[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 155 (Thursday, October 22, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7450-S7452]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
MIDDLE EAST REFUGEE CRISIS AND UKRAINE
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, 2 weeks ago, I left for Greece with a
Senate delegation that included Dick Durbin from Illinois, Amy
Klobuchar from Minnesota, and Elizabeth Warren from Massachusetts. In
my capacity as lead Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations
Subcommittee on Europe and Regional Security Cooperation, I was honored
to head our delegation. We were there to witness firsthand the plight
of refugees arriving by sea on the island of Lesbos. In Greece and
later in Germany, we received indepth
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briefings on the refugee crisis and Europe's response to it. In Kiev,
we conferred with the Ukrainian Prime Minister and President about
their country's struggle to create a stable democracy in the face of
ongoing Russian aggression.
Nearly a quarter of a million Syrians have been killed during the
current conflict in the Middle East. An estimated 8 million Syrians
have been displaced internally. Another 4 million have left the
country. They are fleeing hunger, unspeakable violence, and a land that
no longer offers any hope for their children. They have endured barrel
bombs, chemical attacks, indiscriminate shelling, the barbarity of
ISIS, and now a military offensive sponsored by Russia and Iran.
To reach Europe, these refugees have been preyed upon by traffickers
and other criminals, some selling refugee children for sex, for
slavery, or for organs. The refugees have risked drowning at sea and
suffocation in locked vans, and they will soon confront the freezing
temperatures and snows of winter.
While we were traveling, we heard accounts from the refugees of
paying smugglers thousands of dollars to get on small boats with motors
that barely work, boats built for a few but loaded with 40 to 50
refugees. I use the term ``boats'' loosely. What I am talking about are
rubber rafts that were built to hold maybe 10 to 15 people and were
loaded with 40 to 50 refugees. The Greek Coast Guard told us that
refugees pay exorbitant prices for life preservers that are more like
the children's inflatables that you see at swimming pools. When
refugees set off from Turkey across the Aegean to Lesbos, they are
instructed by the smugglers to puncture their raft with a knife if they
encounter the Greek Coast Guard so that the Greeks will be forced to
rescue them.
I was profoundly moved by my conversations with refugees from Syria
and other conflict zones in the Middle East. It is one thing to hear
about millions of Syrian refugees fleeing the war; it is something else
entirely to actually meet and talk with individual refugees, including
children who have been separated from their parents.
I was struck by the fact that many of these refugees have endured
extreme hardship for weeks, if not years. Their future is filled with
extreme uncertainty. Yet so many of them were filled with optimism and
hope. In Athens, we met a 6-year-old Afghan boy who had made the trip
to Greece with his 13-year-old cousin. This boy proudly gave us all
sticks of gum. In Germany, we met young men from Syria--a former
English teacher, a Ph.D. student, and an engineer. One young man looked
ahead to a brighter future and said one day he wanted to be the
President of Syria. These refugees were weary and they were anxious,
but they were also deeply grateful and hopeful about their future lives
in a safe, secure Europe.
Altogether, we met and talked with a couple dozen refugees. They are
men, women, and children who are no different from loved ones in our
own families and citizens in our own communities. They aspire to the
very same things, including a decent life for their children. They told
us about the desperation and despair they left behind in Syria, Iraq,
and other conflict areas. Multiply these desperate stories by countless
thousands of refugees--up to 10,000 entering Europe daily and more than
1 million so far this year. It adds up to a humanitarian crisis of
staggering dimensions.
Now, to be sure, Europe is being challenged, but this crisis also
challenges the United States and the world. At critical moments in
history, the international community has faced similar challenges: Jews
seeking refuge from persecution and later genocide in Nazi Germany;
famine killing millions in Biafra in the late 1960s; the genocides in
Cambodia, Rwanda, Darfur, and Bosnia. Faced with these crises, the
world confronted a stark choice: to turn away or to engage.
The United States cannot turn away from the refugee crisis unfolding
in the Middle East and Europe. On Lesbos last week, we talked with
Greeks who operate small businesses that depend on tourism, which has
dried up because of the crisis. They said that the refugees must be
their first priority, that Greeks must help people who are in need.
In Athens, we visited a facility for refugee children run by a group
called Praxis. Praxis workers told us about Afghan children being sold
in Europe as sex slaves for as much as $10,000. Praxis and scores of
similar organizations are doing everything possible, with very limited
means, to meet the refugees' desperate needs.
In Germany, we met with officials at the Finance Ministry and the
Chancery, as well as people in and out of government who are rising to
the challenge of the refugee crisis. Chancellor Angela Merkel has
demonstrated extraordinary moral leadership in addressing this crisis.
Millions of ordinary German citizens--indeed, people all across
Europe--have mobilized to meet the needs of the refugees.
However, it was clear to me and to the other Senators in our
delegation that these noble efforts are not enough. The refugee crisis
is too big; the scale of human suffering and needs is overwhelming.
President Obama has offered to take in 10,000 refugees over the next
year. But Germany is taking in as many as 10,000 refugees in a single
day--day after day, week after week, with no end in sight. My State of
New Hampshire has been welcoming to refugees fleeing conflict, as have
other States. I think people are eager to do more across this country.
Turkey needs to secure its borders, and it needs to crack down on
smugglers and criminal gangs exploiting and trafficking in refugees.
Frontline countries, including Greece and Italy, need more resources to
help process and register refugees. In fact, the same is true of
Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon, which have taken in millions of refugees.
As I said, Germany has earned our admiration for its leadership,
offering to take in as many as 1 million refugees this year. But for
all its resources, Germany can't do this alone. It is already reaching
a point where its communities can't keep up with the influx.
We are confronting the greatest humanitarian crisis of our time.
Europe is responding. The European Union will use the coming winter
months, when the flow of refugees will slow, to come up with a more
effective plan to share the burden and address this challenge. However,
European nations, Turkey, Jordan, and other frontline states, such as
Lebanon, can't meet this challenge alone. The international community
must give more generous support to humanitarian efforts by the World
Food Program and others. By all means, the United States, as leader of
the Atlantic Alliance, must play a more robust role in addressing the
refugee crisis.
I am heartened by the bipartisan bill that is sponsored by Senator
Graham of South Carolina and Senator Leahy of Vermont, which would
provide $1 billion in assistance to meeting the needs of refugees. The
Obama administration has proposed taking in 10,000 Syrian refugees over
the next year. That is a start. It is not enough given the scale of
this crisis. We have the resources to safely vet and process more
refugees for asylum in the United States, even as we need to do so more
efficiently.
As Senator Graham said recently, ``I don't see how you can lead the
free world and turn your back on people who are seeking it.'' To turn
away families fleeing violence, says Senator Graham, is to ``take the
Statue of Liberty and tear it down . . . because we don't mean it
anymore.''
We also need to deal with the root of the problem, the violence in
Syria. We must redouble our diplomatic efforts as well as our campaign
against the Islamic State in both Syria and Iraq. Unfortunately, there
is a new dimension to the chaos and conflict in Syria. In recent weeks,
Russia has sent combat planes, heavy armor, and military personnel to
support the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Russia is threatening to send
thousands of so-called volunteer troops to Syria to fight on the
frontline.
A newly aggressive and reckless Russia is a problem not only in the
Middle East but also in Ukraine, where our Senate delegation visited
after leaving Greece. The Ukrainians are struggling to fight corruption
and build a stable democracy. But those efforts have been severely
undermined by Russian subversion and aggression. President Putin was
not content to invade and annex Crimea. He has also sponsored the
establishment of Russian-controlled provinces in eastern Ukraine.
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This conflict in the east of Ukraine is designed by Russia to
destabilize democratic Ukraine and to drain its resources.
While in Kiev, our delegation met with senior government officials,
including Prime Minister Yatsenyuk and President Petro Poroshenko. We
were briefed on Russia's efforts on many fronts to destabilize the
country. We were also briefed on Ukraine's efforts to boost its economy
and to root out corruption in the country's government and
institutions.
The European Union and the United States are standing by Ukraine, and
this solidarity is making a difference. It appears to have moderated
Russia's ambitions, at least for now. The countries of Western Europe
and the United States have demanded that Russia fully implement the
Minsk II agreement to contain the conflict, and we heard some
encouraging signs. Elections in the breakaway provinces--elections that
might have led to succession--have been delayed. Russia is redeploying
light armor away from the region. But, of course, this is not adequate.
Sanctions on Russia must remain in place until President Putin and
the rebels he backs fulfill all of their obligations under the Minsk II
agreement. I left Ukraine with a strong sense that despite living under
an ever-present threat from Russia, this is a nation that continues to
stand strong and move forward. It was an honor to personally reaffirm
to Ukraine's leadership and citizens that the United States is an ally
and partner and that we strongly support the government's agenda of
reform and modernization.
Our European allies are confronting an array of challenges
unprecedented since the end of the Second World War: not only the
refugee crisis but also rising threats from Russia, economies that
continue to be held back by debt and austerity, and a resurgence of
nationalistic and nativist political parties. However, our delegation
witnessed firsthand a creative and resourceful Europe that is capable
of meeting these challenges. Europe needs and deserves American support
and partnership, beginning with a more robust U.S. response to the
refugee crisis, which is the greatest humanitarian challenge of our
time. I hope we in this Chamber and in Congress will rise in response
to that challenge to do our part.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. FRANKEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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