[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 54 (Wednesday, April 15, 2015)]
[House]
[Pages H2263-H2266]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
D.C. EMANCIPATION DAY: INJUSTICE AND PROGRESS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 6, 2015, the Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from the District
of Columbia (Ms. Norton) for 30 minutes.
Ms. NORTON. Mr. Speaker, in advance of D.C. Emancipation Day, and I
know that it is not a national holiday, but it is, yes, a holiday in
the District of Columbia. It commemorates the day when the slaves in
the District of Columbia were liberated by the Congress and Abraham
Lincoln 9 months before the national Emancipation Proclamation.
Astonishingly, 150 years later, full freedom and equal citizenship
have not yet come to the residents of the District of Columbia.
You don't have to be the Holmes family in the District of Columbia,
who have lived three generations here paying taxes without
representation. Indeed, my great grandfather, Richard Holmes, was a
runaway slave from Virginia. When Lincoln and Congress freed the slaves
150 years ago, Richard Holmes was not freed, because he was a runaway
slave rather than a slave whose master lived in the District of
Columbia. So he had to wait the 9 months for the Emancipation
Proclamation, but he was working on the streets of Washington like a
free man as they were building Washington. He became free, but his
great granddaughter--grateful for all that my family has done--cannot
say that we are free today.
The greater shock will not come from those of us who are longtime
residents. It will come from those who moved to D.C. yesterday, from
those who are not three generations here but who are one day here, when
they find that their rights are gone, that the rights they had in every
State of the Union have vanished except for a few.
They can vote for President, but they can't vote for whoever
represents them on this House floor. They have Congress interfering
with their local business. This will astonish the average American, and
most Americans have no idea this is the case for the 650,000 residents
who live in their Nation's Capital. People have taken for granted that
the vote that is emblematic of statehood would follow them--I don't
know--from Utah and California, from Alaska and Maine to the District
of Columbia when they moved here. They had no idea that their local
budget, for example, which is a budget raised exclusively in the
District of Columbia,
[[Page H2264]]
would have the big foot of the Federal Government kicking it around--
indeed, that it would even be in the Congress.
Emancipation Day in the District of Columbia is not a mere
commemoration. It is not like George Washington's birthday. It is alive
with a fervor against this rank injustice that I have begun to speak
about this evening. I am going to speak about the injustice, but I am
also going to talk about progress because we have been encouraged--we
who live in the District of Columbia--and the many allies we have to
fight as we begin to make some substantial headway.
{time} 1915
Most Americans--indeed, all other Americans--obtain their full rights
by going through a citizenship ceremony or by simply being born here.
All you have to do to have your full citizenship rights, when all is
said and done, is to pay taxes. You don't even have to have
participated in all of the Nation's wars or any of the Nation's wars
the way the residents of the District of Columbia have done ever since
the first war, the war that created the United States of America. You
don't have to have paid all the taxes ever since you have been in the
Union of states the way the District of Columbia residents have.
The reason you don't is that the statehood simply comes with where
you live, and that is what has not happened to us. Where do we live? We
are proud to live in the Nation's Capital. There, you would expect
rights to flourish first and foremost.
When I spoke of not having the vote, do understand I have the vote in
committee, and I am very grateful for that vote because it does allow
me to carry home some important benefits to the District of Columbia,
but what I don't have is the right to come to this floor and have the
same vote that each of my colleagues has on business that affects the
District of Columbia and the Nation.
Even matters that affect the District of Columbia, our own budget
comes to Congress; and every other Member, who had nothing to do with
raising the funds, gets to vote on that budget, but not the Member
elected by the people of the District of Columbia. How painful it is
that I have been able to speak on a number of wars that our country has
entered, most recently Afghanistan and Iraq, have gone to Arlington to
bury those killed, residents killed in those wars who went to war,
secured the vote for residents of Afghanistan and Iraq but came home to
find no vote or, in the case of those who died, did not come home at
all.
And yet I am in a Republican House where ``federalism'' is the
byword. Indeed, I understand why, because nothing was more important to
the Founders than their own local laws and keeping the Federal
Government, which was then kept deliberately weak, out of their
affairs. What mattered to them was what was most local. So the very
notion of interfering with the local business of a jurisdiction of any
kind was unthinkable for our Framers.
It is the very meaning of statehood, this localism, this thing that
says that there is territory and there are laws, there are habits for
you only. They will differ vastly across the country, but that is your
prerogative; that is the prerogative of statehood. That is why the
residents of the District of Columbia seek to become the 51st State,
and know it will happen. Perhaps later than sooner, but it must happen
because of the principles I have begun to describe.
It must happen because we have been called out and continue to be
called out internationally, because we have signed treaties where we
are now in violation. We are in violation of a treaty we signed in
1977, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The
Human Rights Committee, the U.N. Human Rights Committee, has called us
out once again as it did in 2006, and they recited the reason for it.
The Human Rights Committee, looking at what has been done or, as it
turns out, not been done said, and I am quoting them, the United
Nations delegation to the U.N. ``remains concerned that residents of
the District of Columbia do not enjoy full representation in Congress,
a restriction that does not seem to be compatible with article 25 of
the covenant.''
Then they cited article 2, and I won't quote from it entirely, but it
says that the treaty we signed requires that we ``adopt such laws or
other measures as may be necessary to give effect to the rights
recognized in the present covenant.''
What are those rights? In this covenant, in this treaty that we the
United States has signed, says all persons are ``equal under the law
and are entitled, without discrimination, through the equal protection
of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination
and guarantee all persons equal and effective protection against
discrimination on any ground,'' and then they name the grounds. Here
are the grounds: ``such as race, color, sex, language, religion,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, property,
birth--and here is the one that applies to the District of Columbia and
its residents--``or other status.'' What is our other status? That we
reside in our own Nation's Capital--and for that reason, and that
reason alone, are denied equal rights with other citizens of the United
States of America.
Worse than being denied your rights is getting a right and then
having it taken from you. Even that has happened to the residents of
the District of Columbia. Shortly after I was elected to Congress, I
wrote a memo indicating that since, as a Delegate, by rules of the
House, I could vote in the Committee of the Whole, it followed that I
should be able to vote in the Committee of the Whole when it meets on
this floor. The Democrats were in control, but even they said: We must
send this to outside counsel. Nobody from the District of Columbia has
ever voted on this floor.
They sent it to outside counsel. They said that the District of
Columbia votes by rule in committee, so by rule, yes, if the majority
pass a rule, the District can vote on the floor of the House of
Representatives. That rule was passed. Every time that the Democrats
are in power, I get to vote on the House floor--by no means on all
business, but certainly on business in the Committee of the Whole, and
some of that really affects and is important to the District of
Columbia. It is not the whole and complete vote. It is not what we are
entitled to.
Why would anyone want to take it from us when we pay taxes without
representation? But sure enough, when my good friends on the other side
of the aisle write their rules, they write the District right out of
the rules and take from us a vote that we have actually exercised on
the House floor with the concurrence of the Federal courts of the
United States. Right after we were granted that right and after I began
to exercise it, my Republican colleagues actually sued the Congress for
giving the District the vote in the Committee of the Whole. The
District Court said: It is your discretion. What Congress has done is
legal; the matter is legal and constitutional. And the Congress--the
Republicans, not the Congress, took their suit against the Congress,
the Democratic Congress to the Court of Appeals. The Court of Appeals,
the Federal Court of Appeals said: Yes, what Congress has done is
legal, in its discretion and constitutional. And I proceeded to vote.
I think it is probably unheard of except in coups or dictatorships to
snatch a vote or a right that someone once held, but that is what
happened to the residents of the District of Columbia. No wonder there
is rage in the city about such treatment.
Now, you might say: Well, there surely must be some reason why the
residents of the District of Columbia don't have the vote. No one has
found any such a reason yet. They have only found reasons why we should
have the vote.
Some will say: Oh, you are much too small to have the vote. After
all, you are only a city. Well, a city is whatever you call it, so is a
State. But if the size determines that you have the vote, then Vermont
and Wyoming should not have the vote because we have more population
than either of those two States.
Vermont and Wyoming are not alone. Those are the states where we have
notably more residents than they have. We have more than 650,000
residents. But there are more than half a dozen States that are in the
same range of population as the District of Columbia and have a
Representative--no more than one, just like the District of Columbia
has one in this House--and two
[[Page H2265]]
Senators. The District of Columbia has no Senators.
Who would say that that is fair?
And yet if you look down to the states with comparable population,
the first tier that are almost exactly like the District of Columbia:
North Dakota, Alaska, Vermont, of course, and Wyoming. And then there
is another tier that are above us but very close in population:
Delaware and South Dakota. I want them to keep their vote, and I want
them to keep their two Senators. All we are asking is that District of
Columbia residents be treated equally.
I have been speaking all week in preparation for Emancipation Day
tomorrow, April 16. I began with two important, what I call debt-paid,
paid-in-full obligations of citizenship. The first is participation in
the armed services--although we know nobody is required to participate
in the armed services today--and the second is payment of taxes. Pretty
much today, April 15, if you have earned enough money, even a
relatively small amount, you are going to have to pay some taxes.
It is hard to say which of those is most important. They all, of
course, surround citizenship. Both support our government: those who go
to the service, those who pay their taxes. I won't say what is most
important, but I started with military service for a reason: anyone who
enters the service, especially today, does so voluntarily, knowing she
is taking personal risk of her life.
Service in the armed services is so important to our country that
undocumented immigrants have been granted citizenship by serving in the
Armed Forces, and that has now been formalized. Young people who grew
up in the United States but came with their parents as undocumented
children without any legal status have always joined the armed
services. In recognition of that, our country has now said that, at
least for those who have special language or medical skills, if they
join the armed services, after 6 months they can apply for citizenship.
Just consider the premium that we are placing on service in the Armed
Forces, a premium that is more than deserved, and yet there is no
cognizance taken of the fact that our residents who lived in the
District of Columbia since its formation in 1801 have fought and died
in the armed services; and even before that they fought in the
Revolutionary War that led to the formal formation of the United States
and the District of Columbia. So by any measure, District of Columbia
residents have gone beyond the call of duty in serving their country
and earned the right--earned, earned painfully, with their lives--the
full right to be treated as full and equal citizens of a State.
{time} 1930
This chart shows how the right to be the 51st State has been
tragically earned. In World War I, there were more casualties from
D.C., this small territory than three States; in World War II, there
were more casualties from the District of Columbia than from four
States--and it only rises.
In the Korean war, there were more casualties than from eight States
of the union, almost all of which were larger in size and had more
population. The Vietnam war, where we have the very most casualties--
more men and women were killed than from 10 States in the Union.
There is a very special part of our service in the Armed Forces. The
District of Columbia was not a majority African American city until
almost 1960. Today, it really is not a majority African American city.
I grew up in a city that was largely White.
During that period, for most of its history, the District of Columbia
was a segregated city, segregated by the Congress of the United States.
I went to segregated schools, for example; yet look at how residents of
the District of Columbia who had no vote of any kind at that time, had
no home rule government. The city was run by three commissioners--no
mayor, no city council, nobody to go to who was responsible to you--yet
look what its residents did.
The first African American Army general was born and raised in the
District of Columbia. The first African American Air Force general was
also born in the District of Columbia.
The first African American Naval Academy graduate was born right here
in the District of Columbia. The first African American Air Force
Academy graduate was born in this city. The roster continues into
recent years, where we had the first Deputy Commandant of the U.S.
Coast Guard and the first African American female aviator in the D.C.
National Guard.
Don't tell me District residents haven't paid their dues and then
some; yet I have sometimes had some difficulty getting our armed
services personnel duly recognized.
Perhaps the most poignant was a mother who wrote me--and I thank this
Congress for helping me to correct this injustice. It may seem small to
you, but it didn't seem small to my constituents. They are the parents
of Jonathan Matthew Rucker, a D.C. native high school graduate who then
proudly joined the Navy, instead of going to college.
He graduated from Naval Station Great Lakes. His parents went to see
him graduate. Tomi Rucker, his mother, is an investigator with the D.C.
Fire and EMS Department. His father, Michael Linwood Boyd, is a
sergeant in the Special Operations Division of the D.C. police
department.
They enjoyed attending their son's graduation from naval boot camp.
The Navy called out the names. As the name of each young person was
called, the Navy raised the state flag. The name of Jonathan Matthew
Rucker was called, and no flag was raised. Why? What in the world? What
could they have been thinking, that we weren't a State, so the flag
shouldn't be raised?
Well, this Congress, controlled by my good Republican friends, was
also amazed. I very much appreciate that they passed my bill that was
attached to the Defense authorization bill that the Armed Forces now
must display the D.C. flag--and we learned only with the visibility of
this incident that there were D.C. veterans who had come home from wars
and, every flag was raised, except the D.C. flag.
I must tell you, I think it was because D.C. is not a State, for
God's sake. At some point, you just have to draw the line. Just make us
a State, and maybe those kinds of things won't happen.
Take our World War I memorial. Every State had a World War I
memorial--paid for by people in that State--so was ours, 100 percent.
Indeed, they collected money even from schoolchildren.
There has actually been an attempt to take our D.C. War Memorial--
because it happens to be located on the Mall--and convert it into a
national World War I memorial because there is no World War I memorial
on the Mall.
Well, sorry about that, but we paid--not only in treasure, but in the
lives of almost 500 D.C. residents. I thank my Republican colleagues
for working with me to maintain the D.C. War Memorial. The D.C. World
War I memorial had become, really, a war memorial for all D.C.
veterans.
What I did was to work closely with my colleagues so that we would
get a real World War I memorial that could be respected. That means
there is going to be a wholesale redevelopment of the Pershing Park,
which many always considered a World War I memorial.
It is not located on the Mall, but it is located right in a prime
location on Pennsylvania Avenue, near the White House, and we were able
to come to a compromise, the kind of compromise that makes the world go
round and makes this House look good.
Today, of course, was tax day, and my Republican colleagues came
forward with any number of bills. Some were worthy bills, bipartisan
bills. Some were nonsense. Some were just straight out demagoguery. My
colleagues are very concerned with tax cuts, even bills this week.
Many will be surprised about the District of Columbia and taxes. This
is one of the great unknown factoids of the United States. Residents of
the District of Columbia, per capita, per resident, pay the highest
taxes in the United States, Federal taxes, more than any Americans.
If you are in Mississippi, you pay the lowest per capita, at just
about $4,000, compared to our $12,000. If you go to my Web site, you
will find out where your State stands.
I will go down the top 10: the District of Columbia, Connecticut, New
Jersey, Massachusetts--this is in rank order,
[[Page H2266]]
by the way--Maryland, New York, Nevada, Wyoming, New Hampshire, and
California.
The largest States--let's take California and New York--they each pay
in the $8,000 range. D.C. is $12,000 per capita. This is all per
resident.
You say: well, look at the small States; they must be like you.
No, they are not. Small States, like Rhode Island--we are $12,000,
and they are at $7,000. We are at $12,000 per resident, and in Vermont,
they are $6,000. North Dakota is at $6,000. Montana is at $5,000.
Those are the States with small populations, so population can't be
the cause. The cause is that the District has middle-income people,
rich people, and, yes, because it is a big city, poor people, and when
you add it all up, Uncle Sam gets more than his due without D.C.
getting statehood and the rights that come with it.
Only statehood can end this bucketload of injustice. Only statehood
can end no vote for the Member from the District on this floor, no
matter what the bill, even if the bill is about the District of
Columbia. Only statehood can end the outrage of bringing the District's
local budget for Members to vote on who have nothing to do with it and
have contributed not one penny to it.
Only statehood can keep this Congress from interfering with the local
laws of our local jurisdiction, using their own preferences to overturn
the democratic will of the legislature of the District of Columbia.
But, it is not all terrible. We have made progress. This is a country
that makes progress slowly, so we are not about to give up. We are
trying to get the elements of statehood even as we try to get what we
are entitled to.
Budget autonomy--so that our budget won't have to come here--was not
only in the President's budget, but my bill for budget autonomy was in
the Senate appropriations bill last Congress. They put it in their
budget. That, I am afraid, did not pass because we cannot get yet the
kind of consensus we need from the House.
The residents of the District of Columbia want to have sole dominion
over their own money. That is $7 billion that we raise ourselves in the
District of Columbia, so residents put it to referendum.
The city was sued after that referendum which passed by almost 85
percent of the vote. Now, that is in court to see where it goes. But
residents are not going to give up. If they can't get statehood, they
are trying to get any part of it that they can.
Other elements of statehood have also been introduced in the House
and the Senate so that our local laws don't have to come here, for
example.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the time I have had on the floor for
Emancipation Day. I want to leave you looking forward, not backward. We
are overjoyed by making some progress.
We know that, ultimately, the denial of rights will be seen as un-
American, especially when that denial concerns the residents of our own
Nation's Capital.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
____________________