[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 94 (Friday, June 12, 2015)]
[House]
[Pages H4338-H4341]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
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THE POWER OF TRADE PROMOTION AUTHORITY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2015, the Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Gohmert) for 30 minutes.
Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, it seems so often in this body we tend not
to learn from mistakes. We passed a bill--I guess part of a bill--that
the Senate sent, referred to as the TPA, but it is all about a trade
agreement that will provide a structure in which the President can
negotiate and dock other agreements into it. Since the TAA did not
pass, then it can't, apparently, go directly to conference unless we
pass an amendment to allow it to go to conference or find some other
way to effectuate a conference on agreement. Mr. Speaker, I can only
surmise that, since the Speaker, himself, moved to reconsider, then
there is something afoot in order to keep it from dying, as it should
have, since both the TPA and the TAA did not pass.
The TPA, I read it. It has got some good aspects to it, but it is
not, in and of itself, free trade. As a judge in a district court--our
highest level trial court in Texas--so many times, I would be the fact
finder without a jury. So often, you would sit and listen to the
evidence, and you would wonder why someone would take the action he
did. There has got to be some motivating factor. You consider all of
the possibilities.
We had a very rare visit from President Obama to the Capitol, trying
to push people to vote for the TPA--this trade agreement--and the TAA.
It was great to see him come out to the Congressional Baseball Game
last night. It is not something he does regularly. So, Mr. Speaker, I
am left to wonder. I mean, we have not seen this President push this
hard on very many bills over the last 6\1/2\ years, and I am left
wondering: Why would President Obama push so hard to pass this trade
agreement structure that allows him to negotiate so many deals with so
many different countries?
One possibility is he did it because he knew that Speaker Boehner was
pushing to pass it, and it is possible that he really wanted to make
Speaker Boehner and Mitch McConnell, the leader down in the Senate,
look good. That is a possibility. I don't think it is terribly
probable. In weighing all of the evidence, it would seem to me that it
is far more probable that the TPA will give this President far more
power to fundamentally transform America in his remaining year and a
half or so as President. That is what it appears to be to me.
Now, one of our Republicans speaking, whom I have tremendous respect
and admiration for, commented that we are not a nation that sits on the
sidelines. I agree that that used to be true, but we have basically sat
on the sidelines as Christians and Jews are being persecuted and killed
around the world in greater numbers than ever before. We have sat on
the sidelines in Nigeria as precious little African girls are kidnapped
and brutally, sexually assaulted day after day, month after month.
Then we see an article. According to the article, actually, this
administration communicated to Nigeria that, if they will change their
laws to provide for same-sex marriage and possibly for abortions to be
paid for, then the United States would not continue to sit on the
sidelines, that we would actually help them stop radical Islamists.
[[Page H4339]]
Of course, they didn't use the term ``radical Islamists,'' but that is
what they are. They would stop them, the radical Islamists, from
continuing to kill and persecute Christians the way they are doing in
Nigeria.
I have talked to some folks who have been on a recent trip to eastern
Africa and who have met and even prayed with leaders in east Africa. I
was going to be on the trip, but, apparently, the Speaker feels, if you
oppose him, then you are not allowed to travel, that those rewards are
saved for people who vote as he tells them to. I will tell you what: if
that is the price of speaking truth to power, it is still a great
country.
The people who went on that trip indicated that leaders in eastern
Africa had indicated that the United States administration, the Obama
administration, was telling them, in essence, what the article said
happened in Nigeria, which is that, if you will change your laws to
allow for same-sex marriage, though it is totally against their
spiritual beliefs as Christians or as Muslims, then we would help them
with things like radical Islam, but, otherwise, we are not going to
help them.
So I appreciate hearing a Republican say the United States is not a
nation that sits on the sidelines, but this administration does. It
sits on the sidelines and uses power to fundamentally transform this
country and other countries. We have seen that.
I see my very dear friend from Kentucky (Mr. Massie) here on the
floor, and I would like to yield to him for his comments and thoughts.
Mr. MASSIE. I appreciate the gentleman from Texas for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, we had a vote on the TPA here, and I just wanted to take
some time to explain, and I think my colleague from Texas probably
feels the same way. I am for trade. I think trade is good. I am not
against trade, but, today, I voted against the trade promotion
authority, which would fast track the TPP. I just wanted to take a
second to explain why I was compelled to vote against this legislation
today.
First of all, like my colleague, I have read the TPP. I have been
down to the confidential room. It is a very thick document, and there
are two bound volumes, and there is a binder that goes with it as sort
of a guide. What struck me the most about this TPP document is the
enormity of it. My staff isn't even allowed to read the document. We
are not allowed to have access to the Internet while we are in there
when we are looking at the document. We are not allowed to take notes
from the room, and this document references other bound documents.
So how could I possibly--one person, by myself in a confidential
room--understand what some of the unintended consequences of this trade
agreement would be if I can't understand the document and if I am not
allowed the resources to fully analyze this document? I want there to
be more daylight on this document before we put it on a path to
approval.
The other reason I voted ``no'' today was the implication of ceding
our authority to the World Trade Organization, which struck me this
week when we voted to overturn our country of origin labeling on beef
and pork. Now, whether you think we should require companies to label
beef and pork when they bring them into this country from another
country--whether that is a good thing or whether that is a bad thing--
that doesn't matter. What disturbs me is that the reason for writing
this law this week was the World Trade Organization told us we had to.
They said we have got to do that. We swore an oath to the Constitution,
not to the World Trade Organization. My concern is that this trade
agreement could bind us to things that we don't even understand yet
because, surely, some trade agreement years ago has caused us this week
to change our food labeling laws.
The third and final reason I voted against the TPA today--and this
may be the best reason, in fact--is that my constituents don't like it.
I have received 30 phone calls a day for the past week against this. I
might have received 1 or 2 all week saying to vote for it. We didn't
get a chip implanted in our brains when we came to Congress that makes
us smarter than all of our constituents. I think it is important to be
humble, to know that we don't always have the right answer. We don't
really have a whole lot more information than our constituents have in
this case. I think that their concern that they expressed to me, like
of the President getting too much authority and that this President
does not need more authority, is a valid concern; that there is not
enough transparency is another valid concern.
I know my friend from Texas has expressed both of those concerns
himself, and I am sure he is hearing those from his constituents as
well.
Mr. GOHMERT. I would like to follow up with the observation there
about our constituents because--I wish I didn't--I remember all too
well how things went in this room on TARP, the Wall Street bailout. The
vast number of Americans--a huge percentage of Americans--did not want
us to pass the Wall Street bailout. There was an FDIC former Director,
named Isaac, who came. He had a lot of economists' support, and he had
a great free market solution. People were excited when that passed. I
know we had people clapping today just like they did when ObamaCare
passed. A lot of people clapped when ObamaCare passed. Then they got
defeated in the next election, so they were not here to clap for this
one. There were people who clapped for the Wall Street bailout's
passing. Some of them didn't come back because the people could see
this was not a good way to go.
Now, one of the things I love about being a Republican is that,
basically, as conservatives, we are optimists. We think things can get
better, and that is why we are here. I know you and I have worked so
many times together, and that is why we are here. We want to make
things better, and we think we can--that we have got a shot at making
things better. But at some point, you at least have to take notice of
the old Washington saying that, no matter how cynical you get here in
Washington, it is never enough to catch up.
I love that people are aware that the President promised in ObamaCare
that, if you liked your insurance, you could keep it and that, if you
liked your doctor, you could keep him. He promised that nobody on
Medicare would be affected, that it would only affect the
reimbursements. Well, people have found out that those things were not
true. They did lose the insurance they liked, and they lost the doctors
they liked. Medicare recipients had found out: Wait a minute. You said
it wouldn't affect me, but what I found out is, when you cut $700
billion from how much you reimburse the health care providers, my
doctors are not able to see me. It does affect me.
Then, of course, I remember--and I did consider Bart Stupak a friend.
I saw him not long ago, and I still think of him as a friend. I know he
was pro-life and wanted to do what was right. He was promised by the
President that nothing in or about ObamaCare would cause anybody who
disagreed with abortion or who had spiritual beliefs against abortion--
that nothing that they would ever have to buy would pay for abortion,
that no Federal money would go for abortion. As I understood it, he was
even getting the President to put that in writing for him.
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Well, as Joe Wilson observed during a speech being given in here, I
think he said it differently, but it turned out those things weren't
true. Abortion is paid for with Federal dollars. The Federal Government
even has fought people in court, like these precious Catholic nuns, the
Little Sisters of the Poor. They have dedicated their lives to helping
our Nation's poor and people that are downtrodden. Those are the kind
of people that government officials used to revere, admire, respect.
Not now. Because those broken promises even resulted in this
administration fighting them in court to try to force them to have
insurance that paid for abortion that these precious nuns believed was
murdering a child in the womb.
Constituents were against TARP. There were people here that supported
this free trade agreement, just as you and I support free trade, but
they supported this TPA that truly will give the President more
authority.
I remember some of these same people saying: Look, we don't have to
worry because by passing the bill we are about to pass, the President
can't remove anybody from Guantanamo without giving us notice, and when
he
[[Page H4340]]
gives us notice, we can stop him. I mean, I have been told that. And,
in fact, the law is, he can't remove anybody from Guantanamo without
first giving us notice. The American people remember that.
They also happen to have noticed that the President cut a deal for a
guy that looks like he is going to be charged with desertion, and
released five terrorists from Guantanamo and didn't give us notice
until after he had released them. So I love the optimism that says,
yes, there have been misrepresentations from this administration over
and over and over and over, and now we have had 6\1/2\ years of
continued misrepresentations from the administration, and the good news
is this time we really think he means it. Now, I love that kind of
optimism; I really do.
I want to yield to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Massie), my
friend, for his thoughts.
Mr. MASSIE. Well, you are an optimist, Mr. Gohmert, and I would
wholeheartedly second that, but, look, you are also a realist, and I
think we all need to be realists. The best way to keep those promises
is not to make a promise you can't keep or not to make a promise that
you can't make somebody else keep. So far, we have shown that we are
pretty ineffectual here in Congress at keeping the President
maintaining those promises. If you like the plan you have, you can keep
it was one of those promises I remember.
While we are talking about the Affordable Care Act, I remember
Congress was told to pass it so you can see what is in it. And we are
being told: Pass the TPA so you can see what is in the TPP, at least so
our constituents can see it.
I just want to close with this and not consume any more of the
gentleman's time.
Mr. GOHMERT. Before the gentleman gets too far, reclaiming my time, I
want to point out, he and I have been down to the classified area and
viewed the TPP, but as I understand it, the President is going to be
allowed to add like 20 percent to that that we have not even had an
opportunity to see. So even when we say we have been down to the
classified area, they made it available, we have been through it, we
can't say that all of it was provided.
Is that your understanding?
Mr. MASSIE. That is absolutely correct. Furthermore, the document
that we viewed was a draft. It is not complete. If you read it,
virtually every page of it has a little footnote that says, oh, we are
still working on this page here. So, yeah, we are fast-tracking
something that we can't see, we are not really going to be a party to
the negotiations, and we can't control the outcome of it. So I think we
should do that with great caution.
I just want to close with this. I want to say that the vote today was
not a referendum on free trade. It was not a referendum on whether it
benefits our country to trade with other countries. We know that. We
believe it. We have seen it. Trade is good. But this was a referendum
on giving the President more authority; this was a referendum on voting
for something we can't see, we can't verify; and this was a referendum
on a huge, giant document. It reminds me of some of the omnibus bills
we are given 2 days to read that come to this body, 1600 pages.
But this was a referendum on the process. That is why they couldn't
get the bill passed today. TPA is not a law yet. It didn't pass today,
but we support free trade. I know my colleague does. We just don't
support the TPA.
Mr. GOHMERT. My friend has observed all the goings-on very closely.
The President has acted extraordinarily in reaching out to Congress,
trying to push through this trade bill.
I am curious whether the gentleman from Kentucky, my friend, thinks
maybe this, for the first time, is an effort by the President reaching
out to make the Republican Party, Republican leadership look good. Or
what kind of motivation do you think most likely caused him to reach
out more than he has, as I recall, on a bill?
Mr. MASSIE. Well, I don't want to question anybody's motivations here
in this body or in the other branch of the government, but I will say I
have seen a zeal for the deal, a zeal for the trade deal, a zeal for a
deal that people don't fully even understand but they want to get the
deal done.
So I think they just need to slow down, look at the terms of the
deal, get some experts in that room with you when you are looking at
that secret document, have them tell you what all those things mean in
there and just kind of calm down the zeal for the deal. We can do
trade, we can do free trade, we can do trade agreements, but not this
giant omnibus-like trade agreement.
Thank you.
Mr. GOHMERT. I appreciate my friend, but my problem is, having had so
many provisions explained, for example, oh, this won't affect seniors
by cutting $700 billion out of Medicare, and, gee, if you will just
renew the PATRIOT Act, section 215, gosh, you have got to be a
terrorist before we get any of your personal information, your data--
there have just been so many explanations and promises that have been
made. With regard to section 215 of the PATRIOT Act, that was over two
administrations. But there have been so many representations on what an
administration--particularly this administration--believes something
means that allowed activity far beyond that, that even if this
administration or the prior administration says this is what something
means, I am sorry, the judge completely hasn't left me, the chief
justice completely hasn't left me, and so I care more about what the
language says on its face than what somebody tells me they think it
will mean or how they will apply it. Again, you know, we were told
things about ObamaCare and the way it would be interpreted and carried
out, the PATRIOT Act, the way it would be interpreted and carried out.
It turns out it simply was not the case.
It is still why I am concerned over the part of section 215, even
though I have been assured, oh, no, it really doesn't mean anything.
But it says not only can they gather the data of people associated with
terrorists or involved in international terrorism, but it has this
little two-letter disjunctive, the ``or,'' clandestine intelligence
activities. Nobody will explain where that is defined in writing
because until it is defined adequately in writing, that can mean
anything anybody wants it to mean. It is just too vague, allows too
much arbitrariness and capriciousness. So I am not as concerned about
what people tell me something says or means because I know when you put
words in a bill, at some point some judge somewhere is going to say,
you know what those words actually say; they mean exactly what they
say.
So I am concerned about the power that is given to the President. I
am concerned about the ability of the President to cut deals, and if he
happens to forget to give us notice, as he happened to do with regard
to the five terrorists that were released from Guantanamo, then I don't
see this body stepping up and stopping him. I know we absolutely
pledged we were going to on the illegal, unconstitutional amnesty he
did, but then we decided, well, we will just trust the judge in Texas
that his ruling will be upheld all the way to the Supreme Court. So we
gave up on that fight as a body.
But I just have not seen anything from the House and Senate, either
when it was under total Democratic control or now, that indicates we
are going to be able to step up and stop the President if there is a
violation of the law or a violation of personal commitments that were
made. Because of that, I was not comfortable voting for TPA. I could
not vote for it. I voted against TAA because it would facilitate TPA.
I do have to make a parenthetical note here. It is interesting, we
are assured that TPA is going to create this massive number of jobs,
but we have to--absolutely have to--pass TAA, which creates additional
welfare because there are going to be so many Americans that lose their
jobs as a result of TPA. So it is going to create all these American
jobs, but we have got to have TAA so we can cover all the American jobs
that are lost that go overseas, when the fact is: You want a free trade
agreement, you want to blow the doors off the barriers in the world to
American goods and services? Let's cut the biggest tariff that any
nation in the world puts on its own goods and services called a
corporate tax. Let's cut it, if not eliminate it, at least get it below
that of China. And the cuts to the prices will be so astounding that
the doors will come down. They will have to come down, because our
goods
[[Page H4341]]
will not only be the best in the world, but they will be the best
prices in the world.
So we want real free trade. You are not going to get it by cutting a
deal with countries that manipulate their currencies. Those were
excellent points that some across the aisle made. If you are talking
about free trade with countries that manipulate their own currencies,
you are not going to get free trade with countries that manipulate
their own currency because they can always maneuver around you and make
their product better. So this didn't address the manipulative nature of
some nations' currencies. Without that, you are not going to have a
free trade deal.
I would like to be an optimist and say that this bill that President
Obama pushed so hard--historically hard for his administration--to get
passed, I would like to be the optimist, as so many of my colleagues
are, and say, but the reason President Obama was pushing for this so
hard is this will really curtail his ability to make agreements without
our agreement. I would like to think that he worked that hard to
curtail his own power, but the realist, the old judge in me comes back
and has to say, the verdict is he pushed for this TPA because it was
going to give him a lot more power than he has now.
I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho).
Mr. YOHO. I thank my colleague from Texas. I appreciate his loyalty
and his patriotism to our country. I look forward to working with him
in the future to talk about future negotiations to make sure that the
Federal Government, every time we act, every time we move, every time
we vote is to do what is best for America, to make America stronger,
more competitive, and a better nation to pass on to our next
generation.
Mr. GOHMERT. I thank my friend and yield back the balance of my time.
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