[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 80 (Friday, May 22, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3300-S3301]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
USA PATRIOT ACT
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, today I wish to speak on a critical
national security issue: the importance of renewing the authority for
essential anti-terrorism tools which is set to expire by the time
Congress returns to Washington after Memorial Day.
Every single Member of this body remembers where he or she was on
September 11, 2001. I was here in the Senate. I remember evacuating the
Capitol and the office building. I remember standing on the lawn
outside, wondering if a plane was headed toward this very building.
That terrible day gave us a taste of what terrorists want to visit
upon our country. We realized that these fanatics would stop at nothing
to kill innocent men, women, and children and to bring our country to
its knees.
Knowing the threat this country faced, we resolved not to let
bureaucratic red tape hinder the ability of our law enforcement and
intelligence communities to keep us safe. As the ranking member of the
Judiciary Committee, I joined with colleagues of both parties as well
as the Bush administration to craft the USA PATRIOT Act, which passed
the Senate 98 to 1. The PATRIOT Act and its subsequent reauthorizations
have proven critical to our ability to investigate terrorist threats
and prevent another mass-casualty attack on the homeland.
Let me make one matter perfectly clear: we continue to face a very
serious terrorist threat. The evil that struck us on September 11 has
metastasized and continues to present a clear and present danger to the
national security of the United States. As the American people's
elected representatives, it is our primary duty to keep this country
safe. Accordingly, we must continue to provide the necessary tools to
the law enforcement and intelligence communities that have helped keep
this Nation safe for the past 14 years.
Unfortunately, some of these tools have become quite controversial,
despite the repeated showing of strong bipartisan support for them. The
collection of telephone metadata under section 215 has drawn particular
criticisms and worrisome calls for ``reform.'' I find this development
enormously concerning.
Consider what President Obama himself had to say about our need for
such a capability:
The program grew out of a desire to address a gap
identified after 9/11. One of the 9/11 hijackers, Khalid al-
Mihdhar, made a phone call from San Diego to a known al-Qaeda
safe house in Yemen. NSA saw that call, but it could not see
that the call was coming from an individual already in the
United States. The telephone metadata program under Section
215 was designed to map the communications of terrorists so
we could see who they may be in contact with as quickly as
possible.
The President was absolutely right. The collection of telephone
metadata in bulk facilitates our mapping of terrorist networks and our
ability to disrupt terrorist plots. Contrary to the wild fantasies that
critics frequently spout, this collection does not meaningfully intrude
on our privacy. It does not involve the NSA listening in on anyone's
calls. It is simply a very important means of finding a proverbial
needle in a haystack. We should reauthorize this authority without
delay.
A number of my colleagues have taken a different approach, taking up
the cause of the so-called USA FREEDOM Act to ``reform'' our
counterterrorism efforts. I find the name of this bill ironic, in the
sense that their legislation aims to restore a freedom that was never
under threat while sacrificing critical tools that secure our freedom.
For instance, under this legislation, metadata would no longer be
collected by the government but instead retained by private
communications corporations. While this idea may seem initially
appealing, I have strong reservations about such an approach. Their
proposal contains no requirement for these companies to maintain this
data for any length of time. Without such a requirement, the
effectiveness of a search would obviously be compromised.
This is hardly my only concern. Consider also the provision of the
so-called FREEDOM Act that would create a body of outside experts to
advise the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court on the government's
warrant applications. Such an unprecedented move would cause serious
constitutional concerns and could undermine the adversarial system
which at the core of the judicial branch.
[[Page S3301]]
For these and many other reasons, I cannot support the so-called
FREEDOM Act. While I would prefer to pass a long-term extension of our
current authorities, I will support a short-term extension to
facilitate the search for a long-term solution. I urge my colleagues in
both Houses to support this effort.
____________________