[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 93 (Thursday, June 11, 2015)]
[House]
[Page H4164]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
WE NEED THE RIGHT TRACK, NOT THE FAST TRACK
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Oklahoma (Mr. Russell) for 5 minutes.
Mr. RUSSELL. Mr. Speaker, TPA, TPP, TTIP, WTO, GATT, fast track, to
the American people, we have made the ability to understand trade
relations with other nations nigh on impossible.
Politicians, pundits, and prophetic economists are issuing clarion
calls to free trade. We all like free trade, but these same advocates
insist that we do it fast, you know, put it on a fast track with
``trade promotional authority.'' Listening to these experts, they
insist that we cannot do trade without it. Never mind that for 160
years we negotiated without it under the guide of the Constitution and
the watchful eye of the Representatives of the people.
Now, they want the negotiations to be secret: Don't worry. The trade
agreements are complex. They will give us the final agreement, and we
will have a little bit of time to look it over. Can't change it. Just
look it over, and then you can have a simple up-or-down vote that could
bind America to the terms of other nations.
``But it will create jobs?'' they say, just like NAFTA, just like the
world trade agreement, just like CAFTA. We were reassured then that
those would fix everything. We passed them. We are still waiting for
those jobs.
Americans need to ask a few questions of us in this body before we
commit to something that could have decades of impact.
The Pacific Partnership includes a transnational commission with a
living agreement clause to change it. Why would we surrender
congressional authority of a two-thirds vote to stand guard against
something that could clearly damage our laws and Nation?
Why would we want to isolate China, possibly driving them toward
Russia, and create cold war II. The Army Chief of Staff saw a need this
week to ease tensions with China. Why would we want to increase them
with anti-Chinese trade rhetoric? You think military spending is high
now; try it in a cold war or worse. Let's trade with China instead, not
make them our adversary.
Even a partial pruning of commercial links or even a gradual upsurge
in Western protectionism toward China would have a profound impact on
the world's well-being. Why would we pursue a path that most likely
creates tension that could spill over in other areas with devastating
consequences, sending ripples throughout the world?
The current President's talent for negotiation among nations should
be measured by his foreign policy. Have we forgotten the line in the
sand, the arming of al Qaeda and other nefarious Syrian rebels to fight
Assad, only to watch them become ISIS, and then dismiss them as a JV
team, only to see them tear through Iraq, which fell apart after we
abandoned it, after we were assured that they could stand on their own
if we left early? Now, there is no strategy to fix it. Then there is
the Arab Spring, which has morphed into the potential for a nuclear
winter with Iran. Let's not forget Crimea and Ukraine. I can go on.
The question is: Why are we? Like Lucy holding the football, we are
told that the President needs the power to negotiate. If we just come
and take a kick at it, all will be well.
Much is at stake. National security, American jobs, capital,
manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, agricultural, and, contrary to economic
theorists, even American law. One only has to look at the case of
Australia's law that made generic packaging required on cigarettes. The
law was challenged by a cigarette company who went treaty shopping by
using its Hong Kong subsidiary and was able to interfere with
Australia's law because of her treaty with Hong Kong.
Perhaps most concerning is all the anti-Chinese rhetoric. China is an
enormous trading partner, a holder of large amounts of U.S. Treasury
bonds that have kept interest rates low and our purchasing power at the
store high. They are not our enemy. Yet the rhetoric coming from the
White House and the architects of the TPA bill seem set on anti-Chinese
dictums to make their case.
We need China. China needs us. Let's establish some rules of the road
as competitors rather than laying the track for the smashup derby. It
will take time, it will be hard, but dialogue and diplomacy are better
than tanks and Tomahawks. We can do this without turning it into a
foreign policy disaster that gives the President and Congress a chance
to make China our enemy.
We can engage without granting TPA, but we have to lead. TPA without
leadership is less valuable than leadership without TPA. Among the
proposed Pacific Partnership's 11 other nations, we already have high-
standard, free trade agreements with seven of them. We do not have to
subject ourselves to this multilateral trade treaty to work with them,
and we certainly should not do it fast by granting TPA to a President
that has exhibited poor leadership in foreign affairs.
We need the right track, not the fast track.
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