[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 105 (Wednesday, July 8, 2015)]
[House]
[Pages H4904-H4908]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING SENSE OF HOUSE REGARDING SREBRENICA
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules
and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 310) expressing the sense of the
House of Representatives regarding Srebrenica.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 310
Whereas July 2015 will mark 20 years since the genocide at
Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina;
Whereas beginning in April 1992, aggression and ethnic
cleansing perpetrated by Bosnian Serb forces resulted in a
massive influx of Bosniaks seeking protection in Srebrenica
and its environs, which the United Nations Security Council
designated a ``safe area'' within the Srebrenica enclave in
Resolution 819 on April 16, 1993, under the protection of the
United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR);
Whereas the UNPROFOR presence in Srebrenica consisted of a
Dutch peacekeeping battalion, with representatives of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the
International Committee of the Red Cross, and the
humanitarian medical aid agency Medecins Sans Frontieres
(Doctors Without Borders) helping to provide humanitarian
relief to the displaced population living in conditions of
massive overcrowding, destitution, and disease;
Whereas early in 1995, an intensified blockade of the
enclave by Bosnian Serb forces deprived the entire population
of humanitarian aid and outside communication and contact,
and effectively reduced the ability of the Dutch peacekeeping
battalion to deter aggression or otherwise respond
effectively to a deteriorating situation;
Whereas beginning on July 6, 1995, Bosnian Serb forces
attacked UNPROFOR outposts, seized control of the isolated
enclave, held captured Dutch soldiers hostage and, after
skirmishes with local defenders, took control of the town of
Srebrenica on July 11, 1995;
Whereas an estimated one-third of the population of
Srebrenica at the time, including a relatively small number
of soldiers, attempted to pass through the lines of Bosnian
Serb forces to the relative safety of Bosnian-government
controlled territory, but many were killed by patrols and
ambushes;
Whereas the remaining population sought protection with the
Dutch peacekeeping battalion at its headquarters in the
village of Potocari north of Srebrenica, but many of these
individuals were with seeming randomness seized by Bosnian
Serb forces to be beaten, raped, or executed;
Whereas Bosnian Serb forces deported women, children, and
the elderly in buses, but held over 8,000 primarily Bosniak
men and boys at collection points and sites in northeastern
Bosnia and Herzegovina under their control, and then
summarily executed these captives and buried them in mass
graves;
Whereas Bosnian Serb forces, hoping to conceal evidence of
the massacre at Srebrenica, subsequently moved corpses from
initial mass grave sites to many secondary sites scattered
throughout parts of eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina under
their control;
Whereas the International Commission for Missing Persons
(ICMP) deserves recognition for its assistance to the
relevant institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in accounting
for close to 90 percent of those individuals reported missing
from Srebrenica, despite active attempts to conceal evidence
of the massacre, through the careful excavation of mass
graves sites and subsequent DNA analysis which confirmed the
true extent of the massacre;
Whereas the massacre at Srebrenica was among the worst of
many atrocities to occur in the conflict in Bosnia and
Herzegovina from April 1992 to November 1995, during which
the policies of aggression and ethnic cleansing pursued by
Bosnian Serb forces with the direct support of the Serbian
regime of Slobodan Milosevic and its followers ultimately led
to the displacement of more than 2,000,000 people, more than
100,000 killed, tens of thousands raped or otherwise tortured
and abused, including at concentration camps in the Prijedor
area, with the innocent civilians of Sarajevo and other urban
[[Page H4905]]
centers repeatedly subjected to traumatic shelling and sniper
attacks;
Whereas in addition to being the primary victims at
Srebrenica, individuals with Bosniak heritage comprise the
vast majority of the victims during the conflict in Bosnia
and Herzegovina as a whole, especially among the civilian
population;
Whereas Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines genocide as ``any
of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious
group, as such: (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing
serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c)
deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole
or in part; (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births
within the group; and (e) forcibly transferring children of
the group to another group'';
Whereas, on May 25, 1993, the United Nations Security
Council adopted Resolution 827 establishing the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), based in
The Hague, the Netherlands, and charging the ICTY with
responsibility for investigating and prosecuting individuals
suspected of committing war crimes, genocide, crimes against
humanity and grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions on
the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991;
Whereas the ICTY, along with courts in Bosnia and
Herzegovina as well as in Serbia, have indicted and in most
cases convicted approximately three dozen individuals at
various levels of responsibility for grave breaches of the
1949 Geneva Conventions, violations of the laws or customs of
war, crimes against humanity, genocide, and complicity in
genocide associated with the massacre at Srebrenica, most
notably Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic whose trials are
ongoing;
Whereas both the ICTY and the International Court of
Justice (ICJ) have ruled that the actions of Bosnian Serb
forces in Srebrenica in July 1995 constitute genocide;
Whereas House Resolution 199, passed on June 27, 2005,
expressed the sense of the House of Representatives that the
aggression and ethnic cleansing committed by Serb forces in
Bosnia and Herzegovina meets the terms defining genocide
according to the 1949 Genocide Convention;
Whereas the United Nations has largely acknowledged its
failure to fulfill its responsibility to take actions and
make decisions that could have deterred the assault on
Srebrenica and prevented the subsequent genocide from
occurring;
Whereas some prominent Serbian and Bosnian Serb officials,
among others, have denied or at least refused to acknowledge
that the massacre at Srebrenica constituted a genocide, or
have sought otherwise to trivialize the extent and importance
of the massacre; and
Whereas the international community, including the United
States, has continued to provide personnel and resources,
including through direct military intervention, to prevent
further aggression and ethnic cleansing, to negotiate the
General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and
Herzegovina (initialed in Dayton, Ohio, on November 21, 1995,
and signed in Paris on December 14, 1995), and to help ensure
its fullest implementation, including cooperation with the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia as
well as reconciliation among all of Bosnia and Herzegovina's
citizens: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) affirms that the policies of aggression and ethnic
cleansing as implemented by Serb forces in Bosnia and
Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 meet the terms defining the
crime of genocide in Article 2 of the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide;
(2) condemns statements that deny or question that the
massacre at Srebrenica constituted a genocide;
(3) urges the Atrocities Prevention Board, a United States
interagency committee established by the Administration in
2012, to study the lessons of Srebrenica and issue informed
guidance on how to prevent similar incidents from recurring
in the future, paying particular regard to troubled countries
including but not limited to Syria, the Central African
Republic and Burundi;
(4) encourages the United States to maintain and reaffirm
its policy of supporting the independence and territorial
integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, peace and stability in
southeastern Europe as a whole, and the right of all people
living in the region, regardless of national, racial, ethnic
or religious background, to return to their homes and enjoy
the benefits of democratic institutions, the rule of law, and
economic opportunity, as well as to know the fate of missing
relatives and friends;
(5) recognizes the achievement of the International
Commission for Missing Persons (ICMP) in accounting for those
missing in conflicts or natural disasters around the world
and believes that the ICMP deserves justified recognition for
its assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its relevant
institutions in accounting for approximately ninety percent
of those reported missing after the Srebrenica massacre and
seventy percent of those reported missing during the whole of
the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina;
(6) welcomes the arrest and transfer to the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) of all
persons indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity,
genocide and grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions,
particularly those of Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic,
which has helped strengthen peace and encouraged
reconciliation between the countries of the region and their
citizens;
(7) asserts that it is in the national interest of the
United States that those individuals who are responsible for
these crimes and breaches should continue to be held
accountable for their actions, and that the work of the ICTY
therefore warrants continued support until all trials and
appeals have been completed; and
(8) honors the thousands of innocent people killed or
executed at Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina in July
1995, along with all individuals who were victimized during
the conflict and genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992
to 1995, as well as foreign nationals, including United
States citizens, and those individuals in Serbia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, and other countries of the region who risked and
in some cases lost their lives during their brave defense of
human rights and fundamental freedoms, and advocacy of
respect for ethnic identity without discrimination.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
General Leave
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days to submit statements and
extraneous materials for the Record on this measure.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, this week, the world pauses to remember and reflect on
the Srebrenica genocide, horrific acts of brutality, wanton cruelty,
and mass murder committed in Srebrenica beginning July 11, 20 years
ago.
This week, we pause to honor those brave Bosniaks who suffered and
died, victims of genocide. This week, the people in the United States
and men and women of goodwill throughout the world again extend our
deepest condolences and respect to the mothers and surviving family
members who have endured unspeakable sorrow and loss that time will
never abate. And this week, the international community must recommit
itself to justice, once and for all, for those who perpetrated these
heinous crimes.
Today, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic are incarcerated, awaiting
final disposition of their cases before the International Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia for multiple counts of genocide, crimes against
humanity, and violations of laws and customs of war.
Twenty years ago, Madam Speaker, an estimated 8,000 people were
systematically slaughtered by Bosnian Serb soldiers in the United
Nations-designated ``safe haven'' area of Srebrenica. They killed
Muslim women and children, but especially sought out and murdered adult
males in that area.
{time} 1600
These brutal killings were not committed in battle. They were
committed against people who were unarmed and helpless and who had been
repeatedly assured by Dutch peacekeepers that they would not be harmed
if they surrendered.
The evidence is overwhelming that the executions were committed with
the specific intention of destroying the Bosnian Muslim population of
that area. This intention is the central element in the crime of
genocide.
The U.N. peacekeeping forces in Srebrenica were charged with
enforcing Security Council Resolution 836, which had pledged to defend
the safe areas with ``all necessary means, including the use of
force.''
But when the moment of truth came, the U.N. forces offered only token
resistance to the Serb offensive. Their military and political
commanders had redefined their primary mission not as the protection of
the people of Srebrenica, but as the safety of the U.N. forces
themselves.
When Bosnian Serb Commander Ratko Mladic threatened violence against
the blue-helmeted soldiers,
[[Page H4906]]
here is the way one of those soldiers described the reaction. And I
quote him: ``Everybody got a fright. You could easily get killed in
such an operation. As far as I knew, we had not been sent to Srebrenica
to defend the enclave, but, rather, as some kind of spruced-up
observers.''
So that is what the peacekeepers became: observers to genocide. Soon
they became something more than observers: enablers.
On July 13, the Dutch blue-helmet battalion handed Bosnian Muslims
who had sought safety within the U.N. compound over to the Serbs. They
watched as the men were separated from the women and children, a
process which was already well known in Bosnia--it was at the time--as
a sign that the men were in imminent danger of being executed. These
men were never heard from again.
At one congressional hearing I chaired in March of 1998--and I had
six of them--Hasan Nuhanovic, the indigenous translator working for the
U.N. peacekeepers in Srebrenica, testified.
He was there in the room. Hasan lost his family in the genocide. He
was there when Mladic and the commanders of the Dutch peacekeepers
talked about the terms.
Here is what he told my panel, in part:
``On July 12, the day before the fall of Srebrenica, the Bosnian Serb
Army commander, General Ratko Mladic, requested a meeting with the
Dutchbat commander, Lieutenant Colonel Karemans, and local
representatives of Srebrenica in the nearby town of Bratunac outside
the enclave . . . During the meeting, Mladic assured the Dutch and
local delegation that no harm would come to the refugees in Potocari .
. .
``Upon returning to the camp, three local representatives are ordered
by Dutchbat deputy commander, Major Franken, to prepare a list of all
males, all men and boys between the ages of 16 and 65 among the
refugees inside and outside the camp. The list of the males among the
6,000 inside the camp was completed the same day . . .
``On July 13, the Dutch ordered 6,000 refugees out of the Potocari
camp. The Serbs were waiting at the gate, separating all males from the
women and children. Major Franken stated that all the males whose names
were on the list would be safe . . . I watched my parents and my
brother being handed over to the Serbs at the gate. None of them have
been seen since.
``I want to explain here that the people hoped that the Dutch were
going to protect them, the U.N. peacekeeping troops and all other
members of all other organization who were present in Srebrenica who
were inside the camp, the people hoped that they would be protected,
but the Dutch soldiers and officer gave no other option to the refugees
but to leave. So the refugees inside were told to leave without any
other choice. My family was told on the evening of 13 July that they
should leave. About 6 p.m., there were no more refugees inside the
camp.
``I don't know if this is the topic of the meeting or hearing, but
the same night the Dutch soldiers had a party inside the camp because
they received two or three trucks full of beer and cigarettes. They
played music while I was sitting, not knowing what happened to my
family.''
As he went on to say later, they had all been slaughtered.
In July of 2007, Madam Speaker, I visited Srebrenica, where, together
with my good friends President Haris Silajdzic and the Grand Mufti of
Bosnia, Reis Ceric, I spoke at a solemn memorial service and witnessed
the internment of hundreds of wooden coffins of newly discovered
victims of the genocide.
It was a deeply moving experience to see 12 years then after the
genocide--now it is 20 years--families still grieving loved ones whose
bodies were being identified, often miles from the killing sites, as
Serb forces, trying to hide the evidence of their crimes, moved the
bodies of their victims.
For the record, 10 years ago--in 2005--the House of Representatives
overwhelmingly passed H. Res. 199, which I authored, which clearly and
unambiguously condemned the Srebrenica massacre for what it was:
genocide.
That resolution was a landmark in the recognition of the Srebrenica
massacre as a genocide. Two years later the verdict of the
International Court of Justice found the same, in confirming the ruling
of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Today the international community is nearly unanimous when it
proclaims that the Srebrenica massacre was a genocide. The resolution
today, of course, supports that as well.
Astonishingly, Madam Speaker, there are some genocide deniers. That
is why this resolution condemns statements that deny that the massacre
at Srebrenica constituted genocide. Just last weekend Milorad Dodik,
the president of Republika Srpska, asserted that the Srebrenica
genocide is a lie.
Madam Speaker, just as it is doing in Ukraine, Russia is utilizing
misinformation and historical revisionism in an attempt to destabilize
Bosnia and the Balkan region. Today Russia vetoed a British U.N.
Security Council resolution that reaffirms that Srebrenica was a
genocide.
Russia has encouraged Serbia itself to protest the resolution and
emboldened genocide denialism in the Republika Srpska, one of Bosnia's
two constituent entities.
Madam Speaker, this resolution also encourages the administration to
fulfill other neglected responsibilities. In particular, it urges the
Atrocities Prevention Board to study the lessons of Srebrenica and
issue informed guidance on how to prevent similar incidents from
recurring in the future.
As you may know, the Atrocities Prevention Board is a U.S.
interagency committee established by the administration in 2012 to flag
potential atrocities. However, since its creation, the board has been
marked by inaction and a complete lack of transparency.
This is unacceptable, especially as conflicts with disturbing
parallels to Bosnia before the genocide continue to fester in Syria,
the Central African Republic, Burma, and in Burundi.
Africa, in particular, would stand to benefit from a more active
board. The conflict in Burundi is currently at a tipping point, and it
absolutely needs attention.
Madam Speaker, despite the need for much greater atrocities
prevention in U.S. policy, there have been many promising developments
in the Balkan region, and this needs to be underscored.
In particular, I would note that Serbia today is not the Serbia of
the Slobodan Milosevic era. That era was marked by nationalist
aggression against neighboring countries and peoples, as well as
considerable repression at home.
One of those who testified at one of my hearings on Serbia, Curuvija,
a great young leader, was murdered on the second day after our bombing
began by Serbian people. And the persons who did that have now been
held to account. So what has happened there--thankfully, there have now
been significant changes in Serbia.
I want to thank my colleagues. I do hope we will have a strong show
of support for this resolution.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in support of H. Res. 310.
I am the lead sponsor of this resolution. And I remember 20 years ago
being in this Chamber when that massacre happened. It is hard to
believe that it has been 20 years since the Srebrenica genocide, and it
certainly was a genocide.
During the Bosnian war, the United Nations declared the area around
this small town a safe zone. On the eve of the massacre, tens of
thousands of displaced Bosniak civilians had gathered under the
protection of the U.N. in what they thought was a safe zone.
They all rushed to that place, only to be slaughtered a little while
later. But the 400 U.N. peacekeepers could put up scarce resistance to
the army of the Republika Srpska, whose leaders were bent on wiping out
the Bosniak population.
Over the next few days, men and boys were lined up and mowed down by
machine guns. Children were murdered in front of their mothers. Women
and girls were raped and beaten, as onlookers stood powerless to
intervene. Bulldozers piled bodies into mass graves.
I remember that happened in our lifetime. It is hard to believe.
When the killing had ended, more than 8,000 Bosniaks--mostly men and
[[Page H4907]]
boys--had lost their lives in one of the bloodiest episodes on European
soil since World War II.
This resolution tells their tragic story. It praises the efforts to
hold the guilty accountable. It demands that those efforts continue. It
underscores solidarity with the victims and calls for a reconciliation
that will one day see the lies, hatred, and violence of the past
replaced by true friendship and community.
This resolution tells the truth about what happened because telling
the truth--however painful--is the starting point for healing to begin.
We remember the Srebrenica genocide to honor the victims and to
remind ourselves of the costs of indifference, of what can happen when
we say, well, that is somebody else's problem.
As this region of Europe heals--I have just come back from the
Balkans--and charts a course toward a brighter future, I hope the
lessons of this tragedy will be a guide for the United States and for
countries around the world fighting against tyranny and oppression.
Today there was a disgrace that happened at the United Nations.
Unfortunately, there are many disgraces that happen at the United
Nations.
Two international courts have called the slaughter of Bosnian Serbs
of some 8,000 Muslim men and boys who had sought refuge in what was
supposed to be a U.N.-protected site genocide.
Now, what happened today at the U.N.? Russia vetoed a U.N. resolution
calling Srebrenica a genocide. It passed the Security Council. Russia
vetoed it.
You would think that a veto would be used for something of substance,
not a resolution. This resolution has substance, but you would not
think that Russia or any country would veto it.
Let me see what this defeated resolution stated. It stated that
acceptance of ``the tragic events at Srebrenica as genocide is a
prerequisite for reconciliation'' and ``condemns denial of this
genocide as hindering efforts towards reconciliation.''
The vote was ten countries in favor; Russia casting a veto; and four
abstentions: China, Nigeria, Angola, and Venezuela.
The British Ambassador after the vote said that Britain was outraged
by Russia's veto. And he said Russia's actions tarnish the memory of
all those who died in the Srebrenica genocide. Russia will have to
justify its behavior to the families of over 8,000 people murdered in
the worst atrocity in Europe since the second World War.
``This is a defeat of justice,'' said Camil Durakovic, the mayor of
Srebrenica. He added that the veto means that the U.N. is not
recognizing a decision by its own judicial branch, the International
Court of Justice, which has declared the tragedy a genocide. ``The
world has lost. The world, and especially Serbia, will have to face the
truth sooner or later.''
Our Ambassador Samantha Powell, who was a 24-year-old journalist in
Bosnia at the time of the Srebrenica massacre, told the Council that,
``For all of the brutality of a horrific war, this was a singular
horror. It was genocide, a fact now proven again and again by
international tribunals.''
``Today's vote mattered,'' Power said. ``It mattered hugely to the
families of the victims of the Srebrenica genocide. Russia's veto is
heartbreaking for those families, and it is a further stain on this
Council's record.''
I read that into the Record because I think it is important to notice
the actions of Russia. We see their actions in Ukraine. We see their
actions at the U.N. And we see the actions of the U.N., itself. And it
really is a shame.
So, again, we remember this genocide to honor its victims. It is not
somebody else's problem. It is all of our problems.
{time} 1615
In order to prevent it from happening in the future, we have to
accurately recall what happened in the past.
I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the distinguished
chairman of the full Foreign Affairs Committee and a great leader on
human rights.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate Mr. Smith of New Jersey for
bringing this bill up and keeping this atrocity and the lessons that it
means for us today in front of this body, and as always, I appreciate
Mr. Engel's cooperation in seeing this resolution move to the floor.
I appreciate the powerful stories that were shared by Mr. Engel and
by Mr. Smith today in terms of what happened on that day 20 years ago
this month as Bosnian Serb forces transformed what was supposed to be a
U.N. safe haven for refugees into what became an extermination camp.
On that July day, 8,000 men and boys were massacred. As they shared
with you, Serb forces compiled detailed lists of those targeted for
killing. They separated families, and they drove those young Muslim men
to various fields where they were summarily executed.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia ruled
that this act was an act of genocide--and rightly so. We do not know
the names of many of these victims, as these killers took extensive
measures to cover their crimes. As a result, families have never found
their missing relatives, and experts continue to uncover and identify
remains at the scenes of these mass killings.
Former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan has said that this
tragedy will ``haunt the United Nations forever.'' Although it occurred
20 years ago, this massacre continues to hinder progress towards peace
in this troubled region. For while Serbia's President has apologized
for crimes committed, he and other Serbian officials still refuse to
admit the true extent of the brutality.
Mr. Speaker, today's resolution encourages Serbian authorities to
publicly acknowledge the genocide that occurred, which would constitute
a major step forward in restoring relations with its neighbor.
This resolution also reaffirms U.S. policy to oppose mass atrocities
in the strongest terms whenever and wherever they occur; but of course,
the Srebrenica genocide, along with others in Rwanda, Cambodia, and
Darfur, are stark reminders that simply saying ``never again'' will
never be enough. Action is needed, and it is demanded as, around the
world, violent conflicts threaten to erupt once more into genocidal
campaigns.
I will name some right now. Ongoing abuses against the Rohingya
Muslim population in Burma have caused human rights advocates to sound
the alarm over a ``grave risk of additional mass atrocities and even
genocide.'' Unable to claim citizenship in Burma or elsewhere and under
constant threat of violence, many have called the Rohingya Muslims
``the most persecuted minority in the world,'' leading thousands upon
thousands to flee their homes in overloaded boats. That is why I helped
lead the effort last Congress to pass H. Res. 418, calling for an end
to the persecution of the Rohingya people.
In Sri Lanka, anti-Muslim riots broke out last June killing four and
injuring dozens more. Acting with impunity under the Rajapaksa
government, extremist forces destroyed mosques and Muslim businesses,
displacing thousands.
Under the Sirisena government, however, we have an opportunity to
press for positive change and inclusivity in the newly elected
government there in Sri Lanka.
Extremist groups are similarly targeting minority communities in
Syria, the Central African Republic, and Burundi. While we absolutely
must remember past atrocities, we are charged with doing all we can to
stop today's violence. I don't want future Congresses having to
memorialize atrocities from our era now.
Again, Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Chris
Smith, for introducing this timely and important resolution; and,
again, I thank Mr. Engel.
I encourage my colleagues to join me in supporting this.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I commend my friend from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for his
leadership on this important resolution, and I am gratified that we
held this timely debate ahead of the solemn commemorations that will
take place in Srebrenica and around the world this weekend.
I thank our chairman for his leadership, Chairman Royce, as usual. It
[[Page H4908]]
shows that we worked again together on the Foreign Affairs Committee in
a very bipartisan manner. This transcends everything. This is genocide,
and these resolutions are very, very important.
Now, Mr. Speaker, let's think about this. The chairman said something
that really jostled my mind. I pointed out where a U.N. resolution was
vetoed today by Russia. These men who were massacred in a genocide went
to what they were told was a United Nations safe haven.
For this to happen under the auspices of the United Nations and then
for Russia to veto a United Nations resolution commemorating solemn,
solemn 20 years, it is just an absolute disgrace and irony; and it is
one of the reasons that the United Nations has trouble because of the
hypocrisy, once again, that we see in that body.
By passing this resolution, we put the House solidly on record
honoring the thousands of innocent people killed at Srebrenica and all
those who suffered during the Bosnian war. We stand alongside those who
risked and continued to risk life and limb to defend the human rights
of all people.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution
unanimously, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to finally say a very special thanks to
Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy for arranging for this bill to come to
the floor and of course to the Speaker, to Ed Royce, our distinguished
chairman, and the ranking member for their strong support and
cosponsorship of this resolution. It is bipartisan, and I think we are
sending a clear and unambiguous message to the world, again, that
Srebrenica was a genocide.
We must hold those to account who committed these atrocities. At
least two of the major perpetrators, hopefully, will soon get justice,
one at the end of this year and Mladic probably by 2017. The wheels of
justice do turn slowly, but they are jailed right now. Above all, I
think we need to pray for the victims.
Mr. Speaker, we need to pray for the loved ones who continue to
suffer unspeakable agony. I do hope the American people and all of us
in the House and in this town will--especially as this remembrance
comes around beginning on July 11--keep these people who have suffered
so much in our prayers.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. EDDIE BERNICE JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of
H. Res. 310, expressing the sense of the House of Representatives
regarding Srebrenica. As a co-chair of the Congressional Caucus on
Bosnia, I believe it is crucial to distinguish the Srebrenica massacres
as genocide while honoring the thousands of innocent people who were
killed in July twenty years ago.
In the early 1990s, following Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of
national sovereignty, Bosnian Serb forces attacked Eastern Bosnia in
order to unify and secure Serb territory. During this struggle for
control, those Bosnian Serb forces, also called the Army of Republika
Srpska committed crimes of ethnic cleansing of the non-Serb population.
Approximately 8,000 Bosnian men and boys were systematically executed
in 1995.
The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina during this time was a
failure on behalf of the international community. In 1999, UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan acknowledged that the global community
needed to accept responsibility for the ethnic cleansing campaign in
Bosnia and Herzegovina that killed thousands of unarmed civilians in a
town designated as a ``safe area.''
For many years now, I have called on the United Nations to recognize
Srebrenica as a genocide. Yesterday, I learned that Russia blocked the
latest effort by the United Kingdom to recognize the Srebrenica
massacres as a genocide, calling it ``not constructive,
confrontational, and politically-motivated.'' I am disappointed that
the UN is unable to formally recognize Europe's worst atrocity since
World War II.
Although the global community cannot and will not distinguish
Srebrenica as genocide, I applaud my fellow Bosnia Caucus co-chair,
Congressman Chris Smith, for introducing this important resolution.
While the UN's hands are tied, I am proud that the United States
continues to be Bosnia and Herzegovina's greatest friend and ally. I
urge my colleagues to support Bosnia and Herzegovina by voting in favor
of this resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Walker). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 310.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the
rules were suspended and the resolution was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
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