[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 146 (Wednesday, December 3, 2014)]
[House]
[Pages H8345-H8350]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONDEMNING THE ACTIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree
to the resolution (H. Res. 758) strongly condemning the actions of the
Russian Federation, under President Vladimir Putin, which has carried
out a policy of aggression against neighboring countries aimed at
political and economic domination, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 758
Whereas the Russian Federation has subjected Ukraine to a
campaign of political, economic, and military aggression for
the purpose of establishing its domination over the country
and progressively erasing its independence;
Whereas the Russian Federation's invasion of, and military
operations on, Ukrainian territory represent gross violations
of Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial
integrity and a violation of international law, including the
Russian Federation's obligations under the United Nations
Charter;
Whereas the Russian Federation has, since February 2014,
violated each of the 10 principles of the 1975 Helsinki
Accords in its relations with Ukraine;
Whereas the Russian Federation's forcible occupation and
illegal annexation of Crimea and its continuing support for
separatist and paramilitary forces in eastern Ukraine are
violations of its obligations under the 1994 Budapest
Memorandum on Security Assurances, in which it pledged to
respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing
borders of Ukraine, and to refrain from the threat or use of
force against the territorial integrity or political
independence of Ukraine;
Whereas the Russian Federation has provided military
equipment, training, and other assistance to separatist and
paramilitary forces in eastern Ukraine that has resulted in
over 4,000 civilian deaths, hundreds of thousands of civilian
refugees, and widespread destruction;
Whereas the Ukrainian military remains at a significant
disadvantage compared to the armed forces of the Russian
Federation in terms of size and technological sophistication;
Whereas the United States strongly supports efforts to
assist Ukraine to defend its territory and sovereignty
against military aggression by the Russian Federation and by
separatist forces;
Whereas the terms of the cease-fire specified in the Minsk
Protocol that was signed on September 5, 2014, by
representatives of the Government of Ukraine, the Russian
Federation, and the Russian-led separatists in the eastern
area of Ukraine have been repeatedly violated by the Russian
Federation and the separatist forces it supports;
Whereas separatist forces in areas they controlled in
eastern Ukraine prevented the holding of elections on May 25,
2014, for a new President of Ukraine and on October 26, 2014,
for a new Rada, thereby preventing the people of eastern
Ukraine from exercising their democratic right to select
their candidates for office in free and fair elections;
Whereas on November 2, 2014, separatist forces in eastern
Ukraine held fraudulent and illegal elections in areas they
controlled for the supposed purpose of choosing leaders of
the illegitimate local political entities they have declared;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to provide the
military, political, and economic support without which the
separatist forces could not continue to maintain their areas
of control;
Whereas the reestablishment of peace and security in
Ukraine requires the full withdrawal of Russian forces from
Ukrainian territory, the resumption of the Government of
Ukraine's control over all of the country's international
borders, the disarming of the separatist and paramilitary
forces in the east, an end to Russia's use of its energy
exports and trade barriers to apply economic and political
pressure, and an end to Russian interference in Ukraine's
internal affairs;
Whereas Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, a civilian airliner,
was destroyed by a missile fired by Russian-backed separatist
forces in eastern Ukraine, resulting in the loss of 298
innocent lives;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to supply the vast
majority of arms purchases, which include anti-aircraft
missile systems and other lethal weapons, to the Bashar Assad
regime in Syria, a state sponsor of terrorism that is
actively backed by Hezbollah, a sophisticated terrorist group
hostile to the United States and its close allies;
Whereas the Russian Federation has protected the Assad
regime and backed its brutal assault against the Syrian
people;
Whereas the Russian Federation has used and is continuing
to use coercive economic measures, including the manipulation
of energy prices and supplies, as well as trade restrictions,
to place political and economic pressure on Ukraine;
Whereas France agreed to sell to the Russian Federation two
Mistral-class amphibious assault ships in 2011 for $1.7
billion;
Whereas Russian possession of these ships would be a
destabilizing addition to the Russian military, which would
likely have boosted its ability to invade Crimea;
Whereas given the Russian invasion of sovereign territory
of the Republic of Ukraine in Crimea and elsewhere and its
dangerous behavior throughout the region, France decided to
suspend delivery of the Mistral-class warships to the Russian
Federation;
Whereas purchase of the two Mistral-class warships by North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries would expand
NATO's capabilities, resolve France's legitimate concern over
the cost of the ships, and eliminate a potential threat to
countries in Eastern Europe;
Whereas the Russian Federation invaded the Republic of
Georgia in August 2008, continues to station military forces
in the regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and is
implementing measures intended to progressively integrate
these regions into the Russian Federation, including by
signing a ``treaty'' between Georgia's Abkhazia Region and
the Russian Federation on November 24, 2014;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to subject the
Republic of Georgia to political and military intimidation,
economic coercion, and other forms of aggression in an effort
to establish its control of the country and to prevent
Georgia from establishing closer relations with the European
Union and the United States;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to station
military forces in the
[[Page H8346]]
Transniestria region of Moldova in violation of the express
will of the Government of Moldova and of its Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) commitments;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to provide support
to the illegal separatist regime in the Transniestria region
of Moldova;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to subject Moldova
to political and military intimidation, economic coercion,
and other forms of aggression in an effort to establish its
control of the country and to prevent efforts by Moldova to
establish closer relations with the European Union and the
United States;
Whereas the Russian Federation acceded to the Intermediate-
Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty obligation of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics in a declaration issued at
Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in October 1992;
Whereas under the terms of the INF Treaty, a flight-test or
deployment of any INF-banned weapon delivery vehicle by the
Russian Federation constitutes a militarily significant
violation of the INF Treaty;
Whereas on April 2, 2014, the Commander, U.S. European
Command, and Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General
Breedlove, stated that, ``A weapon capability that violates
the INF, that is introduced into the greater European land
mass is absolutely a tool that will have to be dealt with. .
. I would not judge how the alliance will choose to react,
but I would say they will have to consider what to do about
it. . . It can't go unanswered.'';
Whereas on July 29, 2014, the United States Department of
State released its report on the Adherence to and Compliance
with Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Disarmament
Agreements and Commitments, as required by Section 403 of the
Arms Control and Disarmament Act, for calendar year 2013,
which found that, ``[t]he United States has determined that
the Russian Federation is in violation of its obligations
under the INF Treaty not to possess, produce, or flight-test
a ground-launched cruise missile (GLCM) with a range
capability of 500 km to 5,500 km, or to possess or produce
launchers of such missiles'';
Whereas concerns also exist with respect to a new Russian
ballistic missile, the RS-26, which, according to reports,
has been tested on multiple occasions at intermediate ranges,
and in different configurations, which would be covered by
the interpretative statements the United States Senate relied
upon when it ratified the INF Treaty in May 1988;
Whereas the Russian Federation has requested the approval
of new sensors and new aircraft to be flown over the United
States and Europe as part of the Treaty on Open Skies, and
serious concerns have been raised regarding impacts to United
States national security if such approval is given;
Whereas on November 11, 2014, the Commander, U.S. European
Command, and Supreme Allied Commander Europe, General
Breedlove, stated that, Russian forces ``capable of being
nuclear'' are being moved to the Crimea Peninsula;
Whereas according to reports, the Government of the Russian
Federation has repeatedly engaged in the infiltration of, and
attacks on, computer networks of the United States
Government, as well as individuals and private entities, for
the purpose of illicitly acquiring information and disrupting
operations, including by supporting Russian individuals and
entities engaged in these actions;
Whereas the political, military, and economic aggression
against Ukraine and other countries by the Russian Federation
underscores the enduring importance of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) as the cornerstone of collective
Euro-Atlantic defense;
Whereas the United States reaffirms its obligations under
the North Atlantic Treaty, especially Article 5 which states
that ``an armed attack against one or more'' of the treaty
signatories ``shall be considered an attack against them
all'';
Whereas the Russian Federation is continuing to use its
supply of energy as a means of political and economic
coercion against Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other
European countries;
Whereas the United States strongly supports energy
diversification initiatives in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and
other European countries to reduce the ability of the Russian
Federation to use its supply of energy for political and
economic coercion, including the development of domestic
sources of energy, increased efficiency, and substituting
Russian energy resources with imports from other countries;
Whereas the Russian Federation continues to conduct an
aggressive propaganda effort in Ukraine in which false
information is used to subvert the authority of the
legitimate national government, undermine stability, promote
ethnic dissension, and incite violence;
Whereas the Russian Federation has expanded the presence of
its state-sponsored media in national languages across
central and western Europe with the intent of using news and
information to distort public opinion and obscure Russian
political and economic influence in Europe;
Whereas expanded efforts by United States international
broadcasting across all media in the Russian and Ukrainian
languages are needed to counter Russian propaganda and to
provide the people of Ukraine and the surrounding regions
with access to credible and balanced information;
Whereas the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty (RFE/RL), Incorporated continue to represent a
minority market share in Ukraine and other regional states
with significant ethno-linguistic Russian populations who
increasingly obtain their local and international news from
Russian state-sponsored media outlets;
Whereas the United States International Programming to
Ukraine and Neighboring Regions Act of 2014 (PL 113-96)
requires the Voice of America and RFE/RL, Incorporated to
provide programming content to target populations in Ukraine
and Moldova 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, including at least
8 weekly hours of total original video and television content
and 14 weekly hours of total audio content while expanding
cooperation with local media outlets and deploying greater
content through multimedia platforms and mobile devices; and
Whereas Vladimir Putin has established an increasingly
authoritarian regime in the Russian Federation through
fraudulent elections, the persecution and jailing of
political opponents, the elimination of independent media,
the seizure of key sectors of the economy and enabling
supporters to enrich themselves through widespread
corruption, and implementing a strident propaganda campaign
to justify Russian aggression against other countries and
repression in Russia, among other actions: Now, therefore, be
it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) strongly supports the efforts by President Poroshenko
and the people of Ukraine to establish a lasting peace in
their country that includes the full withdrawal of Russian
forces from the territory of Ukraine, full control of
Ukraine's international borders, the disarming of separatist
and paramilitary forces in eastern Ukraine, the adoption of
policies to reduce the ability of the Russian Federation to
use energy exports and trade barriers as weapons to apply
economic and political pressure, and an end to interference
by the Russian Federation in the internal affairs of Ukraine;
(2) affirms the right of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and all
countries to exercise their sovereign rights within their
internationally recognized borders free from outside
intervention, and to conduct their foreign policy in
accordance with their determination of the best interests of
their peoples;
(3) condemns the continuing political, economic, and
military aggression by the Russian Federation against
Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova and the continuing violation of
their sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity;
(4) states that the military intervention by the Russian
Federation in Ukraine--
(A) is in breach of its obligations under the United
Nations Charter;
(B) is in clear violation of each of the 10 principles of
the 1975 Helsinki Accords;
(C) is in violation of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum on
Security Assurances in which it pledged to respect the
independence, sovereignty, and existing borders of Ukraine
and to refrain from the threat of the use of force against
the territorial integrity or political independence of
Ukraine; and
(D) poses a threat to international peace and security;
(5) calls on the Russian Federation to reverse its illegal
annexation of Crimea, to end its support of the separatist
forces in Crimea, and to remove its military forces from that
region other than those operating in strict accordance with
its 1997 agreement on the Status and Conditions of the Black
Sea Fleet Stationing on the Territory of Ukraine;
(6) calls on the President to cooperate with United States
allies and partners in Europe and other countries around the
world to refuse to recognize any de jure or de facto
sovereignty of the Russian Federation over Crimea, its
airspace, or its territorial waters;
(7) calls on the Russian Federation to remove its military
forces and military equipment from the territory of Ukraine,
Georgia, and Moldova, and to end its political, military, and
economic support of separatist forces;
(8) calls on the Russian Federation and the separatist
forces it supports and controls in Ukraine to end their
violations of the cease-fire announced in Minsk on September
5, 2014;
(9) calls on the President to cooperate with United States
allies and partners in Europe and other countries around the
world to impose visa bans, targeted asset freezes, sectoral
sanctions, and other measures on the Russian Federation and
its leadership with the goal of compelling it to end its
violation of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity,
to remove its military forces and equipment from Ukrainian
territory, and to end its support of separatist and
paramilitary forces;
(10) calls on the President to provide the Government of
Ukraine with lethal and non-lethal defense articles,
services, and training required to effectively defend its
territory and sovereignty;
(11) calls on the President to provide the Government of
Ukraine with appropriate intelligence and other relevant
information in a timely manner to assist the Government of
Ukraine to defend its territory and sovereignty;
[[Page H8347]]
(12) calls on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
allies and United States partners in Europe and other nations
around the world to suspend all military cooperation with
Russia, including prohibiting the sale to the Russian
Government of lethal and non-lethal military equipment;
(13) reaffirms the commitment of the United States to its
obligations under the North Atlantic Treaty, especially
Article 5, and calls on all Alliance member states to provide
their full share of the resources needed to ensure their
collective defense;
(14) urges the President, in consultation with Congress, to
conduct a review of the force posture, readiness, and
responsibilities of United States Armed Forces and the forces
of other members of NATO to determine if the contributions
and actions of each are sufficient to meet the obligations of
collective self-defense under Article 5 of the North Atlantic
Treaty and to specify the measures needed to remedy any
deficiencies;
(15) welcomes the decision of France to indefinitely
suspend the delivery of the Mistral-class warships to the
Russian Federation and urges the United States, France, NATO,
and other partners to engage in consultations and consider
all alternative acquisition options for such warships which
would not include transfer of the ships to the Russian
Federation;
(16) urges the President to publicly hold the Russian
Federation accountable for violations of its obligations
under the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and
to take action to bring the Russian Federation back into
compliance with the Treaty;
(17) urges the President to work with Asian, European, and
other allies to develop a comprehensive strategy to ensure
the Russian Federation is not able to gain any benefit by its
development of military systems that violate the INF Treaty;
(18) believes the emplacement by the Russian Federation of
its nuclear weapons on Ukrainian territory would constitute a
provocative and destabilizing move;
(19) calls on Ukraine and other countries to support energy
diversification initiatives to reduce the ability of the
Russian Federation to use its energy exports as a means of
applying political or economic pressure, including by
promoting energy efficiency and reverse natural gas flows
from Western Europe, and calls on the United States to
promote increased natural gas exports and energy efficiency;
(20) calls on the President and the United States
Department of State to develop a strategy for multilateral
coordination to produce or otherwise procure and distribute
news and information in the Russian language to countries
with significant Russian-speaking populations which maximizes
the use of existing platforms for content delivery such as
the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
(RFE/RL), Incorporated, leverages indigenous public-private
partnerships for content production, and seeks in-kind
contributions from regional state governments;
(21) calls on the United States Department of State to
identify positions at key diplomatic posts in Europe to
evaluate the political, economic, and cultural influence of
Russia and Russian state-sponsored media and to coordinate
with host governments on appropriate responses;
(22) calls on the Russian Federation to cease its support
for the Assad regime in Syria;
(23) calls on the President to publicly and privately
demand the Russian Federation cease its destabilizing
behavior at every opportunity and in every engagement between
the United States and its officials and the Russian
Federation and its officials;
(24) calls upon the Russian Federation to seek a mutually
beneficial relationship with the United States that is based
on respect for the independence and sovereignty of all
countries and their right to freely determine their future,
including their relationship with other nations and
international organizations, without interference,
intimidation, or coercion by other countries; and
(25) calls for the reestablishment of a close and
cooperative relationship between the people of the United
States and the Russian people based on the shared pursuit of
democracy, human rights, and peace among all nations.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.
General Leave
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks
and to include extraneous material on this resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Florida?
There was no objection.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 758 and commend the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger) for his work in bringing this
important measure to the floor tonight. I also commend the work of our
great chairman, Chairman Royce, and our fabulous ranking member, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for their work on this critical
issue.
As this resolution documents, Mr. Speaker, Vladimir Putin has
repeatedly demonstrated that he is a threat not just to our friends and
allies, but to international peace and stability. From Ukraine,
Moldova, and the Republic of Georgia, to arms control violations and
support for the Assad regime in Syria, Putin's continuing military,
economic, and political aggression against Ukraine and others is on
full display. Of course, his most dramatic action was the forcible
occupation and annexation of Crimea earlier this year.
Today, as we consider this resolution, Russian forces are operating
on Ukrainian soil supporting separatists that they have heavily armed.
The apparent intent of the Russian-backed separatists is to carve out
an area that Russia will be able to permanently dominate. This is not
what the people of Ukraine want.
Already, thousands of Ukrainians have died in the fighting, and
hundreds of thousands have been made refugees, with many more suffering
severe deprivation. The destruction of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17
demonstrated the threat to civilians in this conflict, but many more
have been killed in the months since; yet these tragedies go mostly
unnoticed in the West.
Ukraine is not asking the U.S. to defend it against Russia, but
instead to provide it with the means with which it can defend its
people and its sovereignty, but the administration has refused to do
so, instead, restricting U.S. assistance to small amounts of nonlethal
goods and equipment.
As Ukraine's President said when he addressed us in Congress in
September, one cannot win a war with blankets. Ukraine is clearly in
need of urgent military assistance. The administration must act quickly
to equip it with the means not just to clothe its soldiers, but to stop
tanks as well.
The assault on Ukraine isn't being carried out by military means
alone. Putin has also attempted to use economic coercion on Ukraine. He
has used Russia's supply of energy to Ukraine and to other countries,
including many in the European Union, as a political weapon, shutting
off deliveries in the middle of winter.
The United States and our friends and allies in Europe and around the
world are taking action to ensure that he and his regime pay a heavy
price for this aggression. By imposing sanctions on key sectors,
especially financial institutions and the oil sector, we have put
enormous pressure on the Russian economy, which its officials openly
admit.
More needs to be done, Mr. Speaker. We must also counter Russia's
ability to use energy as a weapon. The U.S. can play an important role
in this effort simply by removing the unilateral restrictions we have
imposed on our export of natural gas.
Finally, we must work with our allies in NATO to enhance the security
of the Baltic States and other countries of the alliance that are
menaced by Russian aggression. A perceived weakness could lead to
miscalculation on Moscow's part with incalculable consequences. No one
should doubt our commitment to NATO.
Through these and other measures, Mr. Speaker, we can demonstrate to
Putin and the world that we will do what is necessary to protect
Ukraine and other countries that are threatened by his imperial
ambitions and ensure that they can live in peace and security.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume,
and I rise in strong support of H. Res. 758.
Mr. Speaker, after the cold war, we all hoped that Russia would
emerge as a modern power, governed by democratic norms, the rule of
law, and respect for human rights. Regrettably, things didn't turn out
that way. It is time to recognize the fact that Russia, under the
leadership of Vladimir Putin, is a threat to European security and to
U.S. interests in the region.
[[Page H8348]]
We must be clear that our concerns are not directed toward the
Russian people. In fact, as Putin tightens his grip, his own citizens
are among those suffering the most. Basic freedoms are under attack.
The media has become a mouthpiece for Putin and his cronies, and as
Russia continues its aggression in Ukraine, international sanctions are
hitting home, dragging down Russia's economy.
Nevertheless, we have high hopes for those inside Russia who seek an
alternative, who want a brighter future for their country and for their
children, so this resolution encourages the establishment of close and
cooperative ties between the people of the United States and the people
of Russia.
It pains me that Putin has effectively destroyed democracy in Russia.
We must let the Russian people know that we stand by them against this
tyrant. We need to keep supporting those in Russia who are struggling
against tough odds to keep the media and civil space open, to share
ideas that originate beyond the Kremlin's walls, to shine a light on
the corruption in Moscow and the misinformation on the airwaves.
I think this resolution sends an important message, and I would like
to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger) for taking the
lead on this important issue, but I also think we should be doing more,
and I am pleased to be working with Chairman Royce on new legislation
to support Ukraine and further penalize Russia for its continued
trampling of Ukrainian sovereignty.
I am also pleased that this resolution lays out Congress' strong
opposition to France's sale of two Mistral warships to Russia, a key
priority of mine over the last several months. We should all thank
France for indefinitely suspending transfer of the ship to Russia, but
I think we can go even further, with NATO buying or leasing the ships.
I believe that this would be a win-win-win: a win for NATO, which
would acquire these powerful ships; a win for France, whose legitimate
financial interests would be addressed; and a win for the countries in
Eastern Europe, which would be further threatened if Russia, indeed,
had these vessels.
Among those countries under Moscow's pressure are Ukraine, Moldova,
and Georgia, where Russia continues to stoke separatism. There was a
vote recently in Moldova which rejected Putin and his nonsense, and I
was happy to see it.
In the Baltic States and elsewhere, Russian propaganda fills the
airwaves, spreading deceptions about the West. Across Eastern Europe,
millions wait with apprehension to see what Putin will do next. They
have good reason. We know that he is willing to flout international law
and trample his neighbors' sovereignty, so better to stand up to a
bully now than to try to reverse his future gains.
When Putin talks about going into Crimea to protect ethnic Russians,
it sounds to me a very lot like Hitler in 1938 who said he was going in
to Czechoslovakia to the Sudetenland to protect ethnic Germans.
During the cold war, the United States stared down the Soviet Union
at the height of its power and refused to blink. We sided with those
behind the Iron Curtain who stood up for their universal rights.
Today, those rights are once again under threat; so, my colleagues,
let's pass this resolution, and let's keep working to meet the
challenge of Russia's growing aggression.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger), a member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee and the author of this important measure.
Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for yielding the time. Thanks to the
committee and the leadership for bringing this very important issue
forward.
=========================== NOTE ===========================
December 3, 2014, on page H8348, the following appeared: author
of this important measure. Mr. KINZINGER. Mr. Speaker, I
The online version should be corrected to read: author of this
important measure. Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I
========================= END NOTE =========================
Russia's continuing political, military, and economic aggression
against Ukraine, as well as Georgia and Moldova, must be addressed; in
short, this aggression will not stand. Mankind everywhere has a
responsibility to stand up for territorial integrity and sovereignty in
Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova.
U.S. and European sanctions, to date, have unfortunately not caused
Russia to change course. It is imperative that this body continues to
pressure Russia and remain focused on exposing their illegal actions.
Mr. Putin would love nothing more than the world to simply not take
notice or not have the political will to directly push back against his
illegal annexation of Crimea. In fact, there is some who would promote
a policy of appeasement for political, business, or other purposes
against Russia.
That approach is woefully shortsighted and naive and underestimates
what Mr. Putin's regime is capable of throughout Eastern Europe and
now, unfortunately, the Middle East.
The U.S., Europe, and our allies must aggressively keep the pressure
on Mr. Putin to encourage him to change his behavior. Sadly, Mr. Putin
will only respond to raw power, and we must remain unified in our
opposition to the annexation of Crimea and continued efforts to
destabilize eastern Ukraine. We must be willing to change Mr. Putin's
calculation to make it far too costly for him to continue down this
path.
My constituents in Illinois have been shocked by Russia's military
aggression into Ukraine, and over the past year, they have been afraid
that we are moving into a second cold war. I agree with my constituents
and believe Putin has alienated all the Western countries he ostensibly
was trying to woo by the Sochi Olympics and is on the path to
reigniting a second cold war.
Moreover, Putin has enraged the world by denying Russia's involvement
in the death of 200 civilian passengers on a commercial Malaysian
airplane from Holland to Malaysia in the spring of 2014.
{time} 1815
Russia, sending arms and rockets to the Russian-aligned forces in
Ukraine, was the match that lit the fire for this heinous act.
On another note, I have had the opportunity to visit the country of
Georgia on several occasions over the past few years and have been
impressed with its people and their political aspirations. I have
personally witnessed Russian troops in Georgia, where they continue to
occupy Abkhazia and South Ossetia. In the same way Crimea should be
returned to Ukraine, Russia should immediately withdraw its troops from
Georgia.
The recent ``treaty'' between Georgia's Abkhazia region and the
Russian Federation is a farce. Abkhazia and South Ossetia remain
integral parts of Georgia and deserve to be part of an independent,
sovereign Georgia.
It is long past time to stand up to Mr. Putin and his wars of
opportunities in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine, and I would urge my
colleagues to support the measure.
Lastly, I would be remiss if I did not thank Chairman Royce for his
strong leadership on this and many other issues that have come before
the Foreign Affairs Committee this past Congress. It has been an
absolute pleasure to serve on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. The
past 2 years have been an extremely tumultuous time for the world. I am
extremely proud of this committee's work to directly confront the
problems quickly and with clear, unified voice.
While I can't thank everyone, I would like to specifically thank the
following staff for their tremendous diligence and hard work: Tom
Sheehy, Edward Burrier, Doug Seay, Elizabeth Heng, and, out of my
personal office, Michael Essington. You have been wonderful to work
with on this committee, and I am sure you will continue the hard work
in the next Congress as we confront a world that is severely lacking in
global American leadership.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much.
Let me express my appreciation to the author of this bill, Mr.
Kinzinger, and to the managers on the bill, as well as, in particular,
to thank the ranking member, the chairman, and, of course, the manager
today. Thank you for your leadership.
I associate myself with Congressman Engel's remarks about leaving a
space for affirmation of the Russian people but to make it very clear
that we condemn the actions of Mr. Putin. Maybe calling him that is
even too polite.
[[Page H8349]]
Remember the days of Gorbachev when we understood that there was an
open Russia, there was a Russia who was committed to working for world
peace, standing on their own principles and values and history, not
denying their strength, but yet working collaboratively in a civilized
way. What happened to that Russia? What happened to the Russia that was
supposed to be shown to the world during the Olympics? What happened to
the Russia that believed in its great history and was prepared to stand
alongside of all world leaders to make a better place?
The taking over, the dominance, the literal invasion of Crimea was
intolerable and an unacceptable action by a nation that calls itself
``standing civilized with other nations.'' The horrific tragedy of
Malaysian Airlines and what many of us viewed around the world as we
watched bodies being unattended and thugs not allowing persons to come
and see to those bodies, how long they languished in those fields.
So I think it is important to ask the question of Mr. Putin: What has
happened to the Russia that we have known?
I would say that this resolution condemns the actions of the
government and the leadership of the government, but not the Russian
people. I look forward to legislation coming forward that we all will
debate on how we interact with the Russian people and provide the
freedom of press and the freedom of speech and the opportunities for
them.
Mr. Speaker, as I conclude my remarks, I would be remiss not to be
able to acknowledge Mr. Faleomavaega, who has an excellent bill on the
floor, H. Res. 714, but to be able to say to him, I consider him a
great American and a representative of his community and his region and
all that he has done to turn our attention to south China, east China,
and the Asian Pacific region. We are grateful for what he has done and
grateful for his service. I thank him very much and wish for the
continued support of his legislation and his service to this country.
Let me also say that I support S. 2673, the United States-Israel
Strategic Partnership Act, and look forward to its passage.
Again, in conclusion, I hope that this legislation, the underlying
legislation, is a statement on behalf of America, of what we mean and
what we stand for.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to
the gentlewoman from Ohio, Marcy Kaptur, who has been a leader in
Ukraine freedom and other issues involving Eastern Europe.
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my dear friend and colleague, the
ranking member, Congressman Eliot Engel of New York, for yielding me
this time, and also wish to thank the chair, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen of
Florida, obviously Chairman Royce, Congressman Kinzinger, all those who
have brought this important resolution to the floor, and I rise in
support.
Let me just say that the actions of Russia have truly disappointed
any liberty-loving person that exists on the face of the Earth. I think
this resolution further undergirds the high regard this Nation places
on the value of liberty, and liberty for all; its provisions that deal
with increasing sanctions and with added efforts in the energy security
arena for Ukraine are extraordinarily important; the focus on
additional communications; defensive equipment for the military of
Ukraine to defend the interests of that country; and, importantly,
cooperation with NATO nations and nonallied NATO nations to develop the
kind of international cooperative effort that truly can yield a better
Central and Eastern Europe in the decades ahead.
I want to commend the leadership on both sides of the aisle. This is
a bipartisan effort, what the American people are asking us for,
aspiring to the highest values that we hold as a nation, and that is
liberty for all, liberty for those who live in places where individuals
have not had the opportunity to fully flourish because of the
totalitarian and repressive regimes that make normal life impossible.
I would urge my colleagues to support the resolution, and I thank the
leadership for bringing this up in the closing hours of this Congress.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart).
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Florida
and also Mr. Kinzinger, the sponsor for this fine resolution.
In 1 minute I have one very simple thing to say. It is time that we
recognize who we are dealing with here. I know that it is easy and it
is fun to talk about diplomacy and diplomatic talk and pretend that Mr.
Putin is this democratic leader who has democratic aspirations, but as
this resolution clearly states, facts just do not bear that out.
So I thank the sponsor, and I thank the chairwoman for bringing to
the floor the truth of what Europe is threatened with and the world is
threatened with. Mr. Putin, that regime, is a regime of a thug for
thugs, and he must be treated that way.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
In closing, let me again stress the importance of this resolution. It
is strong and it is comprehensive. It says what needs to be said,
namely, that the United States stands firmly with Ukraine as it faces
Russia's aggregation, period, plain and simple, and it condemns that
aggregation in unambiguous terms.
But this resolution also keeps the door open to improved U.S.-Russian
relations should Mr. Putin cease his aggression against Ukraine and
observe the rules and norms that undergird the international order.
I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. It is very
important. It is very timely. It is important that we act now.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I thank our esteemed chairman, Mr. Royce of California, as well as
Mr. Kinzinger, the author of this resolution, for bringing forth this
timely resolution before us.
By approving this resolution, Mr. Speaker, the House will send
Vladimir Putin a clear and unmistakable message, one aimed not only at
him, but at all of those in other countries who are tempted to use
aggression and invasion to achieve their objectives.
There is more at stake here than simply defending Ukraine's
independence and sovereignty, although that is our primary goal. The
message is that the United States will not simply stand by and silently
watch the world ascend into anarchy nor allow aggressors to accomplish
their goals by force and coercion.
By demonstrating to Putin that his aggressive actions will only
result in unacceptable costs to him and his regime, we can prevent
others from concluding that we and our allies will do nothing to stop
them and that they are free to impose the law of the jungle once again.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Resolution
758 as amended, which condemns Russia aggression against her neighbors.
In the past year, we have seen Russia's determination to exert
influence over neighboring sovereign states such as Ukraine. Ever since
November 2013, when the Ukrainian people gathered peacefully in Maidan
Square to protest against a corrupt, Russian-backed government, the
Ukrainian people have come under siege by separatist forces supported
and armed by Russia. It is clear to all of us that in spite of the
ceasefire, Russia has never intended to honor the terms of the
agreement and has continued to undermine any genuine effort to
stabilize Ukraine.
Here in the United States, we must fully understand that such acts of
aggression undermine peace and security--not just for Ukraine, but for
all of Europe and the international community. At this critical
juncture when normalcy seems unattainable, the United States must stand
with the Ukrainian people and support their own desire to build a free
and democratic country, free from Russia's interference--in complete
freedom to determine Ukraine's own course of history.
We and our NATO allies have taken important steps in support of
Ukraine. We are collectively providing $100 million in military
assistance and have increased military cooperation. We have imposed
economic sanctions that force Russia pay a heavy price for its
aggression. The international community has spoken with one voice--if
Russia chooses aggression, there are clear consequences to its
expansionist agenda.
But there is much more that needs to be done. I urge my colleagues to
continue their
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support of the Ukrainian people by passing additional legislation that
provides for military and humanitarian assistance. The Ukrainian people
have demonstrated time and again their will to defend their nation
against a more powerful aggressor--with no expectation that anyone
would come to their aid. Now, we need to do our part and give them the
chance to stand up for the same values and principles that define us as
a nation.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 758 as
amended. President Vladimir Putin seems to have learned nothing from
history other than that power grows out of the barrel of a gun. The
Russian Federation under President Putin has demonstrated an ethos of
naked aggression that threatens the principle of nation-state
sovereignty and the territorial integrity of Russia's neighbors.
When Russian troops were identified as fomenting unrest in Crimea in
February of this year, President Putin adamantly denied Russian
involvement. By April, Russia had illegally annexed Crimea, and Putin
had come clean about the blatant Russian intrusion.
He admitted that Russian troops had been deployed to Crimea before
the illegal annexation on March 21, and exposed the illegitimate
referendum on independence in Crimea for what it was, a referendum held
at the end of the barrel of a gun. As Ukrainians in Crimea flee their
Russian occupiers, I cannot help but feel the reverberations of
Crimea's bloody history.
What we are witnessing in eastern Ukraine constitutes one of the most
audacious power grabs of the 21st century, and it is happening in
Europe no less.
I recently participated in a bipartisan delegation to the Annual
Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly. I can attest that our NATO
allies are under no illusions about Mr. Putin and they see him for what
he is, a bully who will only be encouraged by concession.
The 28 nations represented at the NATO PA adopted strong language
calling on NATO member countries to ``make it unambiguously clear that
the illegal `annexation' of Crimea will never be recognized.''
The leadership of the NATO PA has rotated to the United States, and
my colleague, Mr. Turner of Ohio, has been elected President of the
parliamentary body. The world is looking to the United States to
reverse the dangerous precedent that has been set in Crimea.
To that end, I am pleased to see that H. Res. 758 includes language
that echoes bipartisan legislation I introduced earlier this year with
my colleague Rep. Steve Chabot, the Crimea Annexation Non-Recognition
Act, H.R. 5241.
Today's resolution calls on the President to cooperate with United
States allies and partners in Europe and other countries around the
world to refuse to recognize any de jure or de facto sovereignty of the
Russian Federation over Crimea, its airspace, or its territorial
waters.
Some of my colleagues may recall that in the Cold War era, the U.S.
had a policy of non-recognition regarding the Soviet Union's illegal
annexation of the Baltic Republics. The U.S. recognized neither the de
jure nor de facto sovereignty of the Soviet Union over the Baltic
Republics.
Our policy of non-recognition did not end in 1991 because it had
become outdated or failed to recognize a fait accompli. It ended
because the Baltic people gained their independence in 1991 almost 50
years after the Soviet occupation began, and today, Estonia, Lithuania,
and Latvia are NATO allies.
Without a clear stance on the issue of Crimea, the West becomes
unwittingly complicit in Putin's further aggression in eastern Ukraine
and offers little hope to Ukrainians leaving Crimea that they will ever
have the opportunity to return home.
For the United States to allow this naked aggression to go
unaddressed would be truly an abrogation of our moral responsibility
and would turn our back on what we should have learned from 20th
century history.
Congress must make a stand, and I, for one, am stuck at Crimea.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) that the House suspend the
rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 758, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. KINZINGER of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.
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