[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 61 (Monday, April 27, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2419-S2420]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
OBAMACARE
Mr. REID. Mr. President, it is a hard thing to admit you are wrong.
It is always very difficult. It is not very pleasing to look back and
say to yourself: Oh, I wish I wasn't so far off; I was way off.
But as public servants, we have to accept reality, regardless of
where we may have stood or what we may have said in the past.
Unfortunately, Republicans in Congress are trying their utmost to
escape the reality that ObamaCare is a smashing success.
Just consider a few of the facts--and these are only a few of them:
16.4 million Americans now have quality health coverage, many for the
first time in decades, many for the first time in their lives.
Since 2013, the United States has seen the largest decline in the
uninsured rate--ever. Nine in ten Americans have health insurance. In
the last 18 months, the uninsured rate for nonelderly adults has fallen
by 35 percent. Health care costs have grown at their slowest rate in 50
years.
Since 2011, the number of preventable deaths at hospitals and care
centers has dropped by 50,000. That is 50,000 lives--50,000 people are
alive today who wouldn't have been but for ObamaCare, and ObamaCare
enrollees are overwhelmingly satisfied with their coverage.
Those are the facts. No matter how hard my Republican colleagues try,
they cannot wish those numbers away. All of the doomsday reports are
wrong.
I understand that many Senate Republicans have worked hard to make
their opposition to ObamaCare their legacy.
In June of 2009, the Republican leader--the majority leader--was on
the Senate floor decrying health care reform more than 3 months before
the bill even passed. His mind was made up before he even saw the bill.
And so it has been with too many other Republicans in this body, and
certainly in the other body where they voted--I lost track of it--65
times to repeal it. Each time it has been a colossal flop.
The junior Senator from Wyoming, for example, has been relentless in
his condemnation of ObamaCare. He comes to the floor all the time with
his charts and everything, but he avoids the facts. He has been
relentless in his condemnation of ObamaCare--before and after the bill
was passed. But he is wrong. I don't say so, the facts say so.
For example, Paul Krugman's piece in the New York Times today
effectively lays out the options congressional Republicans have with
respect to ObamaCare. Remember, this isn't some high school teacher
talking about the merits of ObamaCare, it is a Nobel laureate in
economics.
This is what he said today, and I quote part of what he said--simply
put, Republicans were wrong on ObamaCare. In this body, it is
understandable for a Senator to be dead wrong on some piece of policy
from time to time. It happens. But what is not understandable and what
is not acceptable is for the entire Republican Party to double down on
its opposition after they have already been proven wrong. It says a lot
about their inability to govern and, quite frankly, their grasp on
reality--that Republicans refuse to acknowledge facts.
That is a reality.
I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the full piece
from the New York Times written by Paul Krugman.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the New York Times, Apr. 27, 2015]
Nobody Said That
(By Paul Krugman)
Imagine yourself as a regular commentator on public
affairs--maybe a paid pundit, maybe a supposed expert in some
area, maybe just an opinionated billionaire. You weigh in on
a major policy initiative that's about to happen, making
strong predictions of disaster. The Obama stimulus, you
declare, will cause soaring interest rates; the Fed's bond
purchases will ``debase the dollar'' and cause high
inflation; the Affordable Care Act will collapse in a vicious
circle of declining enrollment and surging costs.
[[Page S2420]]
But nothing you predicted actually comes to pass. What do
you do?
You might admit that you were wrong, and try to figure out
why. But almost nobody does that; we live in an age of
unacknowledged error.
Alternatively, you might insist that sinister forces are
covering up the grim reality. Quite a few well-known pundits
are, or at some point were, ``inflation truthers,'' claiming
that the government is lying about the pace of price
increases. There have also been many prominent Obamacare
truthers declaring that the White House is cooking the books,
that the policies are worthless, and so on.
Finally, there's a third option: You can pretend that you
didn't make the predictions you did. I see that a lot when it
comes to people who issued dire warnings about interest rates
and inflation, and now claim that they did no such thing.
Where I'm seeing it most, however, is on the health care
front. Obamacare is working better than even its supporters
expected--but its enemies say that the good news proves
nothing, because nobody predicted anything different.
Go back to 2013, before reform went fully into effect, or
early 2014, before the numbers on first-year enrollment came
in. What were Obamacare's opponents predicting? The answer
is, utter disaster. Americans, declared a May 2013 report
from a House committee, were about to face a devastating
``rate shock,'' with premiums almost doubling on average.
And it would only get worse: At the beginning of 2014 the
right's favored experts--or maybe that should be
``experts''--were warning about a ``death spiral'' in which
only the sickest citizens would sign up, causing premiums to
soar even higher and many people to drop out of the program.
What about the overall effect on insurance coverage?
Several months into 2014 many leading Republicans--including
John Boehner, the speaker of the House--were predicting that
more people would lose coverage than gain it. And everyone on
the right was predicting that the law would cost far more
than projected, adding hundreds of billions if not trillions
to budget deficits.
What actually happened? There was no rate shock: average
premiums in 2014 were about 16 percent lower than projected.
There is no death spiral: On average, premiums for 2015 are
between 2 and 4 percent higher than in 2014, which is a much
slower rate of increase than the historical norm. The number
of Americans without health insurance has fallen by around 15
million, and would have fallen substantially more if so many
Republican-controlled states weren't blocking the expansion
of Medicaid. And the overall cost of the program is coming in
well below expectations.
One more thing: You sometimes hear complaints about the
alleged poor quality of the policies offered to newly insured
families. But a new survey by J. D. Power, the market
research company, finds that the newly enrolled are very
satisfied with their coverage--more satisfied than the
average person with conventional, non-Obamacare insurance.
This is what policy success looks like, and it should have
the critics engaged in soul-searching about why they got it
so wrong. But no.
Instead, the new line--exemplified by, but not unique to, a
recent op-ed article by the hedge-fund manager Cliff Asness--
is that there's nothing to see here: ``That more people would
be insured was never in dispute.'' Never, I guess, except in
everything ever said by anyone in a position of influence on
the American right. Oh, and all the good news on costs is
just a coincidence.
It's both easy and entirely appropriate to ridicule this
kind of thing. But there are some serious stakes here, and
they go beyond the issue of health reform, important as it
is.
You see, in a polarized political environment, policy
debates always involve more than just the specific issue on
the table. They are also clashes of world views. Predictions
of debt disaster, a debased dollar, and Obama death spirals
reflect the same ideology, and the utter failure of these
predictions should inspire major doubts about that ideology.
And there's also a moral issue involved. Refusing to accept
responsibility for past errors is a serious character flaw in
one's private life. It rises to the level of real wrongdoing
when policies that affect millions of lives are at stake.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I see no one on the floor, so will the Chair
announce the business of the day.
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