[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 115 (Wednesday, July 22, 2015)]
[House]
[Pages H5335-H5336]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                             IRAN AGREEMENT

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) for 5 minutes.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, it was interesting to listen to some of 
the congressional reactions after the United Nations Security Council 
on Monday unanimously approved a resolution that creates a basis for 
international economic sanctions against Iran to be lifted.
  This was a 15-0 vote for the 104-page resolution that lays out the 
steps required for lifting the United Nations sanctions. Importantly, 
it sets up a way to renew sanctions if Iran does not abide by its 
commitments.
  If we get into a dispute over Iran's enrichment activities, these 
sanctions automatically snap back after 30 days; and the United States, 
as a member of the Security Council, could veto any effort to change 
that. The United States controls the snap back.
  Congress should not be annoyed but, instead, should understand and 
appreciate the unanimous support from the major countries that helped 
secure the agreement and enforce sanctions in the first place.
  The United States did not bring Iran to the negotiating table by 
itself. We have been sanctioning Iran for years with far more stringent 
and stronger economic body blows, but they didn't bite until we were 
joined by other powerful countries.
  It required Japan and India not to buy Iranian oil and the unanimous 
support of the U.N. Security Council, plus Germany, the so-called P5+1, 
to hammer this out.
  This is vital information for Congress to evaluate. Were we to walk 
away from this historic international agreement that has the 
participation of all the other major powers and the consumers of 
Iranian oil, we would be on our own.
  If we repudiate this hard-fought, carefully crafted diplomatic 
solution, we will be in an infinitely weaker position, Iran free to go 
about its business, and the support of those other countries that was 
so vital will melt away.
  There is a reason why 100 distinguished former administration 
officials, diplomats, and military officials from all across the 
political spectrum with backgrounds in Democratic and Republican 
administrations alike endorsed the proposal this week.
  This is the best solution in a difficult part of the world with a 
country that has been difficult to work with, to say the least, that 
has been involved with bad behavior and which has been bent on 
developing the capacity to create a nuclear weapon. We all want to 
prevent that or at least delay it as long as possible.
  This agreement achieves that additional time, 10 years or more. It 
has strong, enforceable sanctions in the event of failure; and the 
inspections regime, the controls over the Iranian nuclear power program 
continue for 10 years or more. Some are permanent.
  This is a watershed moment in American diplomacy, an opportunity to 
get past the troubled history for decades on a more positive footing. 
Iran, to this point, has lived up to its agreements; and we have 
watched their nuclear activity being dialed back and openness expanded, 
which would have been unthinkable 3 years ago.
  Last and most important to consider, the opponents of this agreement 
have no good alternative. They may huff and puff about all options 
being on the table; but realistically, the American public has little 
appetite for a war with Iran, a country bigger than Afghanistan and 
Iraq combined, with a population more than twice as large, well-
educated and sophisticated.
  An attack would bring about unthinkable circumstances, even if the 
American public were likely to accept it, which is highly unlikely; 
and, of course, the United States will have squandered the alliance 
with the world's most powerful countries. They are aligned with us 
today, but it would be difficult, if not impossible, to get them back 
on our side again if we can't take yes for an answer.
  Congress should stop hyperventilating, look at the evidence, and we 
should move forward to support diplomacy as our best chance to prevent 
a nuclear-armed Iran and chaos in the Middle East.

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