[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 131 (Friday, September 11, 2015)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E1260]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




             APPROVAL OF JOINT COMPREHENSIVE PLAN OF ACTION

                                 ______
                                 

                               speech of

                         HON. SUZANNE BONAMICI

                               of oregon

                    in the house of representatives

                      Thursday, September 10, 2015

  Ms. BONAMICI. Mr. Speaker, over the last several weeks I have been 
carefully considering the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), 
the agreement that is intended to prevent Iran from developing a 
nuclear weapon. There is no question that preventing Iran from ever 
developing a nuclear weapon is in the best interest of the United 
States, Israel and the Middle East, and the rest of the world. I favor 
diplomacy over military action whenever and wherever reasonably 
possible, and I strongly agree that an engaged and unified 
international community, led by the United States, is the best option 
to preserve peace by keeping close watch over a rogue state that seems 
to respond only when the world's major powers speak in one voice. It is 
through this lens, and with these goals, that I approached my analysis 
of the JCPOA and the potential consequences of Congress accepting or 
rejecting the agreement. I will vote to support the agreement and 
advocate for vigorous oversight and enforcement.
  To reach this decision, I carefully read the agreement, reviewed 
classified intelligence materials, and participated in both classified 
and unclassified briefings. I have spoken with President Obama, and 
I've heard thorough explanations from Secretary of State Kerry and 
Secretary of Energy Moniz. Knowledgeable critics of this agreement 
offered compelling arguments, which I considered in my analysis. I 
asked questions of the Administration and other experts and evaluated 
their responses. I have discussed the agreement with people from Iran 
and Israel, and others with deep ties to both nations. Constituents 
have offered significant input in letters, emails, phone calls, 
conversations, and at town hall meetings across Northwest Oregon. As I 
deliberated, I recalled my time visiting Israel, and always kept in 
mind my knowledge and understanding of how volatile the region is and 
what it's like to live under constant threat.
  Reaching this decision was not easy. The consequences of this 
agreement will shape the future of the region and the world. The 
complexity of the agreement, and the questions it raises about the 
future that cannot be answered irrefutably, contributed to the fervent, 
well-reasoned, and passionate opinions on all sides. Many people who I 
know and respect deeply have reached a different conclusion; I 
acknowledge their concerns but have concluded that rejecting the deal 
will not diminish the possibility that Iran will obtain a nuclear 
weapon. In my assessment, if Congress rejects the agreement, it could 
result in a higher likelihood of Iran developing a nuclear weapon while 
at the same time diminishing the global leadership of the United 
States.
  Implementing the JCPOA, on the other hand, will preserve the 
principal role of the United States in dealing with Iran in the future, 
and it is our best chance to stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. 
Right now, without the agreement, the ``breakout time'' for Iran to 
acquire fissile material for a nuclear weapon is a mere 2-3 months. 
Under the JCPOA, the breakout time for at least the next decade will be 
extended to a year, and there will be no sanctions relief until that 
breakout time has been extended and Iran has taken multiple required 
steps and completion of those steps has been verified. These steps 
include reducing Iran's stockpile of enriched uranium by 97 percent, 
removing the core of the heavy water reactor and filling it with 
concrete, and submitting to ongoing inspections and continuous, 
unprecedented monitoring by the International Atomic Energy Agency 
(IAEA). Iran can only enrich uranium to 3.67 percent, a level far below 
the 90 percent range that is necessary to build a nuclear weapon. 
Sanctions ``snap back'' and can be reinstated if there is a violation. 
The JCPOA does not affect the existing U.S. bans on weapons sales, and, 
importantly, no option, including military force, is taken off the 
table.
  Like most negotiated agreements, however, the JCPOA is not perfect. 
Because of that, some suggest that we should reject the deal and bring 
the parties back to the table in an effort to make it better. But our 
negotiating partners agree that this is a deal worth pursuing, and I 
concur with many experts who say it would be a near impossibility to 
convince all parties to return to the table. Even then, it is not at 
all clear that the outcome of future negotiations would be better than 
the current agreement. Others have argued that the agreement is likely 
to fail given Iran's history of noncompliance. Yet throughout this 
process, no one has suggested that the Iranian government can be 
trusted. This is not a deal built on trust, but rather on verification. 
The agreement puts in place a comprehensive inspection regime, some of 
which is permanent, that will supplement the work of intelligence 
agencies and provide confidence that Iran could not dash for a nuclear 
weapon without being caught.
  Rather than reject the agreement, Congress should come together and 
commit to vigilance in holding Iran to every aspect of the JCPOA and to 
the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which provides 
that Iran, as a signatory, is never allowed to develop a nuclear 
weapon. We should make clear--very clear--that anything short of strict 
compliance will result in the swift reimposition of sanctions. Working 
together in Congress and with other world leaders will give us the best 
chance to make sure that Iran complies with its obligations and the 
best chance to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. I support this bill.

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