so patient along its way in the last weeks.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such
time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman and Members, when my colleague from Massachusetts came
to the floor and started to talk about this bill, he said this is a bad
bill, and included in this bill a total of five bad bills.
As we go through each of these bills, we cannot help but wonder why
any public policymaker would want to endanger small businesses and
investors in the way that this bill does. One must ask one's self why,
why would any elected official want to eliminate financial disclosures
for employees regarding their stock compensation? Why would you want to
do that? Why don't you want employees to know what they are being
given? Why don't you want employees to understand that this stock that
they are being given may or may not be worth the paper that it is
written on? Why would we want to keep this information away from them?
As it was stated by the gentlewoman from Illinois, she said basically
that many of these companies are not increasing wages. As a matter of
fact, we have stagnation in wages in this country and in all of the
major companies, for example. So what is happening is these employees
believe that when they are being given stock instead of a raise, then
maybe they have something valuable.
They need to know what they are getting. They need to know exactly
what their company is holding out to them is valuable. So I raise the
question, why would any public policymaker want to keep this
information from employees?
Further, the opposite side of the aisle always talks about they are
for dealing with crime, that they are about criminal justice. But here
they are allowing bad actors to engage in small business mergers and
acquisitions. I am talking about people who have been convicted. I am
talking about people whom you have administrative orders against. I am
talking about swindlers. I am talking about bad people that will be
allowed, by this bill, to engage in small business mergers and
acquisitions. I don't understand it, and I don't know why.
Increasingly, the people of this country are looking at the Members
of Congress, and they are saying that they are not with us, they are
against us, and that we don't have anybody that is really protecting
our interests. More and more, it is being discussed. They are finally
getting on to it that somehow too many of the Members of Congress are
siding with the big guys, siding with the large corporations, and with
the big banks, and not looking out for the interests of the people.
They want to know why.
Again, title III of this bill would significantly expand an exemption
for registration granted by the SEC to certain mergers and acquisition
brokers who deal with small businesses without providing significant
protections for those businesses or investors.
Last Congress when we considered this exemption, it was meant to
prompt action by the SEC to finalize its no-action letter to exempt
these merger and acquisition brokers from registration. Two weeks after
that bill passed the House floor, the SEC granted relief. Yet you
wouldn't know it if
[[Page H525]]
you read this bill. This bill ignores that relief, and, worse, it
inexplicably omits eight--omits eight--of the important investment
protections that it includes.
As a result, it would allow, again, these bad actors, these cheaters,
these people who commit fraud, and these scammers to use this exemption
providing them with an opportunity just to swindle our small
businesses. Yet they claim they support small business.
It is fashionable to say, ``I am for small business.'' Everybody is
for small business. But when you take a look at what we do, you can
determine who is for the small business and who really are for the big
businesses, for the swindlers, and for the cheaters who rob small
businesses of the opportunity to be successful.
{time} 1500
It would also allow M&A brokers to merge public shell companies that
have no assets of their own.
Even some of my Republican colleagues who will be offering an
amendment to add in these two protections are unable to justify the
omission, but my friends on the opposite side of the aisle completely
ignore the other six investor protections in the SEC's no action
relief.
I am not going to go any further with that. That is quite obvious.
But let me say this. Not only do we have these bad bills with bad
public policy, we have a trick in the bill and the bill attempts to tie
the hands of the SEC by saying they need to go back--oh, back to 1934
and review everything that they have done, all of these regulations.
Do you know why they are doing that? It is the same reason that they
won't support them getting additional funding to do their job. They
just want to tie their hands so that they won't be able to do the job
that they are supposed to do.
When we call these bills bad, we are simply not sharing with you some
rhetoric about some meaningless harm that may come because of these
bills. We are telling you these are harmful bills, these are truly bad
bills.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Garrett), the chairman of the Capital Markets and
Government Sponsored Enterprises Subcommittee.
Mr. GARRETT. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairman.
I want to commend Mr. Hultgren, Mr. Hill, and all of the sponsors who
have worked so hard on the underlying legislation and for the
dedication to doing what? Improving the capital markets and creating
jobs in this country.
Mr. Chairman, the last decade has really not been kind to middle
class Americans and to lower income Americans as well, where people are
struggling to make it to the 15th of the month or the end of the month.
We have not experienced in this country a 3 percent GDP since, I
think, back in 2005. Middle class income wages are basically
stagnating, and the number of people in poverty in this country during
this administration has reached an astonishing 50 million people.
Did you hear that? Fifty million people during the Obama
administration find themselves still in poverty right now.
Yet, the Obama administration continues--if you listen to him and our
committee meetings from the other side of the aisle, they tout the
supposed strength of the recovery, despite the fact that, under
President Obama, only the rich in this country have gotten richer while
the poor and the middle class continue to struggle.
Today our committee brings to the floor a package of bills that will
do what, they will help small businesses. They will help people get new
jobs. They will help the creation of new hiring. They will help those
hardworking Americans who want to get a better job and improve
themselves to create wealth in this country and not just rely, as in
the past, on taxpayer economic sugar highs provided by the Federal
Reserve or wasteful stimulus programs.
What do we have right now? We have five bills. We have Mr. Hultgren's
legislation that will help hardworking Americans by giving Americans
more chance to do what? Invest their money so they can work.
We have Mr. Hurt's legislation initiatives to hold the SEC
accountable, yes, hold American bureaucrats accountable and reduce
Washington's unnecessary burdens on small public companies.
We have Mr. Huizenga's bill to make it easier for small businesses to
simply receive advice from professionals.
Finally, we have Mr. Hill's bill over here that will allow investors
greater access to research on investment funds before they invest their
money.
Mr. Chairman, what we have here is that not a single one of these
provisions will grow the bureaucracy, not a single one of these
provisions will throw more taxpayer dollars at the situation in the
hopes that it will solve some perceived problem out there, and not a
single one of these provisions include any new Federal mandates on the
job creators of this country: small businesses.
Each and every one of these is a positive solution to our economic
problems. As an added bonus, they all have the benefit of being
bipartisan.
Again, I thank you and all the sponsors for their support.
I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1675.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I continue to reserve
the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, how much time is remaining on each
side?
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Byrne). The gentleman from Texas has 3\1/2\
minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from California has 3 minutes
remaining.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Arizona (Ms. Sinema), one of the Democratic cosponsors
and cosponsor of title V of the bill.
Ms. SINEMA. Mr. Chairman, I thank Chairman Hensarling for including
legislation to review outdated and unnecessary regulation in this
important bill.
And thank you to Congressman Hurt for working across the aisle with
me to advance this commonsense measure.
Business owners in Arizona regularly tell me that our inefficient and
often confusing regulatory environment hurts their ability to grow and
hire. This commonsense legislation requires the SEC to improve and
repeal outdated regulations, holding them accountable, and providing
certainty for businesses and consumers in Arizona.
This bill requires the SEC to within 5 years of enactment and then
once every 10 years thereafter review all significant SEC rules and
determine by Commission vote whether they are outmoded, ineffective,
insufficient, excessively burdensome or are no longer in the public
interest or consistent with the SEC's mission to protect investors,
facilitate capital formation, and maintain fair, orderly, and efficient
markets.
The Commission would then be required to provide notice and solicit
public comment on whether such rules should be amended or repealed and
then amend or repeal any such rule by vote in accordance with the
Administrative Procedures Act.
Finally, the Commission would report to Congress within 45 days after
any final vote, including any suggestions for legislative changes.
The bill would require the SEC to only review major or significant
rules. It would not allow mandatory rulemakings to be repealed
unilaterally by the SEC.
Should the SEC determine that legislation is necessary to amend or
repeal a regulation, the bill requires the Commission to include in
their report to Congress recommendations for such legislation.
Finally, the bill would prevent additional litigation by clarifying
that the initial SEC vote would not be subject to judicial review.
I believe that reviewing significant rules at the SEC, as directed by
the administration's executive order, is a worthwhile use of SEC
resources.
I hope Members join me in supporting this bipartisan legislation.
Thank you, Chairman Hensarling and Congressman Hurt, for advancing
this important legislation.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman and Members, I yield
myself such time as I may consume.
Since the gentleman from New Jersey talked about the President and
[[Page H526]]
blamed him for everything he could think of, the administration is
sending you a message. The administration strongly opposes H.R. 1675.
``Among other flaws, this bill includes several provisions that pose
risks to investors, are overly broad, allow financial institutions to
avoid appropriate oversight, and are duplicative of existing
administrative authorities.''
Thank you from President Obama.
H.R. 1675 is yet another Republican attempt to deregulate Wall Street
during the 114th Congress. We have seen time and time again that
Republicans will stop at nothing to launch attacks at the expense of
American consumers and taxpayers in order to help the largest Wall
Street banks. This bill is another example of these tactics.
So far during this Congress, Republicans on the Financial Services
Committee have taken a number of measures to undermine consumers,
undermine investors, and undermine financial stability. Some of the
worst examples of this include:
Change in the structure of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
Ladies and gentlemen, the Republicans hate the Consumer Financial
Protection Bureau, and they have tried to bog the agency down in
partisan gridlock and disfunction. Republicans never wanted to create
the CFPB. Now that it is there and it is successful, they want to
undercut it.
Deregulating large banks by removing the enhanced prudential
standards established by the Dodd-Frank Act. This would allow large
regional megabanks to escape basic rules related to capital, liquidity,
and leverage established after the crisis.
Allowing discriminatory markups on automobile loans for racial and
ethnic minority borrowers. Republicans want auto finance companies to
be able to gouge minority consumers with interest rate markups even
when those consumers are equally creditworthy compared to their White
counterparts.
Removing consumer protections on mortgages for the largest banks. The
Republicans would remove vital consumer protections from the riskiest
mortgage products sold by the largest banks in this country.
The bill also would allow mortgage brokers to get hefty bonuses for
steering borrowers into expensive and complex mortgage products.
Eliminating Dodd-Frank protections related to manufactured housing
loans, thereby allowing consumers to be charged sky-high interest rates
without providing them guaranteed housing counseling or legal recourse.
Undermining the Financial Stability Oversight Council. Our
consolidated regulator in charge of monitoring systemic risk among the
financial system by doubling the time it would take for them to
designate risky nonbank companies for extra supervision.
We should not be surprised about this bill today. It is consistent
with everything that they have been doing in order to protect Wall
Street, the biggest banks that are too big to fail. This again is
consistent with everything they have been doing.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I am very proud of the fact, as the chairman of the
Financial Services Committee, that we move a lot of bipartisan
legislation. I take great pride in that. It is just so rare that the
Democratic ranking member chooses to be a part of any of it.
Here we have major titles of this bill. Title I supported 45-15 with
Democratic support; title II passed 48-9 with Democratic support; title
III, 36-24; title IV, 44-11; title V, 41-16, yet another bipartisan
exercise where men and women of goodwill come together to try to work
on behalf of the working families of America. Yet again, the ranking
member and those who are close to her choose not to be a part of this.
I guess I would ask, Mr. Chairman, how many more people have to
suffer in this economy? Working families are struggling. Their
paychecks are less since the President came to office, since we have
had 8 years of Obamanomics. They have 10 to 15 percent less in their
bank accounts. We have tried it their way, Mr. Chairman, and it has
failed.
Why does the ranking member and other Democrats continue this war on
small business? We are losing our small businesses. Entrepreneurship in
America is at a generational low.
We are trying to give them a little bit of a bipartisan lifeline to
breath a little life into these small businesses to allow them to
create more jobs and better career paths so that so many people don't
struggle to pay their mortgages and to pay their healthcare premiums.
These are modest changes. I am glad that a number of Democrats have
decided to cross the ranking member and want to do something that is
commonsense that will help small businesses and help the struggling
working people in America.
I urge all to vote for the act. I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. All time for general debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule.
It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the purpose
of amendment under the 5-minute rule an amendment in the nature of a
substitute consisting of the text of Rules Committee Print 114-43. That
amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be considered as read.
The text of the amendment in the nature of a substitute is as
follows:
H.R. 1675
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Capital
Markets Improvement Act of 2016''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
TITLE I--ENCOURAGING EMPLOYEE OWNERSHIP
Sec. 101. Increased threshold for disclosures relating to compensatory
benefit plans.
TITLE II--FAIR ACCESS TO INVESTMENT RESEARCH
Sec. 201. Safe harbor for investment fund research.
TITLE III--SMALL BUSINESS MERGERS, ACQUISITIONS, SALES, AND BROKERAGE
SIMPLIFICATION
Sec. 301. Registration exemption for merger and acquisition brokers.
Sec. 302. Effective date.
TITLE IV--SMALL COMPANY DISCLOSURE SIMPLIFICATION
Sec. 401. Exemption from XBRL requirements for emerging growth
companies and other smaller companies.
Sec. 402. Analysis by the SEC.
Sec. 403. Report to Congress.
Sec. 404. Definitions.
TITLE V--STREAMLINING EXCESSIVE AND COSTLY REGULATIONS REVIEW
Sec. 501. Regulatory review.
TITLE I--ENCOURAGING EMPLOYEE OWNERSHIP
SEC. 101. INCREASED THRESHOLD FOR DISCLOSURES RELATING TO
COMPENSATORY BENEFIT PLANS.
Not later than 60 days after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the Securities and Exchange Commission shall revise
section 230.701(e) of title 17, Code of Federal Regulations,
so as to increase from $5,000,000 to $10,000,000 the
aggregate sales price or amount of securities sold during any
consecutive 12-month period in excess of which the issuer is
required under such section to deliver an additional
disclosure to investors. The Commission shall index for
inflation such aggregate sales price or amount every 5 years
to reflect the change in the Consumer Price Index for All
Urban Consumers published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics,
rounding to the nearest $1,000,000.
TITLE II--FAIR ACCESS TO INVESTMENT RESEARCH
SEC. 201. SAFE HARBOR FOR INVESTMENT FUND RESEARCH.
(a) Expansion of Safe Harbor.--Not later than the end of
the 45-day period beginning on the date of enactment of this
Act, the Securities and Exchange Commission shall propose,
and not later than the end of the 120-day period beginning on
such date, the Commission shall adopt, upon such terms,
conditions, or requirements as the Commission may determine
necessary or appropriate in the public interest, for the
protection of investors, and for the promotion of capital
formation, revisions to section 230.139 of title 17, Code of
Federal Regulations, to provide that a covered investment
fund research report--
(1) shall be deemed, for purposes of sections 2(a)(10) and
5(c) of the Securities Act of 1933, not to constitute an
offer for sale or an offer to sell a security that is the
subject of an offering pursuant to a registration statement
that the issuer proposes to file, or has filed, or that is
effective, even if the broker or dealer is participating or
will participate in the registered offering of the covered
investment fund's securities; and
(2) shall be deemed to satisfy the conditions of subsection
(a)(1) or (a)(2) of section 230.139 of title 17, Code of
Federal Regulations, or any successor provisions, for
purposes of the Commission's rules and regulations under the
Federal securities laws and the rules of any self-regulatory
organization.
[[Page H527]]
(b) Implementation of Safe Harbor.--In implementing the
safe harbor pursuant to subsection (a), the Commission
shall--
(1) not, in the case of a covered investment fund with a
class of securities in substantially continuous distribution,
condition the safe harbor on whether the broker's or dealer's
publication or distribution of a covered investment fund
research report constitutes such broker's or dealer's
initiation or reinitiation of research coverage on such
covered investment fund or its securities;
(2) not--
(A) require the covered investment fund to have been
registered as an investment company under the Investment
Company Act of 1940 or subject to the reporting requirements
of section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934
for any period exceeding twelve months; or
(B) impose a minimum float provision exceeding that
referenced in subsection (a)(1)(i)(A)(1)(i) of section
230.139 of title 17, Code of Federal Regulations;
(3) provide that a self-regulatory organization may not
maintain or enforce any rule that would--
(A) condition the ability of a member to publish or
distribute a covered investment fund research report on
whether the member is also participating in a registered
offering or other distribution of any securities of such
covered investment fund;
(B) condition the ability of a member to participate in a
registered offering or other distribution of securities of a
covered investment fund on whether the member has published
or distributed a covered investment fund research report
about such covered investment fund or its securities; or
(C) require the filing of a covered investment fund
research report with such self-regulatory organization; and
(4) provide that a covered investment fund research report
shall not be subject to sections 24(b) or 34(b) of the
Investment Company Act of 1940 or the rules and regulations
thereunder.
(c) Rules of Construction.--Nothing in this section shall
be construed as in any way limiting--
(1) the applicability of the antifraud provisions of the
Federal securities laws; or
(2) the authority of any self-regulatory organization to
examine or supervise a member's practices in connection with
such member's publication or distribution of a covered
investment fund research report for compliance with otherwise
applicable provisions of the Federal securities laws or self-
regulatory organization rules.
(d) Interim Effectiveness of Safe Harbor.--From and after
the 120-day period beginning on the date of enactment of this
Act, if the Commission has not met its obligations pursuant
to subsection (a) to adopt revisions to section 230.139 of
title 17, Code of Federal Regulations, and until such time as
the Commission has done so, a covered investment fund
research report published or distributed by a broker or
dealer after such date shall be deemed to meet the
requirements of section 230.139 of title 17, Code of Federal
Regulations, and to satisfy the conditions of subsection
(a)(1) or (a)(2) thereof for purposes of the Commission's
rules and regulations under the Federal securities laws and
the rules of any self-regulatory organization, as if revised
and implemented in accordance with subsections (a) and (b).
(e) Definitions.--For purposes of this section:
(1) Covered investment fund research report.--The term
``covered investment fund research report'' means a research
report published or distributed by a broker or dealer about a
covered investment fund or any of its securities.
(2) Covered investment fund.--The term ``covered investment
fund'' means--
(A) an investment company registered under, or that has
filed an election to be treated as a business development
company under, the Investment Company Act of 1940 and that
has filed a registration statement under the Securities Act
of 1933 for the public offering of a class of its securities,
which registration statement has been declared effective by
the Commission; and
(B) a trust or other person--
(i) that has a class of securities listed for trading on a
national securities exchange;
(ii) the assets of which consist primarily of commodities,
currencies, or derivative instruments that reference
commodities or currencies, or interests in the foregoing; and
(iii) that allows its securities to be purchased or
redeemed, subject to conditions or limitations, for a ratable
share of its assets.
(3) Research report.--The term ``research report'' has the
meaning given to that term under section 2(a)(3) of the
Securities Act of 1933, except that such term shall not
include an oral communication.
(4) Self-regulatory organization.--The term ``self-
regulatory organization'' has the meaning given to that term
under section 3(a)(26) of the Securities Exchange Act of
1934.
TITLE III--SMALL BUSINESS MERGERS, ACQUISITIONS, SALES, AND BROKERAGE
SIMPLIFICATION
SEC. 301. REGISTRATION EXEMPTION FOR MERGER AND ACQUISITION
BROKERS.
Section 15(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (15
U.S.C. 78o(b)) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(13) Registration exemption for merger and acquisition
brokers.--
``(A) In general.--Except as provided in subparagraph (B),
an M&A broker shall be exempt from registration under this
section.
``(B) Excluded activities.--An M&A broker is not exempt
from registration under this paragraph if such broker does
any of the following:
``(i) Directly or indirectly, in connection with the
transfer of ownership of an eligible privately held company,
receives, holds, transmits, or has custody of the funds or
securities to be exchanged by the parties to the transaction.
``(ii) Engages on behalf of an issuer in a public offering
of any class of securities that is registered, or is required
to be registered, with the Commission under section 12 or
with respect to which the issuer files, or is required to
file, periodic information, documents, and reports under
subsection (d).
``(C) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this paragraph
shall be construed to limit any other authority of the
Commission to exempt any person, or any class of persons,
from any provision of this title, or from any provision of
any rule or regulation thereunder.
``(D) Definitions.--In this paragraph:
``(i) Control.--The term `control' means the power,
directly or indirectly, to direct the management or policies
of a company, whether through ownership of securities, by
contract, or otherwise. There is a presumption of control for
any person who--
``(I) is a director, general partner, member or manager of
a limited liability company, or officer exercising executive
responsibility (or has similar status or functions);
``(II) has the right to vote 20 percent or more of a class
of voting securities or the power to sell or direct the sale
of 20 percent or more of a class of voting securities; or
``(III) in the case of a partnership or limited liability
company, has the right to receive upon dissolution, or has
contributed, 20 percent or more of the capital.
``(ii) Eligible privately held company.--The term `eligible
privately held company' means a company that meets both of
the following conditions:
``(I) The company does not have any class of securities
registered, or required to be registered, with the Commission
under section 12 or with respect to which the company files,
or is required to file, periodic information, documents, and
reports under subsection (d).
``(II) In the fiscal year ending immediately before the
fiscal year in which the services of the M&A broker are
initially engaged with respect to the securities transaction,
the company meets either or both of the following conditions
(determined in accordance with the historical financial
accounting records of the company):
``(aa) The earnings of the company before interest, taxes,
depreciation, and amortization are less than $25,000,000.
``(bb) The gross revenues of the company are less than
$250,000,000.
``(iii) M&A broker.--The term `M&A broker' means a broker,
and any person associated with a broker, engaged in the
business of effecting securities transactions solely in
connection with the transfer of ownership of an eligible
privately held company, regardless of whether the broker acts
on behalf of a seller or buyer, through the purchase, sale,
exchange, issuance, repurchase, or redemption of, or a
business combination involving, securities or assets of the
eligible privately held company, if the broker reasonably
believes that--
``(I) upon consummation of the transaction, any person
acquiring securities or assets of the eligible privately held
company, acting alone or in concert, will control and,
directly or indirectly, will be active in the management of
the eligible privately held company or the business conducted
with the assets of the eligible privately held company; and
``(II) if any person is offered securities in exchange for
securities or assets of the eligible privately held company,
such person will, prior to becoming legally bound to
consummate the transaction, receive or have reasonable access
to the most recent year-end balance sheet, income statement,
statement of changes in financial position, and statement of
owner's equity of the issuer of the securities offered in
exchange, and, if the financial statements of the issuer are
audited, the related report of the independent auditor, a
balance sheet dated not more than 120 days before the date of
the offer, and information pertaining to the management,
business, results of operations for the period covered by the
foregoing financial statements, and material loss
contingencies of the issuer.
``(E) Inflation adjustment.--
``(i) In general.--On the date that is 5 years after the
date of the enactment of the Small Business Mergers,
Acquisitions, Sales, and Brokerage Simplification Act of
2015, and every 5 years thereafter, each dollar amount in
subparagraph (D)(ii)(II) shall be adjusted by--
``(I) dividing the annual value of the Employment Cost
Index For Wages and Salaries, Private Industry Workers (or
any successor index), as published by the Bureau of Labor
Statistics, for the calendar year preceding the calendar year
in which the adjustment is being made by the annual value of
such index (or successor) for the calendar year ending
December 31, 2012; and
``(II) multiplying such dollar amount by the quotient
obtained under subclause (I).
``(ii) Rounding.--Each dollar amount determined under
clause (i) shall be rounded to the nearest multiple of
$100,000.''.
SEC. 302. EFFECTIVE DATE.
This title and any amendment made by this title shall take
effect on the date that is 90 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act.
TITLE IV--SMALL COMPANY DISCLOSURE SIMPLIFICATION
SEC. 401. EXEMPTION FROM XBRL REQUIREMENTS FOR EMERGING
GROWTH COMPANIES AND OTHER SMALLER COMPANIES.
(a) Exemption for Emerging Growth Companies.--Emerging
growth companies are exempted from the requirements to use
Extensible Business Reporting Language (XBRL) for financial
statements and other periodic reporting required to be filed
with the Commission under the securities laws. Such companies
may elect to use XBRL for such reporting.
[[Page H528]]
(b) Exemption for Other Smaller Companies.--Issuers with
total annual gross revenues of less than $250,000,000 are
exempt from the requirements to use XBRL for financial
statements and other periodic reporting required to be filed
with the Commission under the securities laws. Such issuers
may elect to use XBRL for such reporting. An exemption under
this subsection shall continue in effect until--
(1) the date that is five years after the date of enactment
of this Act; or
(2) the date that is two years after a determination by the
Commission, by order after conducting the analysis required
by section 402, that the benefits of such requirements to
such issuers outweigh the costs, but no earlier than three
years after enactment of this Act.
(c) Modifications to Regulations.--Not later than 60 days
after the date of enactment of this Act, the Commission shall
revise its regulations under parts 229, 230, 232, 239, 240,
and 249 of title 17, Code of Federal Regulations, to reflect
the exemptions set forth in subsections (a) and (b).
SEC. 402. ANALYSIS BY THE SEC.
The Commission shall conduct an analysis of the costs and
benefits to issuers described in section 401(b) of the
requirements to use XBRL for financial statements and other
periodic reporting required to be filed with the Commission
under the securities laws. Such analysis shall include an
assessment of--
(1) how such costs and benefits may differ from the costs
and benefits identified by the Commission in the order
relating to interactive data to improve financial reporting
(dated January 30, 2009; 74 Fed. Reg. 6776) because of the
size of such issuers;
(2) the effects on efficiency, competition, capital
formation, and financing and on analyst coverage of such
issuers (including any such effects resulting from use of
XBRL by investors);
(3) the costs to such issuers of--
(A) submitting data to the Commission in XBRL;
(B) posting data on the website of the issuer in XBRL;
(C) software necessary to prepare, submit, or post data in
XBRL; and
(D) any additional consulting services or filing agent
services;
(4) the benefits to the Commission in terms of improved
ability to monitor securities markets, assess the potential
outcomes of regulatory alternatives, and enhance investor
participation in corporate governance and promote capital
formation; and
(5) the effectiveness of standards in the United States for
interactive filing data relative to the standards of
international counterparts.
SEC. 403. REPORT TO CONGRESS.
Not later than one year after the date of enactment of this
Act, the Commission shall provide the Committee on Financial
Services of the House of Representatives and the Committee on
Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of the Senate a report
regarding--
(1) the progress in implementing XBRL reporting within the
Commission;
(2) the use of XBRL data by Commission officials;
(3) the use of XBRL data by investors;
(4) the results of the analysis required by section 402;
and
(5) any additional information the Commission considers
relevant for increasing transparency, decreasing costs, and
increasing efficiency of regulatory filings with the
Commission.
SEC. 404. DEFINITIONS.
As used in this title, the terms ``Commission'', ``emerging
growth company'', ``issuer'', and ``securities laws'' have
the meanings given such terms in section 3 of the Securities
Exchange Act of 1934 (15 U.S.C. 78c).
TITLE V--STREAMLINING EXCESSIVE AND COSTLY REGULATIONS REVIEW
SEC. 501. REGULATORY REVIEW.
(a) Review and Action.--Not later than 5 years after the
date of enactment of this Act, and at least once within each
10-year period thereafter, the Securities and Exchange
Commission shall--
(1) review each significant regulation issued by the
Commission;
(2) determine by Commission vote whether each such
regulation--
(A) is outmoded, ineffective, insufficient, or excessively
burdensome; or
(B) is no longer necessary in the public interest or
consistent with the Commission's mandate to protect
investors, maintain fair, orderly, and efficient markets, and
facilitate capital formation;
(3) provide notice and solicit public comment as to whether
a regulation described in subparagraph (A) or (B) of
paragraph (2) (as determined by Commission vote pursuant to
such paragraph) should be amended to improve or modernize
such regulation so that such regulation is in the public
interest, or whether such regulation should be repealed; and
(4) amend or repeal any regulation described in
subparagraph (A) or (B) of paragraph (2), as determined by
Commission vote pursuant to such paragraph.
(b) Definition.--As used in this section and for purposes
of the review required by subsection (a) the term
``significant regulation'' has the meaning given the term
``major rule'' in section 804(2) of title 5, United States
Code.
(c) Report to Congress.--Not later than 45 days after any
final Commission vote described in subsection (a)(2), the
Commission shall transmit a report to the Committee on
Financial Services of the House of Representatives and the
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs of the
Senate describing the Commission's review under subsection
(a), its vote or votes, and the actions taken pursuant to
paragraph (3) of such subsection. If the Commission
determines that legislation is necessary to amend or repeal
any regulation described in subparagraph (A) or (B) of
subsection (a)(2), the Commission shall include in the report
recommendations for such legislation.
(d) Not Subject to Judicial Review.--Any vote by the
Commission made pursuant to subsection (a)(2) shall be final
and not subject to judicial review.
The Acting CHAIR. No amendment to that amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be in order except those printed in part A of House
Report 114-414. Each such amendment may be offered only in the order
printed in the report, by a Member designated in the report, shall be
considered read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the
report, equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question.
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. DeSaulnier
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1
printed in part A of House Report 114-414.
Mr. DeSAULNIER. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 2, after line 17, insert the following:
SEC. 102. STUDY AND REPORT.
Not later than 1 year after the date of the enactment of
this Act, the Securities and Exchange Commission shall
complete a study and submit to Congress a report on the
prevalence of employee ownership plans within companies that
have a flexible or social benefit component in the articles
of incorporation or similar governing documents of such
companies, as permitted under applicable State law.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 595, the gentleman
from California (Mr. DeSaulnier) and a Member opposed each will control
5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
{time} 1515
Mr. DeSAULNIER. Mr. Chairman, this is a straightforward study
amendment that intends to build on the potential links between
employee-owned corporations and social benefit corporations. This
amendment requires the SEC to study overlaps between employee-owned
corporations and alternative corporate forms authorized under various
State laws.
Alternative corporate forms allow corporations, with the consent of
their shareholders, to pursue social and environmental goals as a for-
profit business enterprise. With legal protections that allow companies
to consider the interests of all stakeholders, benefit corporations can
help solve social and environmental challenges through their
businesses. Benefit corporation status and other corporate forms allow
companies to differentiate themselves and appeal to all consumers.
Alternative corporate forms provide legal protections that benefit
innovators, entrepreneurs, investors, and consumers. These legal
protections have helped create opportunities for innovation in States
like California, which currently attracts almost half of all venture
capital investment in the United States.
Some of these alternative corporate forms include flexible purpose
corporations, benefit corporations, and low-profit limited liability
companies. Benefit corporations, the most common type of alternative
corporate form, are authorized in 30 States, including in the District
of Columbia, and are currently being considered in five more States.
L3Cs are authorized in eight States.
My amendment simply seeks to improve the availability of data so
Congress can explore connections between employee-owned corporations
and these increasingly popular alternative corporate forms.
Specifically again, this amendment requires the SEC to study and
report to Congress the prevalence of employee-owned ownership plans
within corporations that also include a flexible or a social benefit
component in their articles of incorporation as allowed under relevant
State laws.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this commonsense
amendment to improve our understanding of employee-owned corporations.
I reserve the balance of my time.
[[Page H529]]
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's amendment,
but I find it somewhat ironic when I continue to hear pleas from the
other side of the aisle on how terribly burdened the SEC is and what
great need they have that they can't make due with the resources that
they have, and then here is a study which would be yet another burden
on the SEC. First, Mr. Chairman, I find that somewhat ironic.
I don't find that the gentleman's amendment really has anything to do
with encouraging employee ownership at privately held companies. I
guess what really disturbs me, Mr. Chairman, is that this goal or this
agenda of many is to take disclosure from those items that will enhance
shareholder value and to, instead, take this into a debate about social
values.
We are a very diverse country, and this is a good thing. There may be
some investors who are interested in companies that support a pro-life
position, and there may be others who are interested in a company that
supports a pro-abortion position; but that has very little to do with
the investment return, which, for most American families, is what they
care about when they wonder if they are going to be able to pay for
their home mortgages, to pay their utility bills, or to send their kids
to college.
There are some people in America who support the Second Amendment,
and there are some people who don't. Again, there is a wide diversity
of social issues, and for those who wish to invest along those lines,
in a relatively free society, they ought to be able to do that. If they
can't get the information they need from a corporation, they have a
multitude of investment opportunities. If they don't feel they are
getting the type of social value information they need, they have a
variety of opportunities.
I feel that the gentleman from California's amendment leads us down a
road that, I think, ultimately, is harmful to working Americans who are
trying to invest their meager savings in order to make ends meet. I
urge that we reject the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DeSAULNIER. Mr. Chairman, while I respect the gentleman's
understanding and his years of work in this field, I think my
experience as a new Member who is coming from a State legislature that
involved the business community in the development of some of these
alternative forms, it is merely providing more information for
shareholders and investors. That is why, when we did it in California,
we had bipartisan support, including having the support from the
business community.
That is the spirit, at least, in which I am offering the amendment. I
don't think it would be, from a cost-benefit standard, very hard for
the SEC to provide this information to Congress so that, as these forms
continue to move throughout the States, we have a better understanding.
That is the purpose and the spirit of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. DeSaulnier).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. DeSAULNIER. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mr. Huizenga of Michigan
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2
printed in part A of House Report 114-414.
Mr. HUIZENGA of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 9, after line 16, insert the following:
``(iii) Engages on behalf of any party in a transaction
involving a public shell company.
``(C) Disqualifications.--An M&A broker is not exempt from
registration under this paragraph if such broker is subject
to--
``(i) suspension or revocation of registration under
paragraph (4);
``(ii) a statutory disqualification described in section
3(a)(39);
``(iii) a disqualification under the rules adopted by the
Commission under section 926 of the Investor Protection and
Securities Reform Act of 2010 (15 U.S.C. 77d note); or
``(iv) a final order described in paragraph (4)(H).''.
Page 9, line 17, strike ``(C)'' and insert ``(D)''.
Page 9, line 23, strike ``(D)'' and insert ``(E)''.
Page 10, line 23, insert ``privately held'' after ``means
a''.
Page 13, beginning on line 6, strike ``year-end balance
sheet'' and all that follows through ``report of the
independent auditor'' and insert ``fiscal year-end financial
statements of the issuer of the securities as customarily
prepared by the management of the issuer in the normal course
of operations and, if the financial statements of the issuer
are audited, reviewed, or compiled, any related statement by
the independent accountant''.
Page 13, after line 20, insert the following:
``(iv) Public shell company.--The term `public shell
company' is a company that at the time of a transaction with
an eligible privately held company--
``(I) has any class of securities registered, or required
to be registered, with the Commission under section 12 or
that is required to file reports pursuant to subsection (d);
``(II) has no or nominal operations; and
``(III) has--
``(aa) no or nominal assets;
``(bb) assets consisting solely of cash and cash
equivalents; or
``(cc) assets consisting of any amount of cash and cash
equivalents and nominal other assets.''.
Page 13, line 21, strike ``(E)'' and insert ``(F)''.
Page 14, beginning on line 2, strike ``subparagraph
(D)(ii)(II)'' and insert ``subparagraph (E)(ii)(II)''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 595, the gentleman
from Michigan (Mr. Huizenga) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman.
Mr. HUIZENGA of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, it has been estimated that
approximately $10 trillion--with a T, 12 zeros--worth of small,
privately owned, and family-operated businesses will be sold or closed
in the coming years as baby boomers retire. Mergers and acquisitions
brokers, or M&A brokers as they are often called, will play a critical
role in facilitating the transfer of ownership of these small,
privately held companies.
If you were here earlier today, you would have heard me issue a red
herring alert. This is exhibit A, what we are dealing with right now,
as to what that red herring alert is and as you are hearing from my
colleagues on the other side of the aisle. This is exhibit A, what I
used to use as an example of Washington working.
Last Congress, I had this exact bill, and it passed this body
unanimously. Let me repeat that--unanimously. There were zero votes
against it. It went on as a suspension bill. It went on suspension
because it was noncontroversial. It was agreed that this was the right
direction to go. Unfortunately, I now have to use this bill and my
portion--this amendment that we are dealing with--as an example of how
D.C. is broken, and we wonder why the American people are cynical.
Let's get to the heart of the matter.
Why do we need to do this? Why do we need to address this particular
issue regarding these M&A brokers?
Today, Federal securities regulations require an M&A broker to be
registered and regulated by the Securities and Exchange Commission and
FINRA, just like Wall Street investment bankers who buy and sell
publicly traded companies. So let's just get this point clear. These
are not folks on Wall Street. These are folks in Holland, Michigan, in
Grand Rapids, Michigan, in California, in Texas, in Florida, and
anywhere else that one is selling a small, family-owned business. That
is right. Anyone who is dealing with a sale or who is brokering the
sale of a business anywhere in America is forced to register with the
Federal Government and be regulated as a securities broker-dealer
regardless of the size of the business or the sale transaction. This
red tape is, of course, in addition to the State laws that already
regulate those transfers.
How did we get here?
This bill corrects an unintended consequence of a 1985 Supreme Court
ruling that overturned a lower court that
[[Page H530]]
created the sale of business doctrine. Prior to that decision, private
company sales were exempted from Federal regulation. Since 1985, the
SEC has issued many nonaction--or no action--letters that, under
various but differing factual circumstances, have granted relief for
M&A brokers. However, the other side is not willing to actually put it
into law.
Let's be clear. Title III of H.R. 1675 does not do away and does not
change in any way, affect, or limit the SEC's jurisdiction or powers to
investigate and enforce Federal securities laws. Rather, it simply
exempts M&A brokers from SEC registration as broker-dealers, which
makes the transfer of these small, family-owned businesses affordable.
In fact, what do you do when you own a small family business? I own
one. If I am able to save money on one side, I am able to invest it
into my employees, and I am able to invest it into the equipment that
is in my business.
Federal securities regulation is primarily designed to protect
passive investors in public security markets. Passive investors are
people like you and me who might just buy a share in a company
somewhere. Privately negotiated M&A transactions are vastly different
and benefit little from SEC and FINRA registration and regulation but
are burdened by the same regulatory requirements, obligations, and
associated costs. M&A brokers, themselves, are small businesses.
Title III of H.R. 1675 includes my bipartisan legislation, H.R. 686,
the Small Business Mergers, Acquisitions, Sales, and Brokerage
Simplification Act, which would create a simplified system for brokers
facilitating the transfer of ownership of small, privately held
companies. Yes, it was a bipartisan bill that passed our committee.
My amendment would further clarify two things:
First, any broker or associated person who is subject to suspension
or revocation of registration is disqualified from the exemption. In
other words, if you are a bad actor, you are exempted. You are not
allowed to take part in this;
Second is the inapplicability of the exemption to any M&A transaction
where one party or more is a shell company. We heard that being brought
up as a reason we shouldn't be doing this. Again, we offer an
exemption. If there is a shell company, that is not allowed to be used.
By including these additional investor protections--let me repeat,
``additional''--this amendment strikes an appropriate balance between
the legitimate interests of all stakeholders and maintains strong
protections for investors and small businesses.
Today, Mr. Chairman, I just hope that we will see some common sense,
that we will not chase after the red herrings that are being thrown out
there, and that we will support H.R. 1675.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition
to the amendment even though I am not opposed to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentlewoman from California
is recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Ms. MAXINE WATERS of California. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank
Mr. Huizenga for addressing one of the many glaring problems with this
bill.
Title III of this bill significantly expands an exemption granted by
the SEC to certain brokers but without providing the significant
protections the SEC deemed important for small businesses or investors.
This amendment would prevent people who have committed fraud and
securities violations--individuals who couldn't sell used stock but who
could sell your small business in the underlying bill--from claiming
this exemption.
However, why does the amendment limit the bad actor provision to just
this title? Why not make it explicit that persons and companies that
have committed fraud are not eligible to take advantage of any of the
exemptions provided in this act?
I also appreciate that the amendment prevents public shell companies
from taking advantage of this title, which would otherwise allow
private companies to circumvent important public company disclosure
requirements.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to know why the author completely ignores
the other six investor protections in the SEC's no action relief. I am
not aware of any witness before our committee who explained how these
other investor protections were burdensome. Indeed, they seemed like
commonsense protections.
For example, the SEC required merger and acquisition brokers who
represent both parties of the transaction to obtain the consent of both
parties to that conflict of interest. Similarly, the SEC prohibited M&A
brokers from engaging in private placements and arranging buyer
financing because the narrow exemption from registration is intended
for persons who fairly facilitate the merger of small businesses, not
for the promoters who are compensated for their ability to hype up the
value of the companies and attract new investment.
{time} 1530
If Republicans truly wanted to codify the SEC's administrative action
to provide legal certainty for these brokers, then they should have
accepted the Democratic amendment adding back in these protections. But
that isn't the point of this bill, and this amendment is just a sleight
of hand that all is well.
Let me just mention here that registered broker-dealers are subject
to a variety of regulatory requirements that nonbroker-dealer M&A
advisers are not, including, without limitation, regarding antimoney
laundering, privacy of customer information, supervisory reporting and
recordkeeping requirements, inspections by the SEC and SRO, such as
FINRA, supervision and regulation of employees' trading and outside
business activities, insider trading, and regulations governing
interactions between a broker-dealer's investment banking and research
departments.
H.R. 686 risks promoting lower standards and less rigor and
regulatory oversight in the providing of this important advice.
It is worthy to add that SIFMA is opposed to the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Huizenga).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Sherman
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3
printed in part A of House Report 114-414.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I offer my amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 9, after line 16, insert the following:
``(C) Disqualification for certain conduct.--An M&A broker
may not make use of the exemption under this paragraph if the
broker--
``(i) has been barred from association with a broker or
dealer by the Commission, any State, or any self-regulatory
organization; or
``(ii) is suspended from association with a broker or
dealer.
``(D) Transactions involving shell companies prohibited.--
``(i) In general.--An M&A broker making use of the
exemption under this paragraph may not engage in a
transaction involving a shell company, other than a business
combination related shell company.
``(ii) Shell company defined.--In this subparagraph, the
term `shell company' means a company that--
``(I) has no or nominal operations; and
``(II) has--
``(aa) no or nominal assets;
``(bb) assets consisting solely of cash and cash
equivalents; or
``(cc) assets consisting of any amount of cash and cash
equivalents and nominal other assets.
``(iii) Business combination related shell company
defined.--In this subparagraph, the term `business
combination related shell company' means a shell company that
is formed by an entity that is not a shell company solely for
the purpose of--
``(I) changing the corporate domicile of such entity solely
within the United States; or
``(II) completing a business combination transaction (as
defined in section 230.165(f) of title 17, Code of Federal
Regulations) among one or more entities other than the shell
company, none of which is a shell company.
``(E) Financing by m&a brokers prohibited.--An M&A broker
may not provide financing, either directly or indirectly,
related to the transfer of ownership of an eligible privately
held company.
``(F) Disclosure and consent.--To the extent an M&A broker
represents both buyers and sellers of an eligible privately
held company, the broker shall provide clear written
[[Page H531]]
disclosure as to the parties the broker represents and obtain
written consent from all parties to the joint representation.
``(G) Passive buyers prohibited.--An M&A broker may not
engage in a transaction involving the transfer of ownership
of an eligible privately held company to a passive buyer or
group of passive buyers.
``(H) No authority to bind party to transfer.--The M&A
broker may not bind a party to a transfer of ownership of an
eligible privately held company.
``(I) Restricted securities.--Any securities purchased or
received by the buyer or M&A broker in connection with the
transfer of ownership of an eligible privately held company
are restricted securities (as defined in section
230.144(a)(3) of title 17, Code of Federal Regulations).
Page 10, line 8, insert ``, and'' after ``officer''.
Page 10, beginning on line 11, strike ``20 percent'' and
insert ``25 percent''.
Page 10, line 14, strike ``20 percent'' and insert ``25
percent''.
Page 10, line 19, strike ``20 percent'' and insert ``25
percent''.
Page 12, beginning on line 19, strike ``will be active in
the management of'' and insert ``will actively operate''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 595, the gentleman
from California (Mr. Sherman) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chairman, there may be some acrimony on the floor
from time to time, but I think we are mostly in agreement.
The SEC, under some tutelage from the committee, in January of 2014
issued its no-action letter providing that, in certain circumstances, a
small business merger or acquisitions broker would not have to
register. They issued this in January of 2014.
The gentleman from Michigan brought forward a good bill designed to
codify that decision by the SEC, but he did not in his codification
include six of the limitations that the SEC had in its no-action
letter.
Now he has brought forward and I think we just adopted an amendment
to add to his bill the two most important limitations that the SEC had
in its no-action letter.
It excludes from the exemption those who have been bad actors in the
past and barred from association with broker-dealers, and it excludes
shell companies.
As far as it goes, I think that is a good amendment. I am glad we
adopted it.
But if we are going to deal with this area with statute, we should
take a look at the other exclusions from the exemption that the SEC
included in its no-action letter.
The amendment that is before us today is the same amendment I offered
in committee. It does everything that the gentleman from Michigan's
amendment does and takes the additional exclusions that the SEC had in
its no-action letter.
The most important of these is to require that, to be eligible, a
broker would have to disclose to both parties and get consent from both
parties if they are getting paid by both parties.
So if you are getting a seller's commission and a buyer's commission,
you would tell the buyer and the seller that that is the case. This
amendment would add that as a requirement for the exemption.
We would also have, as the SEC had in its no-action letter, an
exclusion where there are passive buyers. So this is the amendment I
offered in committee. It includes the amendment that we just adopted.
It includes the other exclusions from the exemption that the SEC
adopted.
None of the SEC's exclusions from its exemption have been
controversial. So I would like to go beyond the gentleman from
Michigan's amendment and include all of those exclusions from the
exemption.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I do appreciate the gentleman from
California's amendment. I think there are a lot of well-thought ideas
here. I appreciate the sentiment by which he approached the amendment.
I do believe, though, that, in this particular case, this amendment
goes a little bit too far in the wrong direction and ultimately can
prove to hurt a number of small businesses and economic growth.
Number one, a lot of what the gentleman is trying to achieve I think
has already been achieved in the amendment by the gentleman from
Michigan that we just approved on voice vote here on the floor.
I would also add that, with the amendment from the gentleman from
Michigan, who has the underlying title of this bill, the language now
is identical to the bipartisan Senate language.
We know how difficult it is to get laws passed. I think it is
important, where we can, to align the language with the other side of
the Capitol. I think this could ease passage of a bill which is
bipartisan, again, on both ends of the Capitol.
Again, I appreciate what the gentleman from California is trying to
do, but I think that the gentleman from Michigan strikes the
appropriate balance.
Mr. SHERMAN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. HENSARLING. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chair, there might be some advantage to having
language identical to the Senate, if the bill was identical to a Senate
bill.
In this case, this title is being added to five other titles. In the
committee, we dealt with it as six separate bills. Here on the floor,
it is one bill. So there is no particular advantage to conforming to
the Senate.
If the Senate language does not exclude from the exemption those
brokers that fail to disclose that they are representing both sides,
then that proves the additional wisdom----
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time. I appreciate the
gentleman's pushback, but I am still not going to quite see things his
way.
I believe that the gentleman from Michigan strikes the proper balance
here, particularly at a time when, again, our working families are
struggling and this economy is limping along. We had a fourth-quarter
GDP report where this economy was barely on life support systems.
We have to jump-start our small businesses. We have to jump-start
capital formation. The gentleman from Michigan has the right balance.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Chairman, we have tough economic conditions out in
our country. We need more jobs. We need business to operate smoothly.
How many jobs do we create by telling merger and acquisition brokers
that they can get fees from the seller and get fees from the buyer and
not tell either party that they are getting paid by both parties?
That is not an essential element. That failure to disclose is not an
essential element of rejuvenating the American economy.
This bill is not identical to the Senate bill because this bill has
six titles. The Senate bill has one title.
Here is a chance for the House to show its superior wisdom to include
language that neither the author of the bill nor the chairman of the
committee argues against in substance to add language that says that,
if you want to enjoy this exemption, you have to tell both parties that
you are being paid by both parties if, indeed, you are being paid by
both parties.
So this additional disclosure requirement is good on the merits. It
does nothing to delay the adoption of the additional legislation. I am
confident that a rejuvenation of our economy does not require that we
conceal from those who are buying and selling businesses the fact that
their broker is getting paid by both sides. Let's provide for full
disclosure. Let's revitalize the economy.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Huizenga).
Mr. HUIZENGA of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the efforts of
my colleague from California. We have worked well on a number of these
issues.
I would point out, though, that maybe not you, but some others are
trying to act like this is the monumental thing whereas mergers and
acquisitions are going to fail or flounder whether your amendment is
passed.
[[Page H532]]
While it may be of some interest and I think it has some things that
are either benign or not terribly objectionable, we do know--and I
think we probably would both jointly agree--that oftentimes our problem
isn't between us. It is between trying to get this body and the Senate
to agree. If we can have one less thing to have a disagreement with
them on as we are advancing this, I am all for it.
I will specifically say subsection (C) on page 1, as you are talking
about, my amendment adds what you have in there and more bad actor
disqualifications. Actually, your amendment would roll that back. I
don't think that was your intention, but that is what it would do.
In subsection (D), our amendment adds the same disqualification, but
is shorter and simpler to understand, which is also important as we are
dealing with the Senate.
In subsection (E), there is no apparent reason to prevent private
business sellers and buyers from getting a transaction fee from a bank
that is affiliated with an M&A broker. There shouldn't be some sort of
exclusion on that.
In subsection (F), it is highly, highly unusual that an M&A broker
would work for both the seller and the buyer in the same transaction.
So I think this is maybe a section in search of a problem.
Subsection (G), adding this prohibition is frankly redundant, in our
view, and could cause some more confusion.
In subsection (H), the reasonable belief element sort of does the
same thing. I am not sure what we are trying to get at other than maybe
causing some more confusion. It is not, again, an intention of that but
is what it would do.
Subsection (I) is simply restating the existing law.
So I think, as we are going through this, we are not wildly out of
disagreement. I just believe that the amendment that was offered and
passed earlier, which puts us in line, again, with the efforts of the
Senate, is a better way to go.
Again, to my friend from California, this is not you that I will
direct this at, but others on your side of the aisle who are pointing
to the no-action letter as the reason why we don't have to do this
legislation.
Yet, now we are saying we have to pass your amendment because it is
only a no-action letter and we need this into the law. So we can't have
it both ways.
Mr. HENSARLING. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman).
The amendment was rejected.
The Acting CHAIR. The Committee will rise informally.
The Speaker pro tempore (Mr. Thornberry) assumed the chair.
____________________