[Congressional Record Volume 162, Number 17 (Thursday, January 28, 2016)]
[Senate]
[Pages S334-S335]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I wish to share some thoughts tonight,
before we go out, about the trade issue this Nation is facing, and it
is a highly significant issue. The President is expected to sign the
Trans-Pacific Partnership on February 4. It is a historic event. It
cannot become law of the United States of America. It is detrimental to
this economy. It is particularly detrimental to people who go to work
every day and would like more jobs. They would like higher paying jobs
and better benefits. It is detrimental to that, and we are going to
establish that point. We have a Presidential campaign going on today
and people need to talk about it. The American people need to know
where their candidates stand on it.
Well, let me share a few thoughts tonight and begin this discussion.
The President is expected to sign the agreement on February 4. He
negotiated this agreement with 11 different countries in the Pacific
region. At some point he will implement legislation and then Congress
will vote on whether to go forward. The legislation is part of the
fast-track process, so it will not be filibustered. The bill will come
up on a simple majority vote. No amendments will be allowed. It will
simply be an up-or-down vote.
What is happening in the world trade market today? On Monday, January
25 of this week, Ford announced that they were leaving the Japanese and
Indonesian markets. Indonesia and Japan are good friends of ours. They
are good countries, but they are tough trading partners. Why did Ford
leave Japan? They sell automobiles all over the world. They sell them
in Europe, Mexico, and South America. Why are they not able to compete
in Japan?
What did Ford say? They said that nontariff barriers have prevented
them from selling cars in the market. In 2015, Ford sold less than
5,000 cars in Japan, representing six-tenths of 1 percent of the
Japanese automobile market. In fact, only 6 percent of the automobiles
sold in Japan are manufactured outside of Japan. It is not a question
of tariffs. That is not the problem in dealing with Japan and importing
cars into Japan. The Japanese have erected substantial nontariff
barriers. In fact, Hyundai, a very fine South Korean automobile company
in my state, attempted to sell in Japan for some time, and they
recently gave up.
What is the policy of Japan? The truth is Japan talks about free
trade, but like most of our Asian allies and trading competitors, they
are mercantile. The essence of having a successful mercantile economy
is to export more and import less. This is the reality we are dealing
with. The people who are and have been negotiating our trade agreements
don't seem to understand this or don't care. In fact, they basically
say: Well, if someone sells a product cheaper here, we don't care. We
will buy it. They don't worry if we can't sell products in their
country.
A trading agreement is a contract between two nations--we were all
taught that in law school--and it should serve the interests of both
parties. When a contract ceases to advantage both parties, you abandon
the contract. It shouldn't be signed or it should end.
What else about this agreement? It creates an international
commission--a commission of the 11 or 12 countries, including the
United States. The language, by definition of our own administration,
is that the agreement is a living agreement.
The Presiding Officer is a fine lawyer. He has worked at the court of
appeals. I know a living agreement makes the hair on the back of his
neck stand up. It makes you nervous. A living agreement is no agreement
at all. It can just be changed. They acknowledge and repeatedly say in
the fast-track documents that nations can meet and change the agreement
anytime they want. They can update it for changed circumstances, which
is what activist judges say when they redefine the meaning of the U.S.
Constitution. They like to say that they are updating it for changed
circumstances.
Well, Congress is supposed to do that, it seems to me, but anyway
this agreement is a living agreement. It contains 5,554 pages. It is
twice the length of the Holy Scriptures. It includes section 27, which
sets up an international commission with nearly unregulated power. In
fact, our own U.S. Trade Representatives--our own Web site--states that
the Commission is formed ``to enable the updating of the agreement as
appropriate to address trade issues that emerge in the future as well
as new issues that arise with the expansion of the agreement to include
new countries.'' Congress would be launching such an event into the
future. Well, what is our problem?
Well, what is one of the major problems that we have today? It is our
substantial trade deficit. One report, which I think is probably
conservative, says that one-half of 1 percent of the GDP has been lost
in the United States as a result of our trade deficit. That is probably
an acceptable economic estimate, and that is significant. When you have
2 percent GDP, you are losing 25 percent based on the trade deficit. We
have to have growth in this country, more GDP, more Americans working,
more people with better jobs and better pay, and part of that is
manufacturing.
The final figures for 2015 are expected to show that the bilateral
trade deficit with China is increased to 8 percent to a record of
around $365 billion. China is not a part of these 12 nations, but it
has openly been said that they could be made a part of it in the future
if countries vote them in.
According to the Economic Policy Institute, growing U.S. trade
deficits with China through 2013 eliminated 3.2 million jobs. Is that
an accurate figure? I don't know for sure, but no one
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disputes that trade deficits with China have cost more than 1 million
jobs. When you lose 1 million jobs, people go on welfare, need
unemployment compensation or retire early. All of these are damaging
events to the American economy.
The White House claims that this Trans-Pacific Partnership
Agreement--this trade agreement--is critical to limit China's economic
influence. We are going to hear about that a lot. We are going to hear
the national security argument. However, a new study just released this
month by the World Bank shows that China will actually see an increase
in export potential if the TPP is approved by Congress. It is not going
to constrict China. The World Bank says it is going to increase China's
ability to export.
The report by the World Bank stated that the overall impact on China
would be ``really negligible.'' It is not a good argument to state that
it is somehow going to boost other economies in the United States as it
relates to China. China is not going to be hurt by this agreement.
The World Bank study further reports that Japan would see an extra
economic growth of 2.7 percent by 2030 while the United States could
expect only nominal growth of perhaps four-tenths of 1 percent.
Robert Scott of the Economic Policy Institute states that the TPP
could slow the reshoring of American jobs, especially in the automobile
sector.
We have had a nice development in recent years. My State has
benefited so tremendously from foreign automobile investments. Instead
of making automobiles in Korea, Germany, and Japan, they built plants
around the country, and some were built in my home State of Alabama,
and make the automobiles there.
I don't think there is any doubt that this agreement could reduce job
reshoring because there is a small tariff on imported automobiles and
that would be eliminated so that little advantage in moving a plant to
the United States would be lost.
Get this. The Fact Checker at the Washington Post gave the
President's claim that the Trans-Pacific Partnership would create
650,000 jobs four Pinocchios. That is a pretty bad falsehood. They
ought to give it five Pinocchios.
Let's talk about reality. I have talked about trade agreements.
Republicans favor trade agreements. I favor trade agreements, but they
have to be good agreements. You have to be careful. What about this
Korea trade agreement with our friends in South Korea. They are smart
negotiators. Last year our trade deficit with South Korea from January
to November--we don't have the numbers for December yet--was $26
billion. Maybe the rest of the year will be about $28 to $29 billion.
That would be about 15 percent higher than last year's trade deficit
with South Korea.
President Obama signed the agreement in 2010. When he signed it,
President Obama promised that the South Korea trade deal would increase
American exports to South Korea by $11 billion a year. All right. I
want to be cooperative. We like our allies in South Korea, and I voted
for the agreement. But what happened? Over 11 months of last year the
United States exported 1.2 billion more than we did when the deal was
signed in 2010--not $10 or $11 billion more, $1.2 billion. The year
before that it was $0.8 billion. We haven't seen a surge of exports to
South Korea. Didn't the negotiators know that? They told us
differently.
What about South Korea's imports to the United States--their exports
to the United States; what about them? They have risen not $1 billion
but instead $20 billion. Since 2010 our trade deficit with South Korea
has risen nearly 260 percent, from $10 billion in 2010 to about $28
billion last year. That is a stunning development.
So we are going to have to vote on this. And we have been told and we
have beliefs that things are going to be better than that. It is not
happening in that way. I urge us to study the facts and figures to be
realistic. Trade is a good thing, and I have been a supporter. But it
is not a religion with me. It is a contract. It is a deal, and deals
are to serve the interests of the American people. It has not been
doing so. Even the Peterson Institute, which supports these trade
agreements, said there would be 120,000 fewer manufacturing jobs over
the next 9 years if this agreement takes place in the United States.
Mr. President, I see our leader. He has had a busy week. I appreciate
the opportunity to share these remarks.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader is recognized.
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