[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 149 (Tuesday, December 9, 2014)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6443-S6444]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SSCI STUDY OF THE CIA'S DETENTION AND INTERROGATION PROGRAM
Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, I would like to personally commend Senator
Feinstein for releasing this report today. We have all heard the
Justice Louis Brandeis quote that ``sunlight is the best disinfectant''
but occasionally we need a real world reminder. Today, Senator
Feinstein and the members and staff of the Intelligence Committee have
provided that. The findings of this report are truly remarkable, laying
bare that the CIA interrogation program was simultaneously far more
brutal and far less effective than previously claimed.
This 600-page report is long overdue and makes clear that the CIA's
so-called ``enhanced interrogation techniques'' failed to produce any
otherwise unavailable intelligence that saved lives. At no time were
these coercive interrogation techniques effective.
But more critically, this report makes clear to all Americans that
what took place was not in keeping with our ideals as a nation. We have
no greater duty than to protect the American people and our national
security. But the single best way to do that is--and always has been--
to do that in a manner consistent with our laws and our traditions.
Horrific and torturous practices are explicitly prohibited and are
never necessary. I thank Senator Feinstein, Senator Udall and other
members of the committee for the months and years they have committed
to making this release a reality.
Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise today to speak on the release of
the declassified Senate Select Intelligence Committee report on the
CIA's past rendition, detention and interrogation practices.
As a longtime member of the committee, I strongly support today's
release of the declassified Executive Summary, Findings, Conclusions
and Additional and Minority Views of the committee's report. With the
release of this report, the American people finally have the
information they need to understand the CIA's interrogation practices
that spanned 2001 through 2009, when President Obama put an end to the
Bush-era program.
The CIA's practices went against our values as Americans and damaged
America's global reputation. The committee's report shows not only that
torture did not extract the ``otherwise unavailable'' intelligence that
some CIA officials claimed, it did not work as a policy or in practice.
I have consistently opposed the repugnance, legality and efficacy of
torture. I supported FBI Director Robert Mueller's directive saying FBI
agents may not participate in torture. I have repeatedly and publicly
expressed my frustration about being lied to and manipulated by some
CIA officials over many years. As I said during the Intelligence
Committee's hearing confirming John Brennan as CIA Director, ``I'm
going to be blunt and this will be no surprise to you, sir--but I've
been on this Committee for more than 10 years, and with the exception
of Mr. Panetta, I feel I've been jerked around by every CIA Director.''
My views against torture have been consistent with those of Senator
John McCain, whose stance against torture is particularly compelling
given his own experiences as a prisoner of war. I have also supported
the use of interrogation techniques as laid out in the Army Field
Manual and have decried the use of contractors by the CIA in the
torture of detainees.
Some people have raised concerns about the timing of the release of
this report and that our enemies could use it as a pretext for
violence. Long before the release of this report, however, terrorist
groups made their violent intentions towards America clear. They hate
America and our freedoms. They use violence for the sake of violence.
No public action is without risks, whether by President or Congress,
but we also risk who we are as Americans by suppressing the facts in
this report.
I would like to reiterate that this report was reviewed and redacted
in conjunction with the CIA and White House, and the Director of
National Intelligence approved its declassification. It was a difficult
process that took over a year, but we finally got to a place where the
narrative of the report was adequately preserved while ensuring that
CIA personnel and operations were not compromised. The DNI weighed the
risks and ultimately certified the declassification of the report.
To be clear, my support for this report in no way diminishes my
respect for the men and women of the CIA, who are faithfully and
legally doing their duties. The CIA's intelligence professionals put
their lives at risk for our country. They deserve our support and
respect.
I would like to thank Select Committee on Intelligence Chairman
Dianne Feinstein for her leadership, as well as my committee colleagues
from both sides of the aisle who supported this investigation.
Throughout the frustrating and sometimes contentious process of
producing this report, we never gave up on pursuing the truth. Thanks
also to the committee staff who worked tirelessly on this report at
great sacrifice to themselves and their families.
This report sheds light on a complicated episode in America's
history, but it is also a testament to the value of never giving up on
the search for truth and accountability. I hope that future generations
will read it, study it, learn from it and make sure that torture is
never again used by the U.S. government.
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