[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 44 (Monday, March 16, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1514-S1515]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HUMAN TRAFFICKING LEGISLATION
Mr. HATCH. Madam President, today we will again resume consideration
of the Justice for Victims of Trafficking Act. This is an important
bill to me. I have been working on it for many years. Without a doubt,
this legislation is incredibly important.
Right now in this country there are thousands of human beings--mainly
young people--living as slaves. Women and children are stolen from
their homes, stripped of their God-given rights, and robbed of their
human dignity. These individuals live among us. They live in our
neighborhoods and in our suburbs, our biggest cities and our smallest
towns. They live in a world of silence, fear, hopelessness, and
unspeakable suffering.
The State Department estimates that up to 17,500 individuals are
trafficked to the United States every year. The majority of these are
women and children. Some of them are forced into a life of unpaid
servitude, many others into sex work. Worldwide, the International
Labor Organization estimates that 4.5 million people are currently
enslaved through sex trafficking. These numbers are staggering, but
they only illustrate the scope of the problem. The suffering of each
individual victim should not be lost in a sea of statistics. For
victims of human trafficking, the surreal horror of their lives bears
testimony to the gravity of the crime.
A number of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle have worked
tirelessly to update our legal framework for fighting this scourge. I
wish to commend them for their efforts, especially the senior Senator
from Texas, the senior Senator from Minnesota, and the chairman of the
Judiciary Committee. Their efforts represent exactly the sort of work
that should be the mission of this body: working across the aisle to
produce workable solutions to the most pressing problems facing our
Nation.
The majority leader also merits praise for his decision to take up
this bill and his unwavering support for it. Far too often, his
predecessor focused the Senate's time and efforts on taking partisan
messaging votes and abusing the rules to score political points. By
prioritizing the consideration of important bipartisan legislation such
as this--and by restoring this body's traditions of fulsome debate, an
open amendment process, and regular order through the committee
system--our new majority is putting the Senate back to work for the
American people. While the sailing has not always been totally smooth--
it rarely is--the progress we have seen in restoring this institution
to its proper role as a productive legislative body is both real and
meaningful.
Given the progress we have made thus far, the logjam that is
currently impeding our progress on this important legislation is
extremely disappointing. My colleagues on the other side of the aisle
have claimed that we somehow supposedly snuck a controversial abortion
provision into an otherwise uncontroversial bill.
This claim is unequivocally ridiculous. First, the language in
question was by no means snuck into the bill. It was in the bill when
it was introduced at the beginning of this Congress. It was in the bill
when those of us on the Judiciary Committee took part in an extensive
markup of the bill. It was in the bill when it passed unanimously out
of committee. It was in the bill when we undertook its consideration
here on the floor. In fact, there were Democratic cosponsors of this
bill.
Moreover, not only was this language in the bill from the beginning,
but it has also been the law of the land for nearly four decades.
Democrats in this body have supported countless other bills with
similar language, including even ObamaCare.
Abortion is obviously a divisive and sensitive issue. While I am
strongly pro-life, I recognize that many of my friends passionately
disagree with me on this issue. As Members of this institution, it is
incumbent upon us to respect the sincere beliefs of our colleagues with
whom we disagree and to work toward responsible governing arrangements.
The Hyde amendment represents such a sensible and appropriate
arrangement. It is predicated on the commonsense notion that while we
may vigorously disagree on whether life should be protected before
birth, we can broadly agree that taxpayer money should not be used--
should not be
[[Page S1515]]
used--to fund a procedure that many Americans--in fact a majority,
according to a number of polls--consider to be murder.
The responsible way for each of us to approach this bill, regardless
of our view on abortion, is to embrace this long-standing, commonsense
compromise on abortion funding and focus on passing the underlying
measure--a bill that is so critical to our efforts to fight human
trafficking and help alleviate the suffering of victims.
To hold up the passage of this bill to pick a fight over the Hyde
amendment represents an unambiguous dereliction of Senators' individual
duties to responsibly legislate.
Unfortunately, that is exactly what my colleagues on the other side
of the aisle have done. They are now threatening a filibuster unless we
agree to their extreme pro-abortion position on this issue. There ought
to be six of them who will stand up and vote with us and get this bill
passed.
In response, the majority leader offered an eminently reasonable
compromise--an up-or-down vote on an amendment to strip out the
language to which they are suddenly objecting. But the minority leader
objected, demanding a guarantee that the provision be removed. By doing
so, the minority leader is once again resorting to outrageous ``my way
or the highway'' tactics that are the antithesis of how the Senate
should work. It is a move out of the same playbook that he used to give
us a calendar full of messaging votes last year meant to produce
political theater rather than meaningful legislation.
This ploy plainly demonstrates the desire of the minority leadership
to muck up the majority's efforts to exercise reliable leadership, no
matter the cost to the victims of human trafficking. By resorting to
this sort of obstruction, they have demonstrated how desperately they
want to derail our efforts to legislate responsibly and instead resort
to their tired and discredited war-on-women rhetoric to win cheap
political points.
Let me repeat a point I have repeatedly made about this impasse--
words that the minority leader has tried to manipulate to support his
shameful gambit. For all of my colleagues who are tempted by this
irresponsible strategy: It would be pathetic to hold up this bill. This
bill is absolutely critical to our families and our children.
I cannot believe the Senate has become so political that my
colleagues would raise this issue--this tangential, long-settled issue
at this time--after the same transparently clear language passed
unanimously out of the Judiciary Committee.
For my colleagues to hold up this bill in an effort to impose their
extreme policy, to overturn the law of the land that has long enjoyed
bipartisan support, to pick a false fight over abortion, or to try to
embarrass the majority is itself embarrassing.
I urge my colleagues in the minority in the strongest possible terms
to reconsider their position and allow the Senate, once again, to do
the people's business.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. COATS. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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