[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 24 (Thursday, February 12, 2015)]
[Senate]
[Pages S971-S973]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
REGULAR ORDER IN THE SENATE
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I also rise today to speak about the recent
progress we have made in restoring the Senate as an institution.
After being sworn in as President pro tempore just over a month ago,
I rose to address the state of the Senate and how we, as Members, must
work together to restore its greatness. This is an opportune moment to
take stock and to reflect briefly on our progress toward achieving this
goal.
I am pleased to report that we have embarked on a new chapter of
thoughtful, productive legislating in this Chamber, just as the Framers
intended us to and just as the American people expect us to.
We have had hours upon hours of open, constructive debate with
arguments from both sides of the aisle. We have considered dozens of
amendments reflecting a full range of political viewpoints. The
majority leader promised this body that he would restore regular order,
and that is precisely what he has done. Not only have we engaged in
fulsome debate and considered dozens of amendments, but we have also
already passed four major bipartisan bills in a single month to reform
and extend the Terrorism Risk Insurance Program, to approve the
Keystone XL Pipeline, to address the critically important issue of
veteran suicides, and--my bill yesterday--to provide effective
restitution for victims of child pornography.
That is what voters elected us to do--to craft good legislation, to
debate it,
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to improve it through the open amendment process, and then send it to
the President's desk.
In my remarks when I was sworn in as President pro tempore, I noted
that in recent years the foundations of the Senate's unique character--
meaningful debate and an open amendment process--have come under
sustained assault by those who have prioritized scoring political
points over preserving the Senate's essential role in our system of
government.
What a difference such a short time can make. What a breath of fresh
air these last 6 weeks have been for this body on both sides of the
aisle. We are moving forward. We are keeping our promises, and we are
helping to restore the Senate as the world's greatest deliberative
body.
I wish to highlight some specifics of these positive changes we have
witnessed over the past work period.
First, robust debate. The late Senator Robert C. Byrd liked to say
that ``as long as the Senate retains the power to amend and the power
of unlimited debate, the liberties of the people will remain secure.''
In this new Congress, we are restoring the right to meaningful debate.
As I noted last month, when a full and robust debate has occurred,
invoking cloture--a motion to end debate--is often appropriate. But we
must not abuse this power by always seeking reflexively to cut off
debate before it even begins. In the dark days of the previous
Congress, we often saw such motions to cut off debate filed as soon as
debate had begun, eviscerating any meaningful opportunity for
considering the issues.
The Senate desperately needed to return to a system where all
Senators have a say in what the Senate does and are able to express
their views without getting cut off at the pass. We are now returning
to that system. We have resisted the temptation to cut off debate
immediately.
Under the majority leader's leadership, this body spent the better
part of 3 weeks considering the Keystone XL Pipeline bill. During that
time, Senators--both Republican and Democrat--enjoyed ample opportunity
to voice their position on the bill as well as on our energy policy
more broadly. This represents the exact sort of deliberate character
the Senate was designed to embody.
Indeed, the Democratic minority actually used more hours of floor
debate on Keystone than did the Republican majority. To me, this is a
remarkable statistic indicative of our new majority's commitment to
treat the minority fairly and to approach individual Senators,
regardless of party, as valuable contributors to our work rather than
as mindless partisans.
The Senate was also designed to be the institution in our system of
republican self-government that produced wise legislation. Popular
passions, parochial interests, and factionalism--what Edmund Randolph
called the ``turbulence and follies of democracy''--were to be defined
in the Senate where smaller membership and larger constituencies and
longer terms would improve the legislative product.
These structural features of the Senate led to the development of a
tradition in which individual Members were allowed to offer amendments
freely--one of the primary mechanisms by which this body can refine
legislation for the better. For centuries, this notion of an open
amendment process has been at the core of the Senate's identity. But in
recent years, many of us have bemoaned the demise of this tradition. In
effect, one of this institution's most defining characteristics was
emasculated for partisan political purposes. But the way we dealt with
amendments over the course of the last month shows that the open
amendment process is making a comeback.
The majority leader shepherded through votes on more than 30
amendments in January, more than double the amendment votes permitted
by the Democrats in all of 2014. In fact, in 1 week alone, we voted on
more amendments than the previous majority allowed us to vote on all of
last year. There could be no clearer evidence of this body's
resurgence.
The facts speak for themselves. While one former Democratic Senator
did not receive a vote on any of his amendments during the entire
extent of his service in this body over the prior 6 years, the lone
freshman Democrat Senator in this Congress, the junior Senator from
Michigan, has already received a vote on one of his amendments in just
the first few weeks of his service here. Truly, under this new
majority, Senators of both parties are individually contributing to our
work for the common good.
A key part of returning to regular order is restoring the committee
process. A healthy committee process is essential to a well-functioning
Senate. In committees, Members are often best able to work together to
debate, draft, and amend legislation that ultimately passes the Senate.
We began resuscitating the committee process in our consideration of
the Keystone XL Pipeline bill.
I commend the tireless efforts of the distinguished Chair and ranking
member of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, who together
masterfully led this body through recently unfamiliar territory of
legislating through regular order.
The Senator from Alaska merits particular praise for the skill she
demonstrated in guiding this bill through the process, while the
Senator from Washington should be lauded for her commitment to a fair
and orderly process despite her opposition to the underlying policy.
Their admirable work set an important example for the rest of us as we
return to regular order in the 114th Congress by working together to
improve legislation rather than simply trying to shut each other out of
the process.
I heard voices from some corners quibbling over certain elements of
the Keystone debate process, but to focus on these criticisms misses
the forest for the trees by fixating on one or two nitpicks and
ignoring how deliberative and inclusive the process really was. We
enjoyed open debate, ample opportunity to amend, and respect for
committee expertise. This all contributed to the passage of a
bipartisan bill.
The proof is in the votes. Of the almost 50 votes on Keystone-related
matters, few followed strict party lines, and the final bill won
passage with 62 affirmative votes, including those of 9 Democrats.
Twenty percent of Democrats present, nearly one-fifth of the caucus,
voted for the Keystone bill. This was real bipartisanship.
The result was a critically important piece of legislation that the
President of the United States should sign into law. I urge him to do
so. But that is not what we are hearing from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.
No, the President has said he will veto the bill. In fact, he said he
would veto it before we even took it up--before any amendments had even
been offered.
Instead, President Obama appears determined to ignore the will of the
U.S. Congress, dismissing bills out of hand that have yet to reach his
desk. I fail to see how this recalcitrance advances the cause of
responsible governance or responds to the will of the American people
who made their preferences clearly known at the ballot box last
November.
I, for one, will not let the President's irresponsible attitude
toward this institution diminish my commitment to it. In fact, I call
on each Senator to continue working to restore our Chamber's proper
functioning. I urge all of us to participate actively in the committee
process, help produce sound legislation, and carry out our
institutional duties.
The American people can then see for themselves the stark difference
between a Senate that works and a White House that is unwilling to
engage in genuine negotiation and compromise.
I will close with a note on civility, that crucial ingredient we must
never overlook, even in the heat of political discourse. I recall the
words of Senator Chris Dodd, my friend, who represented Connecticut in
this body for 30 years. In his final speech here on the Senate floor in
late 2010, he reminded us that the Senate was intended to be a place
where every Member's voice could be heard and where deliberation and
even dissent would be valued and respected. As Senator Dodd explained,
``Our Founders were concerned not only with what was legislated, but--
just as importantly--with how we legislated.''
I have observed that debate on this floor during the past few weeks--
although tense at times--has on the whole been genuine, balanced, and
respectful. We must remain true to this
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ethos as we continue to reinvigorate the debate and amendment process.
In the weeks and months ahead, new disagreements will surely arise.
This is when civility and statesmanship are most needed. We must each
overcome whatever instincts may drive us away from civil discourse and
toward anger, bitterness, petulance, or self-promotion.
When this new Congress convened just over six weeks ago, I spoke of
our collective duty to restore the Senate. I expressed my confidence
that we could make the Senate work again by returning to regular order,
promoting robust debate, and enabling an inclusive amendment process.
We have made admirable progress over the last month. Our actions are
backing up our rhetoric. Let us sustain this momentum.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mrs. FISCHER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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