[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 183 (Wednesday, December 16, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8699-S8701]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
COMPETITIVE SPACE LAUNCH
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, the senior Senator from Arizona came to
the floor this morning and raised a question about a provision in the
Omnibus appropriations bill, particularly the aspect of it that related
to the Department of Defense. During the course of raising the issue,
the senior Senator from Arizona used my name on the floor repeatedly.
It was refreshing and I am relieved. The senior Senator from Arizona
has not attacked me on the floor for 3 weeks, and I was fearful he was
feeling under the weather, but clearly he is in fine form and feels
good, and I welcome him back to the floor for another attack on me
personally.
Let's talk about the issue he raised because it is complicated but
extremely important when it comes to the defense of the United States.
Here is what it boils down to: In the early 2000s, there were two
companies making rockets that launched satellites. The two companies
were Boeing and Lockheed, and they competed with one another, but in
the early 2000s--and I don't understand why--they made an argument to
the Department of Defense that the Nation would be better off if they
merged the two companies into one company and then provided the rockets
to launch satellites to defend the United States and collect
information. They argued that if they worked together, it would cost
less, and they merged. With the approval of the Department of Defense,
they continued to bid on satellite launches.
What happened was a good thing and a thing that was not so good. What
was good was that their product was very reliable. They launched
satellites with great reliability, and that is of course what America
and its national defense requires. The bad part is that the costs went
through the roof. The costs went up about 65 percent over this period
of time since they created United Launch Alliance, costing the Federal
taxpayers about $3 billion more for launches than it did in the past.
They argued that they would eliminate competition and provide
reliability, and they did, but the costs went up dramatically.
A new player arrived on the scene--SpaceX. SpaceX is associated with
Elon Musk, a name that is well known in America. They decided to get
into the business. They were going to build rockets and launch
satellites too. Naturally, the United States of America said: Be my
guest but prove you can do it in a way that we can count on you,
because when we need a satellite launched to collect information, we
want to make sure it is successful.
Over the years, SpaceX improved, evolved, and developed the capacity
to launch satellites to the point where NASA, for example--the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration--used SpaceX rockets successfully.
It reached a point where the Department of Defense said to SpaceX: You
are capable and will be certified to now compete for Department of
Defense business. It is to the credit of SpaceX that they reached that
point.
I thought this was an exciting development because, once again, we
were going to have competition between the United Launch Alliance, the
old Boeing-Lockheed merger, and SpaceX, the
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new company. The owner of SpaceX said to me as well as publicly: We can
do this for a fraction of the cost to American taxpayers. What I did
was invite the CEOs of both companies to come to my subcommittee--when
I then chaired the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee--in March of
2014. No one had quite seen a hearing like this before. We put the CEOs
of both companies at the table at the same time, and we asked them
questions about their operations, reliability, costs, and projections
for the future.
At the end of this hearing, I said to the CEOs of each of these
companies: I want to do something that is a little unusual. I want to
offer each of you the opportunity, if you wish, to submit 10 questions
to the other CEO that you think should have been asked and perhaps we
didn't--and so they did. It was a complete record and a good one. For
the first time, it really showed me that we were moving to a new stage
in rocket science and capacity that could serve the United States by
keeping us safe and keeping the costs down, and that of course should
be our goal.
Then there was a complication. Vladimir Putin of Russia decided to
take aggressive action by invading Georgia and Ukraine, and other
actions by him that we considered confrontational tended to freeze up
the relationship between the United States and Russia. Why is that
important? It is important because the engine being used by United
Launch Alliance to launch America's defense satellites was an engine
built in Russia.
People started saying: Why in the world are we giving Russia and
Vladimir Putin the opportunity to sell rocket engines to the United
States? Secondly, why would we want to be dependent on Russia for
rocket engines? So the debate started moving forward. How do we exclude
the Russians from building engines and still have competition between
these two companies? That is what brings me here today.
We were trying to find the right combination to bring competition and
reliability without engaging the Russians. Everyone in Congress knows
we have authorizing committees and appropriations committees. The
senior Senator from Arizona is the chair of the defense authorizing
committee, the Armed Services Committee, and I have been chair and am
now the vice chair of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee.
The senior Senator from Arizona started including provisions in the
authorizing bill which said that ULA, United Launch Alliance, could not
use Russian engines to launch satellites and compete for business using
those engines in the United States. As a result, the Air Force came to
see me. First, I might add, a letter was sent when this provision was
added to the Defense authorization bill. The letter was sent in May of
this year, signed by Ash Carter, the Secretary of Defense, and James
Clapper, the Director of National Intelligence, suggesting that
excluding Russian engines so quickly could cause a problem in terms of
the availability of missiles to launch satellites as we need them. The
limitation that was put in by the defense authorization committee as to
the number of engines that could be used would be quickly depleted, and
the Air Force, the Department of Defense, and our intelligence agency
said that may leave us vulnerable, so they asked the Senator from
Arizona to reconsider that provision. He did not. If anything, the
language that came out of conference on this provision made it even
more difficult for the United Launch Alliance to consider using a
different type of engine. I might add, they don't have an alternative
engine to the Russian engine. United Launch Alliance uses it now. We
told them to develop an American engine, and I stand behind that. They
told us it will take anywhere from 5 to 7 years for that to happen.
I understand this is a complex assignment, and we want them to get it
right. It seems like a long time, but it points to the dilemma we face.
If United Launch Alliance cannot bid for work with the Department of
Defense using a Russian engine, they don't have an alternative engine
to bid with. At that point, SpaceX becomes the sole bidder and the
monopoly source for engines. We tried to move from ULA as a monopoly
source or sole bidder to competition, and now by injecting this
prohibition against Russian engines beyond a certain number, we are
again getting back to the days of a sole bidder.
What we have allowed in this Omnibus appropriations bill is language
which gives 1 year of flexibility to the Department of Defense when it
comes to bidding for these satellite launches, and of course it means
United Launch Alliance will be using Russian engines for that bidding.
The Senator from Arizona came to the floor and spent most of his time
talking about the aggression of Russia and Vladimir Putin and how we
need to be strong with our response. Back in the day, when our
relationship was more constructive, the Senator from Arizona and I
actually traveled to Ukraine. I agree with him about the aggression of
Russia and Mr. Putin and why the United States needs to be strong in
response, but we have to be careful that we don't cut off our nose to
spite our face. If we reach a point where we don't allow ULA to use a
Russian engine to compete, we could endanger and jeopardize the
opportunities the United States needs to keep us safe, and that is
exactly what the Secretary of Defense and Mr. Clapper said in writing
to Senator McCain.
My message is that there is nothing, incidentally, in this omnibus
bill that was not discussed in the original bill as marked up. There is
no airdrop of language. It is a slightly different version of the
language but says the same thing--that we think there should be some
flexibility as ULA moves to develop their new engine.
The Department of Defense has convinced me that it would be
shortsighted of us to make it impossible for ULA to even bid on future
satellite launches. God forbid something happens to SpaceX where they
can't launch satellites. At that point then, we would be in a terrible
situation. We wouldn't be able to keep our country safe when we should.
None of us wants that to happen.
The provision in the omnibus bill gives 1 year for the Department of
Defense and the Air Force to continue to work with ULA to have a launch
and have competitive bidding. If SpaceX performs as promised and comes
in with a lower bid for those launches, they deserve to win, and they
will. In the meantime, we want to make sure we have the availability of
sourcing beyond just one company--beyond SpaceX.
I am impressed with all of these companies. The Senator from Arizona
raised the point that Boeing has its headquarters in my home State, and
I am very proud of that. I have worked with them in the past. I think
it is an excellent company and does great work. My initial premise in
starting this conversation in the Appropriations subcommittee was that
we should have competition, and Boeing should face competition. The
insertion of the Russian engine issue has made this more complex, and
it will take us some time to reach what should be our ultimate goal:
quality and reliable engines in these rockets to launch satellites to
keep America safe and the certainty that if one company fails to be
able to meet our defense needs, there is an alternative supplier. That,
to me, is the best outcome possible.
This section 8045 of the Department of Defense appropriations is
critical to our national security and launching satellites into space.
We have to assure the Department of Defense and our intelligence
agencies that we can put critical satellites into orbit when we need
it. We have to make certain that the costs of these launches is
competitive so taxpayers end up getting the best outcome for the
dollars they put into our national defense. We have to generate
competition to drive down costs, and we have to bring to an end our
reliance on Russian-manufactured rocket engines. I wish that were not
the case. I wish our relationship with Russia was positive in every
aspect, but it is not, and I join with virtually all of my colleagues
in believing that the sooner we move away from Russian-made engines to
American-made engines in competition, the better for us and the better
for our Nation.
There is no doubt that our Omnibus appropriations bill recognizes the
need to end our reliance on Russian engines, and we actually put our
money where our mouth is. We added $143.6 million on top of the $84.4
million requested by the President to accelerate the development of a
new rocket engine. This amount is $43.6 million more than the
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$100 million authorized by the defense authorization committee, so we
are making certain we are going to end this reliance on Russian
engines. The question is how we manage the space launch through the
several years of launches before we have that engine. We need to do it
without jeopardizing our national security.
The general provision I referred to allows for space launch
competition in 2016 without regard to the source of an engine. It will
permit real competition on four missions in 2016, and it will avoid
trading one monopoly for another. I think I have explained how we have
reached this point.
I think there is good faith on both sides. I don't question the
motives of the senior Senator from Arizona. I hope he doesn't question
mine. What we need to make certain of is that we move toward a day when
America is safe and that the money spent by taxpayers is well spent.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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