[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 178 (Wednesday, December 9, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Page S8521]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
UKRAINE
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, today is International Anti-Corruption
Day. As the United States works to support good governance and anti-
corruption efforts around the world, I wish to highlight one country,
Ukraine, where these efforts are vital to the future viability of that
state. The U.S. Congress has stood by the people of Ukraine since the
Maidan demonstrations in November of 2013.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee passed two landmark pieces of
legislation that are now law. This sent a clear signal to Kiev, Moscow,
and the capitals of Europe that the United States stands squarely for
the development, democratic aspirations, sovereignty, and territorial
integrity of Ukraine and its people.
However, Ukraine's political leadership must also continue to hold up
its end of the bargain. Ukraine is a country that has been plagued for
many years by weak democratic institutions and rampant corruption. This
internal threat of corrupt institutions poses the greatest long-term
threat to Ukraine's future.
Ukraine's reformers have made some progress. Last year Ukraine
ratified an association agreement with the EU, which includes extensive
commitments to governance reforms. The Parliament adopted a broad
package of anti-corruption laws and established a set of institutions
to fight corruption. The government made changes to the tax and budget
codes and is starting to clean up its banking system. The government
has also made reforms of the energy sector a top priority, adopting
legislation to harmonize its natural gas markets with the EU's and
raising tariffs to incentivize more efficient energy usage.
Importantly, on Monday, November 30, a new special anti-corruption
prosecutor was appointed with the backing of the civil society, which
is a big step forward in the fight against corruption.
Despite progress on these fronts, much work remains, and the
political commitment to combat corruption among Ukraine's leaders is
uneven. I acknowledge the pressure faced by the government. We all want
to support Ukraine's positive path, but the Ukrainian people need more
concrete anti-corruption results--not just legislation, not just
commissions, as important as these are, but actual results.
For example, there remain thousands of allegedly corrupt officials in
the judicial branch, where judges and prosecutors are susceptible to
bribes. While corruption in Ukraine's legal system cannot be resolved
overnight, I urge Ukrainian officials to take measures that would
remove these most egregious violators from the judicial branch and
prosecutorial ranks and to retrain those who are not corrupt to build
the next generation of jurists.
The Government of Ukraine has taken positive steps in this regard,
including the establishment of a constitutional commission tasked with
recalibrating the checks and balances between the judiciary and the
rest of the government. In September, the commission submitted new
draft amendments to the Constitution on the justice system. However,
concerns remain regarding the independence and integrity of the
judicial institutions, including the newly established institution, the
High Council of Justice, or HCJ, which has been called the ``gatekeeper
to the court system.''
It is critical that the civil society and watchdog organizations are
empowered to continue their work of holding the HCJ and elected
officials accountable to ensure that any weakness in the checks and
balances of the judicial system are not exploited for personal gain.
I am also concerned about the process for vetting the current pool of
judges. The Government of Ukraine is developing standards for judicial
reappointment, which will be conducted by the HCJ. This process will
test the political will of both the Government of Ukraine and the HCJ
itself. Unfortunately, initial results are not positive. As of June of
this year, the HCJ had received 2,200 complaints of judicial
misconduct. Of this number, only 47 judges were disciplined and none
were dismissed.
Ukrainian citizens expect a clean government that abides by the rule
of law. In July, I wrote to President Poroshenko, urging him to make
anti-corruption reforms a priority by considering the appointment of a
special anti-corruption prosecutor and special anti-corruption courts.
While the government recently selected a special anti-corruption
prosecutor with the backing of the civil society, the government must
now ensure that this office remains free from state influence and
interference to fulfill its mandate to root out corruption within
Ukraine.
I commend President Poroshenko for listening to the demands of civil
society and amending the composition of the selection committee to
include two candidates backed by civil society, which led to the
selection of Nazar Kholodnytskiy. This was a step in the right
direction. However, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine
itself is still woefully understaffed, which impacts its ability to
fulfill its mandate to prosecute corrupt acts. I call on the Government
of Ukraine to ensure that the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of
Ukraine is fully staffed and prosecuting cases without delay.
Polls show that most Ukrainians confront petty corruption in their
daily lives, and our focus on corruption at the national level should
not diminish the importance of programming that addresses corruption at
the municipal and local levels. The Government of Ukraine must invest
in training and education to identify and root out petty corruption in
higher education, health care, and law enforcement. A clear commitment
to attacking corruption in health care, education, and law enforcement
within a measurable framework will pay dividends for citizens across
the country and will help to restore faith in Ukraine's democratic
institutions.
The United States is prepared to make a long-term commitment to
Ukraine and, along with our European partners, we can provide support
to Ukraine's efforts to tackle corruption within the judiciary, the
civil service, and law enforcement while preparing these institutions
to attract and retain talented individuals who are committed to
eradicating graft and entitlement.
I firmly believe that Ukraine could be a case study for how a country
with the political will can work with the international community to
root out pervasive corruption, but that political will must manifest
itself concretely and soon. When you look at public opinion polls in
Ukraine, fighting corruption is the Ukrainian people's No. 1 demand. On
this International Anti-Corruption Day, I look forward to supporting
Ukraine's leaders if they are willing and committed to answering this
demand.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be
recognized for such time as I might consume.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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