[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 96 (Thursday, June 19, 2014)]
[House]
[Pages H5514-H5555]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2015
General Leave
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their
remarks and include extraneous material on the further consideration of
H.R. 4870, and that I may include tabular material on the same.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 628 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the further consideration of the bill,
H.R. 4870.
Will the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) kindly resume the
chair.
{time} 1708
In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the further consideration of
the bill (H.R. 4870) making appropriations for the Department of
Defense for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2015, and for other
purposes, with Mr. Collins of Georgia (Acting Chair) in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The Acting CHAIR. When the Committee of the Whole rose on Wednesday,
June 18, 2014, a request for a recorded vote on an amendment offered by
the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Miller) had been postponed, and the
bill had been read through page 141, line 4.
Announcement by the Acting Chair
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings
will now resume on those amendments on which further proceedings were
postponed, in the following order:
An amendment by Mr. Gohmert of Texas.
Amendment No. 4 by Mr. Blumenauer of Oregon.
An amendment by Mr. Nadler of New York.
An amendment by Mrs. Walorski of Indiana.
The Chair will reduce to 2 minutes the time for any electronic vote
in this series.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Gohmert
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Gohmert) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 130,
noes 292, not voting 9, as follows:
[Roll No. 318]
AYES--130
Amodei
Bachmann
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Blackburn
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Broun (GA)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Burgess
Campbell
Carter
Chabot
Coble
Conaway
Costa
Crenshaw
Daines
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Enyart
Farenthold
Fincher
Fleischmann
Garrett
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Green, Gene
Griffith (VA)
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hurt
Jenkins
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
King (IA)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latta
Loebsack
Lummis
Maffei
Marchant
Massie
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Messer
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Neugebauer
Olson
Palazzo
Paulsen
Perry
Peters (MI)
Petri
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Price (GA)
Rahall
Rogers (KY)
Rooney
Roskam
Rothfus
Royce
Rush
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Scalise
Schweikert
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Sinema
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stockman
Takano
Terry
Tiberi
Tipton
Walberg
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Westmoreland
Wolf
Yoder
Yoho
NOES--292
Aderholt
Amash
Bachus
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (PA)
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Bucshon
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Cassidy
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chaffetz
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coffman
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Connolly
Conyers
Cook
Cooper
Cotton
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Edwards
Ellison
Ellmers
Engel
Eshoo
[[Page H5515]]
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Fitzpatrick
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Gerlach
Gibbs
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Grayson
Green, Al
Griffin (AR)
Grijalva
Grimm
Guthrie
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Hultgren
Hunter
Israel
Issa
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Joyce
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (NY)
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren
Long
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marino
Matsui
McAllister
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McKeon
Meehan
Meeks
Meng
Mica
Michaud
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Noem
Nolan
Nugent
Nunes
O'Rourke
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (CA)
Peterson
Pingree (ME)
Pittenger
Pocan
Posey
Price (NC)
Quigley
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (MO)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Speier
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Wagner
Walden
Walorski
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Wenstrup
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--9
Capuano
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Ryan (OH)
{time} 1713
Mr. ELLISON changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Blumenauer
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Marchant). The unfinished business is the
demand for a recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman
from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) on which further proceedings were
postponed and on which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 179,
noes 242, not voting 10, as follows:
[Roll No. 319]
AYES--179
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Butterfield
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Garamendi
Garcia
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (MI)
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOES--242
Aderholt
Amash
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cooper
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Culberson
Daines
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Ellmers
Engel
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallego
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
Latta
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lummis
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Massie
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanford
Scalise
Schock
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Veasey
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Weber (TX)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--10
Capuano
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Ryan (OH)
Webster (FL)
Announcement by the Acting Chair
The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.
{time} 1718
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Nadler
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Nadler) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
[[Page H5516]]
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This is a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 187,
noes 233, not voting 11, as follows:
[Roll No. 320]
AYES--187
Amash
Barber
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Massie
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Rohrabacher
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOES--233
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cooper
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
Latta
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Marchant
Marino
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Scalise
Schock
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--11
Capuano
King (IA)
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Moran
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Ryan (OH)
Announcement by the Acting Chair
The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.
{time} 1722
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Walorski
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Indiana
(Mrs. Walorski) on which further proceedings were postponed and on
which the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 238,
noes 179, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 321]
AYES--238
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Brown (FL)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
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Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
Latta
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Matheson
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Scalise
Schock
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
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Sinema
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Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
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Stivers
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Stutzman
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Turner
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Wagner
Walberg
Walden
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Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOES--179
Amash
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
[[Page H5517]]
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Edwards
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Grayson
Green, Al
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Massie
Matsui
McCarthy (NY)
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Meeks
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Nadler
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Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (CA)
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Quigley
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Roybal-Allard
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Rush
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--14
Capuano
Ellison
King (IA)
Kirkpatrick
Labrador
Lankford
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Ryan (OH)
Schweikert
Wittman
Announcement by the Acting Chair
The Acting CHAIR (during the vote). There is 1 minute remaining.
{time} 1726
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
{time} 1730
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mr. Cotton
Mr. COTTON. I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act may be used to transfer or release any
individual detained at United States Naval Station,
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba to the individual's country of origin or
to any other foreign country.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Arkansas and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arkansas.
Mr. COTTON. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, my amendment would very simply prohibit the use of
funds in this legislation from being used to transfer detainees at
Guantanamo Bay to their country of origin or any foreign country.
There are two main reasons why this amendment is necessary, both
related to the President's action in trading five senior Taliban
commanders for Private Bowe Bergdahl.
First, he has proven that section 1035 of the National Defense
Authorization Act is inadequate; and, second, we need to review
conditions of the release of the Taliban Five.
On the first point, this Congress granted the President, last year,
expanded authority to release detainees from Guantanamo Bay,
conditioned on 30 days' notice to the Congress, as well as certain
conditions.
The President abused that authority by releasing the Taliban Five
without notification, even to the so-called Gang of Eight, the senior
leaders of both parties in both Chambers, the senior leaders of both
Intelligence Committees in both Chambers.
The President, having duly signed the National Defense Authorization
Act into law with those restrictions, but then did not obey those
restrictions, did not claim his core article II constitutional powers
to override them. Therefore, it is imperative on our institution to
reclaim, on principle, our constitutional authority.
Second, the Taliban Five have been released into the country of
Qatar. We need to take a year to review the conditions of those
released. As many of you have seen, they appear to be moving about
freely in the country of Qatar without any restrictions on their
movement, absent the requirement that they remain in Qatar.
This would allow them--senior commanders, mind you--to communicate
freely with Taliban on the battlefield against our troops in
Afghanistan. We should be able to take at least 1 year to see if such
conditions are adequate to support the release of such hardened
terrorist commanders.
What does this amendment not do? This is not a permanent ban on
transfers of detainees from Guantanamo Bay, nor does it authorize
indefinite detention. It simply says we will take a 1-year pause to
evaluate the conditions under which five senior Taliban commanders were
released and to reassert our constitutional prerogatives.
Who are these detainees? They are not goat herders who were
innocently swept up by the American military, nor are they foot
soldiers or couriers. These are the worst of the worst, 149 hardened
terrorists, which Joint Task Force Guantanamo Bay says 120 of are high
risk to return to the battle.
In fact, just this week, a former Guantanamo Bay detainee was
arrested in Spain, recruiting for the Islamic States of Iraq and Syria,
the terrorist group that is currently rampaging through both Syria and
Iraq.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment, stand up for your
honor as a coequal branch, stand up for our national security, and
stand up for the safety of your constituents.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman would have a restriction,
and I would point out, after today's vote, this would now be the fifth
restriction relative to the detainees at Guantanamo Bay. While the
gentleman suggests that it is not a permanent ban, it is a mantra of
let's do nothing.
These are human beings, whether we want to admit that or not, and to
simply continue, after 13 years, to do nothing is wrong. We are a
Nation of laws.
I believe the continued operation of Guantanamo Bay reduces our
Nation's credibility and weakens our national security by providing
terrorist organizations with recruitment material.
Also, we are debating an appropriation bill, and people ought to
understand that we are spending $2.7 million annually per inmate at
Guantanamo Bay, which is about 35 times more than the cost of an inmate
at a supermaximum Federal prison in the United States.
I would also point out that the United States has transferred 620
detainees from Guantanamo since May of 2002, with 532 transfers
occurring during the Bush administration and 88 transfers occurring
during the Obama administration.
At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COTTON. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Yoho).
Mr. YOHO. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank my colleague for
yielding.
I rise today in support of the gentleman from Arkansas, Tom Cotton's
amendment, which would prohibit any funds from being used to transfer
or release any of the prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay.
We are a Nation of laws, and we need to make sure we follow those
laws. I support this amendment for a litany of reasons, chief among
them is that it sends a clear message to the President that he cannot
circumvent Congress and that he, the President, cannot override the law
of the land.
He should have notified Congress 30 days prior to releasing the five
prisoners in exchange for Sergeant Bergdahl. The implications of this
release will have a far-reaching impact on the national security of the
United States.
Just recently, as the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Cotton) pointed
out, Spanish authorities arrested a former
[[Page H5518]]
Guantanamo Bay detainee on suspicions of running a terrorist
recruitment network.
The Director of National Intelligence has said that, by January of
2014, about 29 percent of the 614 detainees released from the prison at
Guantanamo Bay had returned to violence.
Our brave men and women in uniform have fought too hard and have
sacrificed too much to have the President release these detainees who
will likely return straight to the battlefield. We understand this, and
our constituents understand this. I support this amendment, and I urge
my colleagues to support this strongly, too.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I would point out, relative to the
gentleman's suggestion that we need to make sure the laws of the land
are followed, that that is exactly what we do in this bill.
Chairman Frelinghuysen had an amendment in the full committee, which
I supported and spoke on behalf of, given the recent transfer of
Taliban prisoners by the administration, and the fact is, in section
9015 of the bill, as printed and pending, it says:
No more than 15 percent of the funds made available may be
obligated until the Secretary of Defense provides the
congressional Defense and Intelligence Committees with a
detailed spend plan for the funds provided.
Essentially, the chairman's initiative that I supported--and the
committee voted for--fences that money off to make sure the law is
followed. This amendment is unnecessary.
I will continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COTTON. Mr. Chairman, with due respect to the gentleman from
Indiana on numerous points, this is the fifth restriction that this
Congress has undertaken.
If it were to pass, it simply shows the judgment of this Congress,
the people's representatives, that these remaining 149 detainees are
too dangerous to be cavalierly released into a country without adequate
constraints or without notification to Congress, as the law that the
President signed demanded.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Moran).
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this bill. There are
some facts that need to be put on the table that are inconsistent with
what has been suggested by the gentleman from Arkansas. 18.6 percent of
the people that were released by the Bush administration were
``confirmed'' recidivism cases, but it needs to be made clear that the
Obama administration has released 95 people, and five of them have gone
back to the battlefield.
Now, we don't want anyone to go back to the battlefield. There are
149 detainees still at Guantanamo. Fifteen are clearly the worst of the
worst. Nobody is talking about transferring them, ever; but among them
are a number of Muslim men who are innocent of any act against this
country or our allies who were in the wrong place at the wrong time and
were kidnapped by bounty hunters.
Only 5 percent of the prisoners held at Guantanamo were actually
apprehended by U.S. forces, and as many as 86 percent were delivered to
coalition forces in exchange for a bounty of millions of dollars per
head.
There are 78 people who have been cleared for release by the
Department of Defense, and they are still under detention. That is a
travesty. That is not right. That is inconsistent with everything we
believe and stand for in terms of American jurisprudence.
I think the gentleman has made it sufficiently clear by now that many
of us know that the political and legal expediency of this detention
center at Guantanamo has not been worth the cost to America's
reputation around the world, nor to the erosion of our legal and
ethical standards here at home.
For far too long, over the course of this war, we have let our fear
and anger triumph over our commitment to the rule of law, and every day
that we continue to hold these men without charge, we diminish
ourselves and cede our moral authority in the world.
So, Mr. Chairman, this amendment is wrong. We need to exercise our
judgment. Not all are the same. Not all should be there. Some should be
tried in our courts, and this country has the ability to try and
prosecute them.
{time} 1745
Mr. COTTON. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I yield my remaining time to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Nadler).
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Cotton says that by this amendment,
Congress recognizes the danger presented by these detainees. But
legislative bodies have no right to make such judgments about
individuals. Ever since Magna Carta, we have denied the government the
power to imprison or punish people on mere accusations. Just because
the government or Congress labels someone a terrorist doesn't make him
one. The government must be required to prove the accusation in court.
That has always been a bedrock American principle until we opened
Guantanamo. Now we imprison people indefinitely without trial. By what
claim of right do we do this?
How can we be sure we are punishing actual terrorists and not
innocent people when we hold no trials? Guantanamo should be closed and
its inmates either tried or released. It is beyond time to close
Guantanamo to end this shame on American justice.
The Acting CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. COTTON. Mr. Chairman, in conclusion, I would simply say that the
149 terrorists left at Guantanamo Bay are not goat herders, they are
not couriers, and they are not even foot soldiers. They are bomb-
makers, they are commanders, and they are intelligence experts who have
killed American soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines around the
world.
Yes, there have been releases in the past, but many of those release
were of less dangerous terrorists. The Joint Task Force Guantanamo Bay
says 120 out of 149 of the remaining detainees are at high risk to
return to the battlefield. That is over 80 percent.
Mr. Chairman, I urge a ``yes'' vote to put a pause on the President's
lawless release of the Taliban Five from Guantanamo Bay.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Cotton).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arkansas
will be postponed.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I would like to yield to the gentlewoman
from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur).
Ms. KAPTUR. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to support this bill and provisions
therein which underscore that a free, independent, and democratic
Ukraine is in the interests of liberty everywhere, most especially the
European continent, which largely shares America's constitutional
values and respect for the rule of law.
The road ahead will not be easy. Ukraine faces enormous challenges in
transitioning to a democratic society as Russia eats away at her
eastern provinces and now begins to sabotage her internal assets. The
incomes of ordinary people in Ukraine have dropped significantly.
Consumer inflation for the year is up 16 percent at the same time the
Hryvnia has depreciated sharply, forcing private consumption to drop
precipitously and further pushing GDP to decline. Life for ordinary
citizens has become increasingly unsympathetic. Liberty hangs in the
balance. With winter's approach, economic pressures will further mount
as Russia restricts gas supplies to Ukraine.
This is a time for attention to Ukraine, which holds enormous
potential to be the world's breadbasket in this 21st century, if only
political conditions are stabilized to allow a better future to be
built for all.
One powerful dimension of Ukrainian society most often ignored by
Ukraine's former leaders and by the world community is Ukraine's
village women. Despite all obstacles, they continue to produce nearly
half the food
[[Page H5519]]
that that nation's citizens eat. In village after village, on plots
that are small and open pastures, these stalwart women--many of them
grandmothers--toil, using simple hand tools, worn out handcarts,
wearing old boots, and planting seed and plants whose germ-plasma is
nearly worn out. Their timeworn, horse-drawn wagons need tires to
navigate the rough back roads. Their dwellings often lack water and
indoor plumbing. Life is survival, and it is hard.
Empowering Ukraine's women to lighten their load and make their task
a bit easier would be one important step our country and world leaders
could take to allow Ukraine to transition through these delicate years
to a better future.
For these reasons, the Appropriations Committee included language in
the Defense bill directing the Secretary of Defense to submit a report
to the congressional defense committees not later than 60 days after
the enactment of this act describing additional assistance that the
Department may provide to Ukraine, including out of its surplus
warehouses.
The goal of our humanitarian efforts is to empower the women of
Ukraine, who, despite enormous obstacles, literally hold their families
and that nation together. It is to use humanitarian shipments from our
country, from government surplus--anywhere in the world we can acquire
it--to simply provide items to help them with their food production and
preservation. Give to these village women: good seed, buckets,
wheelbarrows, gloves, boots, shovels, scythes, hoes, rakes, plastic on
rolls, fencing, carts, used tires that will fit their horse-drawn
wagons, simple canning equipment for putting up fruits and vegetables,
drying equipment, scissors, hand shovels, grass clippers, pruners,
loppers, saws, hammers, small hoop houses, hose, rope, and string. And
while we are at it, how about some shortwave radios so they can connect
to the world beyond their meager circumstances?
We anticipate with other provisions in this legislation States with
lift capacity, such as Ohio, can arrange Department of Defense
humanitarian shipments through their National Guard Partnership for
Peace programs to transport the above-mentioned agricultural tools and
supplies to the Ukrainian women in their villages through charitable
networks in that country.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to recognize this important inclusion in
this bill. I thank the chairman of our committee, Mr. Frelinghuysen,
the ranking member, Mr. Visclosky, and all freedom-loving people
everywhere for understanding the vital consequence of these provisions
at this moment of history. I would like to include for the Record an
article entitled ``Ukraine Faces Hurdles in Restoring Its Farming
Legacy.''
[From the New York Times, May 27, 2014]
Ukraine Faces Hurdles in Restoring Its Farming Legacy
(By Danny Hakim)
Zibolky, Ukraine.--Like many of her neighbors in this old
Soviet collective farm, Maria Onysko prefers to be paid in
grain instead of cash for the modest plot of land she rents
out.
``I have two cows and four pigs, many chickens,'' said Ms.
Onysko, 62. ``So we use it for them.''
After the breakup of the Soviet Union, farmland in newly
independent Ukraine was divided among villagers, acre by
acre, creating a patchwork of agricultural endeavors that are
often inefficient or unprofitable. Some land is rented to
fruit growers, grain operators or large-scale farming
businesses. Some locals work small plots on their own. Some
acreage sits fallow, stuck in legal limbo after the owner has
died.
Ukraine was once the breadbasket of the Soviet Union, known
for its rich soil where grain, sunflowers and livestock
flourished. But farming production dropped sharply in the
chaotic decade after the collapse of communism, and recovery
has come in fits and starts. Production is only now returning
to peak levels of the 1990s, stymied by the corruption, red
tape and inefficiencies that have plagued the broader
Ukrainian economy for years and left the villagers living
humble existences.
Restoring Ukraine's farming legacy will be crucial to the
success of the country's newly elected president, the
billionaire businessman Petro O. Poroshenko. Such efforts
would go a long way toward fixing Ukraine's economy and
reducing its dependence on Russia. Agriculture once accounted
for nearly 20 percent of the gross domestic product; it is
now roughly 10 percent.
The potential became clear last year when a strong harvest
helped Ukraine avoid a drop in output. ``It was just because
of agriculture,'' said Pavlo Sheremeta, Ukraine's minister of
economic development. ``Otherwise, it would have been a
decline.''
Against the backdrop of the crisis with Russia, Western
interests are pressing for change. The European Union is
moving forward with a plan to bolster trade by lifting custom
duties on Ukrainian agriculture. As part of a deal with the
International Monetary Fund for up to $18 billion in loans,
the country's government must push through business reforms
that would help alleviate the problems with farming and other
businesses.
The hope is that such initiatives will also bolster the
confidence of foreign investors as the crisis abates. Big
multinationals have expressed tentative interest in Ukrainian
agriculture, but they have largely remained on the sidelines,
unwilling to invest in an industry hampered by structural
deficiencies and, more recently, the uncertainty with its
eastern neighbor.
``If cheap capital comes in along with foreign investment,
and you have a good government without roadblocks, Ukraine
can close to double its production in the future,'' said
Roman Fedorowycz, a Ukrainian-American who returned here
years ago and now runs a farming company that grows mainly
corn, sunflowers and soybeans.
Even small improvements would make a big difference in a
highly inefficient industry starved for money. While roughly
70 percent of Ukraine's land is considered suitable for
agriculture, it has not been fully cultivated. The country's
yield per hectare of grain is about half that of the United
States, according to the World Bank.
Change won't come easy, given the challenges. Previous
governments have tried to restrict what crops farmers grow
and when they rotate crops, as well as limiting exports. Some
state inspectors lack cars to conduct on-site inspections, so
farmers must bring grain to them before shipping.
Selling farmland is also forbidden in Ukraine, a legacy of
its communist past. So fields remain cut up ``like
chessboards,'' said Georgiy Vaydanych, land manager for
Agrokultura, a Stockholm-based agricultural company that
rents 173,000 acres in many such villages. ``For the moment
we have 40,000 active landlords,'' Mr. Vaydanych said.
``Forty thousand!''
Making matters worse, paperwork is costly and many
villagers never officially inherit the farmland after their
parents die. ``There is uncertainty on how to farm this land,
because we have the dead souls in the middle of our fields,''
Mr. Vaydanych said, in a reference to Nikolai Gogol, whose
19th-century classic, ``Dead Souls,'' is required school
reading here.
Even as the crisis in the east intensifies, life in the
agricultural west remains much the same.
A dirt road straddling tilled fields leads into this
village, with potholes so deep that drivers zigzag past each
other. There are horse-drawn carts, roosters crowing, elderly
women in kerchiefs and a church painted pale green topped by
bulbous spires.
Few in this pro-European area of Ukraine are nostalgic for
Moscow. Still, Oleg Gusak, head of the village council, said
life had not improved.
``When it was a collective, the level of life was better,''
he said, explaining that it was once a larger operation that
harvested crops, had livestock and made clothing, furniture
and jams.
``People even came from other regions, because we had so
much work,'' he said, adding, ``Now, it's not the same.''
Trouble raising capital at reasonable prices makes it
difficult to start or expand farms.
``I have to pay up to 12 percent if I borrow in euros,''
said Taras Barshchovsky, an entrepreneur who founded T.B.
Fruit, which makes fruit juices and whose rented orchards
cover thousands of acres. He has expanded into Poland, where
he said he could borrow for less than 3 percent.
``Those who work with Ukrainian banks in hryvnias,'' the
national currency, ``they pay up to 20 percent or more. I
don't believe you can profit and return money on that
percentage,'' he added.
And while other former Soviet bloc neighbors like Hungary,
Romania and Poland began easing their land sale restrictions
after joining the European Union, Ukraine has repeatedly
delayed lifting its moratorium, considering the move
politically risky in its agrarian society. In 2013, the
government of Viktor Yanukovych, the deposed Ukrainian
leader, extended the moratorium until 2016, after he expected
to stand for re-election.
``I'm afraid if I sell my land in the future my children
will say their old grandfather drank away all their money,''
Hrynchyshyn Myroslaw, 62, said as he cleared a willow field
near another village.
With a laugh, he added: ``It depends how much you will pay
me. If there are enough zeros, you can pay me.''
Volodymyr Baran, 43, a tractor mechanic, said he would
never sell his six acres: ``The land is our bread.''
Such dynamics deter foreign investment, which has been
tepid for years. Despite some interest from China and
multinationals, large agricultural enterprises tend to be
Ukrainian owned, and recent prominent deals have been less
than they seemed. For example, Cargill paid a reported $200
million
[[Page H5520]]
for a stake in UkrLandFarming, an agricultural holding
company. But a Cargill spokeswoman emphasized that the shares
were collateral for a loan rather than a long-term
investment.
The rules make ``it so much more difficult to understand,
and to bring in investment,'' said David Sedik, a senior
official at the Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations. ``It's not that a foreigner or a company has
to buy the land, but it breeds opaqueness in the sector. You
need transparent land laws.''
At his office, Mr. Vaydanych pulled out a village map and
showed how its 2,500 acres were divvied up among 507
villagers.
``Every field is split, by little, little plots,'' he
explained.
Being a land manager requires a political touch. Mr.
Vaydanych goes from village to village handing out favors,
fending off competitors trying to outbid his rental
contracts.
A village chief, he said, ``may call us and tell us, it's
the wintertime, we have a lot of snowfall, so give us a
forklift to clean the road. O.K., well, we do that.''
``He may say this electricity substation is broken so we
need urgently to repair it, or he's calling because the water
pump at school broke, so we replace it,'' he said. ``That's
the commitment that comes with the land.''
``I wouldn't be surprised by any request,'' Mr. Vaydanych
said. ``It is about keeping everyone happy. That's my work.''
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. Frelinghuysen), the chairman.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I would like to join with the ranking member in
commending you for this colloquy and for the purpose of the colloquy.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, we share, love, and represent a number of
Ukrainian Americans, and we know their plight, and we salute your
efforts. This is an important focus that you have brought to our
attention.
Ms. KAPTUR. Thank you so very much for your openness to this, Mr.
Chairman. And Mr. Ranking Member, thank you for allotting me the time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I want to thank the gentlewoman for her service and
for her commitment to her constituents, to her country, and to the
Ukrainian people.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Runyan
Mr. RUNYAN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act may be used to retire, divest, or
transfer, or to prepare or plan for the retirement,
divestment, or transfer of, the entire KC-10 fleet during
fiscal year 2015.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from New Jersey and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. RUNYAN. Mr. Chairman, my amendment simply states that none of the
funds made available by this act may be used to retire, divest, or
transfer--or to prepare to retire, divest or transfer--the KC-10.
During my time in Congress, I have been a strong supporter of the Air
Force's new tanker, the KC-46A. We must bring a new tanker online, but
during the transition, it is critical that we are able to meet all
mission requirements.
This is why I am strongly concerned by the Air Force's proposal to do
a possible vertical cut of the KC-10 tanker and retire it. Having a
mission capability shortfall by eliminating the newest tanker currently
in our inventory while the KC-46A comes online is simply unacceptable.
As many of you are aware, I am proud to have Joint Base McGuire-Dix-
Lakehurst in my district, and my colleague Mr. Garamendi has Travis Air
Force Base in California, which are both home to the KC-10. This is not
parochial. It is an air refueling and air mobility mission readiness
issue.
The KC-10 platform has more than proved itself as a workhorse in
support of air refueling and air mobility in Iraq, Afghanistan, our
homeland defense, and other missions as called upon.
Unlike other tankers in our inventory, it can refuel Air Force, Navy,
and international military aircraft with its dual boom and hose-and-
drogue systems. The KC-10 itself can also be refueled while in flight,
helping extend our global reach.
Most importantly, this aircraft is critical to providing an air
bridge across the Arctic, Atlantic, and Pacific routes to support our
combatant commanders.
This amendment sends a message to the Air Force and the DOD that
Congress remains committed to active oversight of our air refueling
mission platforms and sufficient capacity to support our warfighters.
I want to thank the chairman, the members of the subcommittee, and
the staff for working with me on this important amendment. I would
particularly highlight our appreciation for the strong support Chairman
Frelinghuysen has shown for the KC-10 platform, and his concern for
ensuring there is no mission gap for our military's air refueling
needs.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. RUNYAN. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Let me thank my colleague from New Jersey for
raising this important issue. We believe this proposal to be an
extremely risky proposition because the KC-10 provides a particularly
vital link in the air bridge that enables global operations of our
Armed Forces.
We could not have done what we did in Afghanistan and Iraq without
this vital link, and to retire the entire fleet would be a huge
mistake. This is the only tanker that currently uses the boom to fuel
Air Force aircraft and the basket to refuel the Navy and Marine Corps
fleet. So it is darn important.
I appreciate the work the gentleman has done to bring this to our
attention. We have included, of course, language in our bill which
reemphasizes the importance of the KC-10 to national security.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. RUNYAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for those kind words,
and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the recognition and would
certainly at the outset compliment the gentleman for his concern about
the KC-10 and also for his remarks about the performance of the
aircraft as well as the value to our country. That is not in dispute,
and that certainly is not the reason I am on my feet now.
But the amendment, I believe, would reserve a specific element in the
Department of Defense force structure. The practice of the committee
and in our bill has been to avoid protection of specific weapons
systems or bases and to leave the Department flexibility as far as a
path going forward, particularly as far as restructuring units, as well
as retirement of programs. This language does not comport with the
general concepts of this bill.
I would also point out an issue similar to this relative to a
transfer of an airlift wing that was in one State of this great
country, and the Department proposal that it be transferred to a
different State in this country was debated in committee relative to
the reporting of this bill, and we had a vote on that issue, and the
committee voted against interfering with the decision that the
Department had made relative to their military judgment. Therefore, I
would urge the rejection of the gentleman's amendment with all due
respect to the capabilities of the KC-10.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. RUNYAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his comments on
that. And I will just tell the committee that I have had many
conversations with the Air Force about this exact issue, and to be able
to take a capability away from what we can do in our global reach and
not have a legitimate answer in the near future I think would be
devastating to what we can do and how we can project power globally.
So the readiness issue has not been answered, and I think this is a
step in the right direction to make sure that our national security is
at the forefront. So, with that, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Runyan).
[[Page H5521]]
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Moran
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to carry out sections 8107 and 8108.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Virginia and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.
{time} 1800
Mr. MORAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes to explain that my
amendment would allow the U.S. military to transfer to their home
countries the 77 detainees who have been cleared for release by the
intelligence community and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and to bring those
not cleared for release to the United States to be charged, tried, and
sentenced.
The Sergeant Bergdahl exchange has brought this issue again to center
stage, but the fact is that, if we had dealt with these individuals in
a responsible and legal way, we would not be in this situation
discussing the merits of the decision to release five of them.
For 12 years now, Guantanamo has operated outside of a legal checks
of the American judicial system, serving a physical reminder of the gap
between the principles that define us as Americans and our willingness
to abandon those principles in the name of national security.
With the final withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan this
year, the continued indefinite detention at Guantanamo enters a new
stage. We will no longer be at war, and the current Authorization for
the Use of Military Force will expire.
So we have to ask ourselves: Do we have the legal authority to hold
these enemy combatants indefinitely? Now is the time to either transfer
or bring these men to trial--now--while we can still do so on our own
terms, while we can give the Defense Department the legal authority it
needs to make the right decisions about these prisoners.
It is costing us $2.7 million per detainee, per year, versus $34,000
at a maximum security prison in the United States. More than 300
individuals convicted of crimes related to international terrorism are
currently incarcerated in 98 Federal prisons in the United States, with
no escapes or attacks in attempts to free them.
The indictment and capture of Ahmed Abu Khattala for his role in the
Benghazi attack is a great example of our ability to deal with high-
profile terrorists swiftly and safely.
Mr. Khattala will not be brought to Guantanamo to become yet another
symbol of U.S. hypocrisy. He will be brought to the United States to
answer for his crimes in a Federal court and punished in accordance
with the laws of this Nation. I have every confidence in our legal
institutions to bring Mr. Khattala to justice.
General Michael Lehnert, who oversaw the opening of Gitmo has said
that its continued operation ``has helped our enemies'' and makes ``a
mockery of our values.''
It is time to put an end to this by supporting this amendment, and
let me just use one more quote. In the words of the family members of
the 9/11 victims, the current system is ``immoral, unlawful, expensive,
counterproductive, unnecessary, and has failed to deliver justice for
the 9/11 attacks.''
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I seek time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR (Mrs. Black). The gentleman from New Jersey is
recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I would first like to recognize Mr.
Moran's service on our committee. As just exhibited, in the full
committee, he is truly a passionate man, and I must say he has been
consistently passionate on this issue, but despite his passion and his
reasoning, I stand in opposition to his amendment.
The provisions contained in our bill are the same as current law, and
they have been carried in some form since fiscal year 2010, in both the
appropriations bill and in the Defense authorization bill. Quite
honestly, they need to remain there.
The provisions we carry ensure that the remaining Gitmo detainees who
are judged to be the most dangerous will never be brought into our
homeland, where U.S. citizens could be threatened. There is a pretty
strong and enduring consensus--bipartisan consensus--in Congress that
Guantanamo Bay should remain open, that the detainees should not be
transferred to the United States for any reason, and that no facility
should be built in the United States to house them.
As everyone here is aware and as it has been mentioned in earlier
debate, a number of detainees who have been released from Guantanamo
have gone back to the fight and killed and wounded Americans. The
threat is real. We haven't quite left Afghanistan. The threats there
are real.
I strongly oppose the gentleman's amendment, and I ask the House to
give it a strong negative vote.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MORAN. Madam Chair, how much time do I have remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Virginia has 2\1/2\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. MORAN. Madam Chair, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), a distinguished member of the
Judiciary Committee.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Chair, we are holding 154 people at Guantanamo, 77
of whom have been cleared for release. That is to say they have been
found guilty of nothing, are thought to be guilty of nothing, and have
been judged not to pose any danger, but nonetheless, they are not
released.
There is no reason and no right for us to hold them further. The
others should be brought to the United States and tried in a secure
facility, tried for their offenses.
Madam Chair, I wonder which of our colleagues doesn't believe in the
American system of justice. I wonder which of us does not trust our own
American courts. I wonder who among us does not believe in the Bill of
Rights, who does not believe in the right to counsel or that people
should have an opportunity to have their guilt or innocence established
in court.
What we have at Guantanamo is a system that is an affront to those
beliefs and to the United States. In the last decade, we have begun to
let go of our freedoms bit by bit, with each new executive order, each
new court decision, and each new act of Congress.
We have begun giving away our right to privacy, our right to our day
in court when the government harms us, and with this legislation, we
are continuing down the path of destroying the right to be free from
imprisonment without due process of law.
The language in this bill, without this amendment, prohibits moving
any detainees into the United States or releasing any at all and
guarantees that we will continue holding people indefinitely, people
who may not be terrorists, who may not be enemy combatants, some of
whom we may suspect to be terrorists, none of whom have been proven to
be terrorists, none of whom have had a day in court.
We will continue to hold them indefinitely without charge, contrary
to every tradition this country stands for, contrary to any notion of
due process.
Mr. Cotton says that this Congress has judged that these people are
dangerous people. This Congress has no right, under the Constitution,
to make such a judgment. That is called the bill of attainder and is
specifically prohibited.
People to be found guilty must be found guilty in a court, not by a
legislative body. Because of this momentous challenge to the founding
principles of the United States that no person may be deprived of
liberty without due process of law and certainly may not be deprived of
liberty indefinitely without due process of law, we must close the
detention facility at Guantanamo now, in order to restore our national
honor.
This will afford the detainees no additional constitutional rights.
The Supreme Court has already ruled that detainees at Guantanamo have
the same constitutional rights at Guantanamo as they would if they were
brought here.
They should be brought here. They should be tried in a Federal court,
[[Page H5522]]
where they can be convicted if guilty and acquitted if innocent and not
wait for years for military tribunals which have succeeded in
convicting nobody at trial at all.
We must restore the honor of the United States and eliminate this
exception to our traditions and to our rule of law and to our rule of
justice.
Just because we think or somebody in the government thinks that
somebody is terrorist does not mean that that person is a terrorist--he
may or may not be--and it does not mean that he does not have the right
to his day in court.
Mr. MORAN. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, what about justice for the victims of
those who died on September 11, 2001? What about justice for those five
detainees that were released the other day in the prisoner exchange,
how is there justice there?
They were among the worst of the worst. We need to keep the
provisions in this bill. I urge a strong ``no'' vote on this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Virginia
will be postponed.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I yield to the gentleman from Alabama
(Mr. Byrne) for the purpose of a colloquy.
Mr. BYRNE. Madam Chair, I rise to engage in a colloquy regarding the
Navy's littoral combat ship. The Navy's littoral combat ship represents
the future small surface combatant for the United States Navy. This
program is in its infancy, but has, so far, cleared many hurdles and is
well on its way to becoming an integral part of the fleet.
The Navy reduced the budget request from four ships in fiscal year
2015, as they projected last year, to three ships. Mr. Chairman, your
bill has further reduced the program to a recommended level of two
ships.
Mr. Chairman, wouldn't you agree that the LCS is an important part of
the Navy's future fleet?
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Let me first salute the gentleman from Alabama for
his strong advocacy on behalf of the littoral combat ship, and let me
say that the littoral combat ship plays an extremely important role in
the future of the Navy's fleet.
In fact, the ship represents nearly one-sixth of the 306-ship fleet
the Navy has expressed as its stated fleet requirement.
During markup of the bill, the committee spent as much time, if not
more, on this issue than any other. In the end, we were extremely
concerned with the strong words expressed by the Secretary of Defense
with respect to the small surface combat requirements that these ships
must have.
Since the littoral combat ship does play a vital role, we want to
make sure we are buying the correct version. That is why we slowed the
production.
However, we recognize the importance of the industrial base--very
much so--and we certainly don't want to let that in any way stagnate,
so we have provided funding for two ships to bridge the gap until the
Navy can verify the requirements and incorporate them into the
production line.
I do recognize that this is an important program for your community,
and you have been a remarkable advocate. You have been on my case for
quite a long time, and I am hugely admiring of your passion and
determination.
I want to assure you that we will continue to work with you to
address your concerns. We will continue to monitor, as we proceed to
conference with the Senate, and we will work with the gentleman to
ensure we adopt the right policy for our national security and the
industrial base, including a very important shipyard in the gentleman's
district in Mobile, Alabama.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your attention to this matter.
I look forward to working with you and Ranking Member Visclosky, as
well as Chairman Rogers, as we move toward conference.
The Navy has been unequivocal in its support for the LCS, and as you
say, the LCS plays an extremely important role in the future of the
Navy's fleet. It is vitally important the Congress not lose sight of
that and that I not lose sight of the importance of this shipyard to my
district.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Amendment No. 31 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I have amendment No. 31 at the
desk, preprinted in the Congressional Record.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used for the purposes of conducting combat operations in
Iraq.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I reserve a point of order on the
gentlewoman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. A point of order is reserved.
Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman from California and
a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I rise today, remembering 12
years ago when I stood on this floor and offered an amendment with the
same purpose as the amendments I offer this evening: to prevent a war
with Iraq; to keep our young men and women--our troops--out of harm's
way; and to be prudent with taxpayers' hard-earned dollars, as well as
ensuring our national security.
We are all familiar with the reports coming out of Iraq about the
horrific sectarian violence taking place. We must not let history
repeat itself. Calls to be dragged back into a war in Iraq must be
rejected because the reality is there is no military solution in Iraq.
I want to applaud the President for reiterating that again today and
for making it clear that he does not want combat troops on the ground
in Iraq.
This amendment would not allow funding for combat operations. This is
a sectarian war with longstanding roots that were inflamed,
unfortunately, when we invaded Iraq in 2003. Any lasting solution must
be political and take into account respect for the entire Iraqi
population.
{time} 1815
The change Iraq needs must come from Iraqis, rejecting violence in
favor of a peaceful democracy that represents all and respects the
rights of all.
Our job is to continue to promote and support regional and
international engagement, recognition of human rights and political
reforms, support for women and children, and religious freedom.
Madam Chair, after more than a decade of war, thousands of American
lives, and hundreds of billions of dollars, the American people are
rightfully war weary. The American people are not interested in
repeating the mistakes of the past. A recent poll found that 74 percent
of the public is opposed to sending combat troops into Iraq.
This amendment would not impact the President's ability to protect
U.S. personnel or our Embassy. We must do that. It does not impact the
President's ability to act if there is a direct or imminent threat to
our national security. As the President cited in his recent
notification to Congress, doing so would be consistent with his
responsibilities to protect U.S. citizens both at home and abroad.
Finally, it does not impact the President's ability to send
assistance to gather intelligence or advisers and trainers.
Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I withdraw my reservation, and I seek
the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The reservation is withdrawn.
The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, what is occurring in Iraq is
complicated and dangerous and violent.
[[Page H5523]]
This is a complicated issue that the gentlewoman seeks to address with
multifaceted policy ramifications that really cannot be fully debated
in an amendment in this short period of time.
The situation in Iraq remains highly complicated, very dangerous, and
does, I believe, and many believe, pose an imminent threat to U.S. and
allied interests, particularly regional security; witness the fact that
the President has sent over a number of advisers to either protect the
Embassy or work with the Iraqi military.
This amendment, in my judgment, goes too far as it attempts to tie
the U.S. Government's hands, i.e., the Commander in Chief's hands, in
navigating the complicated situation we face related to threats
emanating from Iraq, recognizing that half of the country is now in the
hands of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.
We have to be realistic. What this amendment would do is to remove
any possibility of the U.S. engaging under any circumstance, even if
such engagement would be in the best interest of our own country or
allies. For example, this would preclude the U.S. from providing any
assistance to the Iraqi Government to defeat a terrorist group inside
Iraq, and it appears we may be on the verge of doing exactly that.
Given the ever-changing dynamics in Iraq and the rising terrorist
threats coming from within Iraq--and again, almost half the country is
in the hands of terrorists--this is a very ill-advised amendment, and I
strongly oppose it.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, just to clarify, all this
amendment does is it would not fund the combat operations in Iraq.
I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Nolan).
Mr. NOLAN. Madam Chair, I rise in support of the Lee amendment. The
American people have invested 10 years of precious blood and treasure
into this conflict. The simple truth is that the Iraqi Government and
the Iraqi Army have failed to win the confidence of their own people.
The fact is, the army has cut and run, leaving behind valuable
equipment, and the fact is we have no friends in this conflict. It is
time to get out and to stay out.
Thank you, Representative Lee, for your amendment.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, this amendment sends, I think, the
wrong message to the Iraqi people, who have suffered a great deal, and
of course I recognize the loss of our soldiers and the sacrifice of our
soldiers and their families.
I think this is a very ill-advised amendment and I strongly oppose
it.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, how much time do I have
remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) has 2\1/
2\ minutes remaining.
Ms. LEE of California. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Grijalva).
Mr. GRIJALVA. Madam Chair, I am here to support the amendment to
prohibit the use of ground troops in Iraq.
What the American people are seeking is an end to 10, 12, 11 years of
a war without end. What the American people are seeking is attention to
the needs in this country. What the veterans that have fought in that
war are seeking are jobs and the proper care for the visible and
invisible wounds of that war.
The only thing we need to protect--and it is not about us going into
a conflict and picking sides in what is fundamentally a religious war
where there will be no end for us. We must avoid and prevent combat
troops being in Iraq. We do that because the American people are
against it; we do that because it is the moral imperative; and we do
that because we have learned a lesson from history. And history has
taught us that this is a war that will not end. We have an opportunity
to end it. We have an opportunity to demand of the international
community that they use diplomacy to solve the problem in the region.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute now to the
gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).
Mr. ELLISON. Madam Chair, it is as simple as this: the al-Maliki
government has abused and excluded huge portions of his population.
Because of that, there is a conflict in that country of al-Maliki's own
making. Now, what we are going to do if we send combat troops there is
literally be his air force, be his ground troops. We shouldn't do that.
That is not the right thing for the United States to do.
If we want to help, what we should do is engage the regional
community, the countries around Iraq and Iraqi leaders, in a diplomatic
solution that hopefully includes them having a more inclusive, less
abusive government. That is the proper role of the United States.
Trying to stop us from being combat troops is the right thing to do. I
urge everybody to support this.
I think the gentleman is incorrect; we are right to stay out of this
thing. What, after all, have we learned if 11 years has not taught us?
Training? We have given plenty of training. We have trained these
people up the wazoo. They abandoned their post. It is not a training
problem.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, in closing, let me just
underscore the fact that combat operations will not solve the problems
in Iraq. This amendment would not fund combat operations. We should not
repeat these terrible mistakes of the past.
Let me once again clarify. This amendment would not impact the
ability of the United States personnel and our Embassy. We want to
protect the United States personnel and Embassy.
Secondly, it would not impact the President's ability to provide
unmanned intelligence gathering and assistance. It would not impact the
President's constitutional authority to protect U.S. citizens both at
home and abroad.
I urge for a ``yes'' vote, and I yield back the balance of her time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Walberg
Mr. WALBERG. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. 10002. None of the funds made available by this Act
may be used to promulgate Directive 293, issued December 16,
2010, by the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Michigan and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Michigan.
Mr. WALBERG. Madam Chair, I rise in support of my amendment that
would reiterate Congress' objection to a proposed policy change by the
Department of Labor Office of Federal Contract Compliance Program. That
would treat health care providers as Federal contractors.
In December 2010, OFCCP quietly issued directive 293 asserting that
contractual arrangements under Medicare, TRICARE, and the Federal
Employees Health Benefits Program will trigger OFCCP jurisdiction. This
directive would reclassify a majority of hospitals in the United States
as Federal contractors, subjecting hospitals in your district and mine
to OFCCP's often crushing regulatory burden.
With respect to TRICARE, the agency aggressively asserted in its
jurisdiction in the 2009 administrative case OFCCP v. Florida Hospital
of Orlando, OFCCP argued the hospital was a Federal subcontractor by
virtue of its participation as a provider in a TRICARE network of
providers.
The agency took this troubling position despite the fact that the
Department of Defense, which regulates TRICARE, previously included:
``It would be impossible to achieve the TRICARE mission of providing
affordable health care for our Nation's Active Duty and retired
military members and their families if onerous Federal contracting
rules were applied to the more than 500,000 TRICARE providers in the
United States.''
Unfortunately, Madam Chair, the administrative law judge in the case
did not heed DOD's warning and failed to
[[Page H5524]]
see this policy change for what it is: an expansion of government power
over the health care sector. As such, Congress acted to oppose this
overreach, and the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act clarified
that a TRICARE network health care provider is not a Federal contractor
or subcontractor.
As chairman of the Subcommittee on Workforce Protections, I am deeply
concerned by this attempt by OFCCP to expand its jurisdiction through
executive fiat. In response, I introduced the Protecting Health Care
Providers from Increased Administrative Burdens Act, which would
clarify that health care providers are not Federal contractors subject
to the jurisdiction of the Department of Labor's OFCCP.
Our actions on the committee in bringing attention to this issue have
been successful in prompting OFCCP to place a moratorium on the policy.
However, as OFCCP has previously defied Congress and the Department of
Defense, I believe this amendment is necessary. Therefore, Madam Chair,
I ask the House to support my amendment that would prohibit funds to be
used under this act for implementing this overreach and affirmatively
show the House will not support such actions by the Department of Labor
and OFCCP.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition to the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I appreciate the recognition.
I appreciate the thrust of the gentleman's amendment. I rise in
opposition to it, however, because I think it is overly broad.
One of the concerns I have is, if it is adopted, I am concerned about
whether or not technical assistance could continue to be given to
contractors and subcontractors; and, obviously, given the complexity of
the law, it would be helpful for them to have it, and I would not want
it to be prohibited.
Additionally, the amendment would appear to interfere with the
OFCCP's ability to connect outreach and, again, technical assistance
under the current moratorium to help contractors and subcontractors
understand their obligations under the law.
So again, I appreciate where the gentleman is coming from. I am
concerned that, given the broadness of the amendment, it may inhibit
the type of information and assistance that these contractors and
subcontractors really do need. So, for that reason, I am opposed to the
gentleman's amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. WALBERG. Madam Chair, I appreciate the gentleman's concern;
however, as DOD has recommended in the past and stood on the fact that,
for purposes of TRICARE and the like, hospitals are not contractors,
they do not contract with the Federal Government, with the Department
of Defense.
{time} 1830
So I don't see the reason for continuing to address this issue any
further for these contractors, at least as defined by OFCCP.
In closing, again, this is an issue that DOD has spoken on strongly,
this is an issue that Congress has spoken on, this is an issue that
OFCCP continues to push. I believe we would be remiss if we allowed
this to happen and allowed the concept that hospitals would be
considered government contractors simply for providing health care
under TRICARE and the like to our veterans, to our military, and
certainly to any of our Federal employees.
I would appreciate support for this amendment, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Walberg).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Ms. DeLauro
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to enter into any contract with an incorporated
entity if such entity's sealed bid or competitive proposal
shows that such entity is incorporated or chartered in
Bermuda or the Cayman Islands, and such entity's sealed bid
or competitive proposal shows that such entity was previously
incorporated in the United States.
Ms. DeLAURO (during the reading). Madam Chair, I ask unanimous
consent to dispense with the reading of the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Connecticut?
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I object.
The Acting CHAIR. Objection is heard.
The Clerk will read.
The Clerk continued to read.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from Connecticut and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Connecticut.
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield myself 2 minutes.
My amendment would prohibit Federal contracts issued by the
Department of Defense from going to entities incorporated in Bermuda
and the Cayman Islands, two nations most often abused as tax havens.
This body accepted a similar provision for the Departments of
Transportation and Housing and Urban Development earlier this month.
According to a joint study by the U.S. Public Interest Research Group
and Citizens for Tax Justice, 70 percent of the companies in the
Fortune 500 used tax havens last year. These companies stashed nearly
$2 trillion offshore for tax purposes, with almost two-thirds of that
total, 62 percent, being hidden away by just 30 companies.
We just saw the medical device manufacturer Medtronic, a company
founded in a Minnesota garage with deep roots throughout the State,
announce it was effectively moving operations to Ireland to escape its
tax obligations. This is a persistent and a growing problem, and we
need to start taking action to rein it in.
We can start with this amendment. Of the companies who have
established subsidies in tax havens, nearly two-thirds have registered
at least one in Bermuda or in the Cayman Islands. The profits these
companies claim were earned in these two island nations in 2010 totaled
over 1,600 percent of these countries' entire yearly economic output.
These companies take advantage of our education system, our research
and development incentives, our skilled workforce, and our
infrastructure, all supported by U.S. taxpayers. They should not be
allowed to pretend that they are an American company when it is time to
get a defense contract, then claim to be an offshore company when the
tax bill comes. We should not spend taxpayer money on Federal contracts
to companies that have renounced their American citizenship in favor of
an island tax haven.
As I said, a similar amendment became part of the Transportation and
Infrastructure bill. I urge my colleagues to pass this amendment, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, we do not oppose the amendment.
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. DOGGETT. Madam Chair, that is very good to hear.
I join in supporting this amendment as a coauthor of it.
Multinational corporations that do business around the globe have an
even greater interest in world order and in national security. They
should not be paying a lesser rate of taxes than corporations that
focus their business right here in America.
Unfortunately, some of them scheme to avoid their fair share and to
shift the burden to smaller businesses and to individuals. Some of
these same companies have on more than one occasion paid more to their
lobbyists to lobby this Congress and the Treasury to avoid paying taxes
than they actually pay to the Treasury. It has been a pretty wise
investment for them because our Tax Code is a mess. It is riddled with
preferences and loopholes and one exception after another.
This amendment addresses one of the most egregious tax gimmicks. That
is where a corporation actually renounces its American citizenship,
declares itself a citizen of some other country, and then continues
operations in
[[Page H5525]]
America, demanding the full protection of the laws and the military and
the educational system that it refuses to contribute a fair share to
pay for. Tax lawyers call it an ``inversion''; I call it a perversion
of our tax laws.
To add insult to injury, some of these same corporations, which have
abandoned their citizenship, then ask for American government contracts
paid for with the very tax dollars from the small businesses and
individuals to whom they have shifted the tax burden.
American companies that stay and contribute to building our country
and keeping her strong at home and abroad deserve a level playing
field, and that is what this amendment does.
The action that we take in approving this amendment today sends a
message to executives that they can pretend that their company is
located on some Caribbean beach to avoid paying taxes, but Congress is
not going to put its head in the sand about this kind of tax dodging.
Ms. DeLAURO. Madam Chair, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Connecticut has 1 minute
remaining.
Ms. DeLAURO. I thank the Chair.
Madam Chair, I and others have long fought for--and we have succeeded
in passing through the appropriations process--a ban on Federal
contracts for U.S. companies that acquire a business in a lower tax
jurisdiction and claim their headquarters there, despite still being a
U.S. company.
According to a 2009 GAO report, 63 of the 100 largest publicly traded
U.S. Federal contractors reported having subsidies and tax havens in
2007. These companies are currently paying a tax rate of zero percent--
zero percent. So unless you believe tax reform should eliminate taxes
for U.S. companies, this avoidance is not about corporate tax reform.
We need to send that clear message. If a company is going to abuse
the tax loopholes at the expense of businesses that are paying their
fair share, they will not be rewarded with defense contracts.
I am happy to hear and I urge my colleagues to make this stand with
me again and to pass this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 14 Offered by Mr. Fleming
Mr. FLEMING. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. ___. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to appoint chaplains for the military departments in
contravention of Department of Defense Instruction 1304.28,
dated June 11, 2004, incorporating change 3, dated March 20,
2014, regarding the appointment of chaplains for the military
departments.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Louisiana and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Louisiana.
Mr. FLEMING. Madam Chairman, the amendment before you today holds the
Department of Defense to current accepted DOD policy and standards when
appointing military chaplains. It maintains the status quo, which has
been well accepted for decades, if not centuries. My amendment affirms
the spiritual role of chaplains in the U.S. armed services, preserving
the integrity of the U.S. Chaplain Corps.
I want to thank Representatives Jim Bridenstine and James Lankford
for their cosponsorship of this amendment. This amendment was adopted
last year during the House's consideration of DOD appropriations on a
bipartisan basis, although it was ultimately dropped from the
Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2014. I would urge my colleagues to
support its passage again today.
Chaplains by definition are ministers for spiritual needs to people
of secular institutions. They are equipped to do so because, like many
other professionals requiring a certain skill set, chaplains possess a
belief in God or a spiritual world view. Chaplains are experienced in
their field, educationally qualified, and are willing to serve and
attend to the spiritual needs of all members of the armed services,
regardless of whether or not that soldier, sailor, airman, or marine
shares the same faith as that of the chaplain.
Current DOD guidelines requires that the candidates be endorsed by a
``qualified religious organization'' whose primary function is to
perform religious ministries to a nonmilitary lay constituency and
which holds tax-exempt status as a church.
Faith and spiritual leadership are integral and inseparable from the
institution of the Chaplain Corps. It would be difficult for an
individual lacking in any faith to be appointed as a military chaplain
without first dismantling the purpose of the chaplaincy and making
significant changes to the DOD policy.
Madam Chairman, it is an oxymoron to have a secular person attached
to a secular institution as a chaplain. How can that person minister to
the spiritual needs of others? Even so, there continues to be a
movement to appoint atheist chaplains in the military. Such individuals
reject the very existence of God, a deity, or even a spiritual world
view, and thus an atheist chaplain would not serve any identifiable
need for servicemembers that is not already currently being met with
the Armed Forces.
There are a host of other nonspiritual services available to support
people in a nonfaith context, including social workers, psychologists,
and counselors. Through Military OneSource and the Military and Family
Life Counselor Programs, servicemembers can receive temporary and
confidential counseling services from a licensed professional without
any attachment to their records. In addition to these services,
military chaplains can stand ready to faithfully and respectfully serve
all servicemembers with any resources they might need, regardless of
whether the individual shares the chaplain's faith.
My amendment would prevent DOD from making changes to its
longstanding appointment process that could undermine the integrity of
the chaplaincy and interfere with the chaplain's responsibility to meet
the religious needs of our brave men and women in uniform.
I would like to thank the Family Research Council and the Chaplain
Alliance for their support of this amendment, and urge all of my
colleagues to join me in supporting this amendment.
Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, the gentleman has spoken much about the
spiritual role of chaplains in the military. I am very concerned that
the impulse here is related to sexual orientation and the limitation in
serving as a chaplain in the United States military.
I would tell the gentleman at one time in my life--and I obviously
took a bad turn in the road because I got involved in politics--I was
in a Roman Catholic seminary. My God is a loving God. My God is a
tolerant God. My God passes judgment on the goodness of a person's
soul. In this day and in this world, where there is so much hate and
violence and anger, I think it is very disappointing that we in public
life would try to accentuate that there are differences between us that
may cause us not to like each other.
Each of us seeks our God differently. We have different religions, we
have different customs, we have different preferences. But it is
important to find that chaplain and spiritual guide who meets those
needs to help us to find that just and forgiving and kind God.
I think it is wrong to foreclose any avenue for any American, and
particularly those who put the uniform of this country on and risk
their lives for us and are under incredible stress. To foreclose any
avenue of spiritual guidance and relief for them is wrong.
I would simply close by noting that there is a monument--Thomas
Jefferson--in Washington D.C.
{time} 1845
One of the writings of Jefferson is on the southeast portico. It
says:
[[Page H5526]]
Laws and constitutions must go hand in hand with the
progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed,
more enlightened, institutions must advance to keep pace with
those times. We might as well require a man to wear still the
coat which fitted him when a boy as a civilized society to
remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.
My vote would be a vote to have a tolerant policy in a tolerant
country. I oppose the gentleman's amendment, and I reserve the balance
of my time.
Mr. FLEMING. Madam Chair, may I ask how much time I have remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Louisiana has 1 minute
remaining.
Mr. FLEMING. It is interesting. The gentleman argues that--
amazingly--somehow a chaplain is not going to be open to serving the
spiritual needs of all, whether they be gay or otherwise.
There is nothing in this amendment that says anything about the
choice of one's sexual partner whatsoever. In fact, remember that we
already have in our chaplaincy Wiccans, Buddhists, Muslims, Christians,
and Jews. Many of those accept same-sex marriages.
This argument that the gentleman makes is for another debate, not for
this one. This deals purely with atheism. It is very interesting
because the scene is that, on the battlefield, you have a chaplain who
is serving the spiritual needs of a dying soldier and the soldier asks
the chaplain: What happens now? What happens after my death?
The answer from the atheist chaplain is: There is nothing for you
after death.
That is really a very disturbing thought, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I stand for a tolerant Nation, and I
stand in opposition to the gentleman's amendment, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Fleming).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 33 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be obligated or expended pursuant to the Authorization for
Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002 (Public
Law 107-243; 50 U.S.C. 1541 note).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from California and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, this amendment would simply
prohibit funding for any operations or activities pursuant to the 2002
Authorization for Use of Military Force in Iraq.
Why is this amendment necessary? Well, more than 2 years since the
United States troops withdrew from Iraq, the 2002 Authorization for Use
of Military Force remains on the books.
Two years ago, President Obama declared the war in Iraq as over. Just
yesterday, according to press reports, White House Press Secretary Jay
Carney stated that the 2002 AUMF is ``no longer used for any United
States Government activities.''
Further, in our Appropriations Committee, our chairman confirmed that
this bill does not contain any funding to implement the 2002
authorization. That is good news, and it should make supporting this
amendment an easy thing to do for Members on both sides of the aisle.
The American people need an affirmative vote that the war in Iraq
that began over 11 years ago through the military operation--shock and
awe, which took over 2,000 lives--has come to an end and none of their
hard-earned tax dollars are being spent.
Some of us agree that it is well past time that we remove this
authorization totally from the books, but on this appropriations bill,
we only state very clearly that no funds may be obligated or expended
for the authorization.
Congress should never allow war-funding authorizations to remain on
the books in perpetuity. We don't do this for the farm bill. We don't
do this for the transportation bill.
Madam Chair, we are all familiar with reports coming out of Iraq
about the horrific sectarian violence taking place there. Once again, I
want to applaud President Obama for reiterating again today that there
is no military solution to the sectarian war there and also for his
clear position that the United States is not going to be returning to
combat in Iraq.
This amendment does not limit the President's authority under the
Constitution or War Powers Act to act if there is a direct or imminent
threat to our national security.
As the President cited in his recent letter to Congress, doing so
would be consistent with his responsibilities to protect United States
citizens both home and abroad. This amendment does not take away that
authority.
Further, this amendment fully allows for the protection of the United
States Embassy and its personnel and would not impede any of those
efforts by the United States military.
Given that there is no funding in this bill for the 2002 AUMF,
supporting this amendment is just plain common sense. The American
people deserve this vote. It is long overdue. We should vote primarily
also to ensure that our constitutional role is reasserted in war-
making.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the
gentlewoman's amendment.
As the gentlelady knows, U.S. military action in Iraq came to an end
in December of 2011. I want to make sure that she also knows that there
are no funds in this act for military action in Iraq, pursuant to the
Iraq AUMF resolution. Its grant of authority has both practically and
legally ended.
This amendment is an amendment in search of a problem, a problem that
doesn't exist. This amendment is not about substance. To a great
extent, it is about symbolism. It is intended to send a message that
the United States has washed its hands of Iraq, which we haven't.
At a time when sectarian tensions are at the highest level since we
left and terrorists have, once again, succeeded in capturing large
swaths of territory in Iraq and brutalizing the Iraqi people after our
troops essentially fought to protect them, what kind of message are we
sending with this amendment to both the Iraqi people and to the men and
women of our Armed Forces and our international armed forces who so
valiantly served?
Let me repeat that there are no funds in this act for the purpose the
gentlelady is seeking to limit. The only thing this amendment would
accomplish is to make, quite honestly, a political statement.
I recognize, from time to time, that needs to be done, but I think it
sends the wrong message at the worst possible time. I don't believe
that such an amendment has any purpose on our bill, and I urge strong
rejection of the amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I yield 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Visclosky), the ranking member.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I appreciate the gentlewoman for yielding.
The fact is the gentlewoman has mentioned this authorization is very
dated. The world has changed. It needs to be reconsidered.
I deeply appreciate her efforts not just today on the floor, but in
committee and over the years to essentially force the issue and to ask
this institution to reconsider what the authorities should be going
forward.
I certainly support her effort.
Ms. LEE of California. I want to thank the ranking member for his
comments and for reasserting and reassuring Members that our
constitutional role is extremely important in matters of war and peace.
I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).
Mr. DOGGETT. This Congress has a constitutional obligation to approve
military action before any President decides to shoot first and ask
questions later. A 12-year-old resolution, enacted in the aftermath of
9/11, should not provide a basis for endless war.
[[Page H5527]]
Some of the same self-certified smart people who were talking about
mushroom clouds and weapons of mass destruction are, once again, trying
to stampede us into war. We have been there, and we have done that, and
America is still paying a terrible, terrible price for their past
failures, though they refuse to acknowledge them.
Protecting our Embassy in Baghdad is one thing--a true emergency--but
if any President wants to launch offensive military action, they need
to come and make a specific case to this Congress for authorization,
just as President Obama said he would do last year on Syria, not some
convoluted interpretation of a resolution from a different time and
circumstance.
If there is a case for war, have the courage to come here and make
it, but don't rely on an open-ended authorization of military force
from long ago.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I yield 45 seconds to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt).
Mr. HOLT. Madam Chair, I thank my friend from California for this
amendment, but also for her longstanding work on this issue and related
issues.
When we hear about this impossible situation which we find ourselves
in today in Iraq, with the country clamoring for us to do something, we
should be reminded of how we got there. It is not because of something
that has expired. It is because of something that still exists.
The gentlelady is absolutely right that we should repeal that,
repudiate that, and get ourselves on a new track, which requires
deliberate attention by the Congress, if we are ever going to use
military force, and not a blank check to the administration.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, stay tuned as our Commander in Chief
and our allies contemplate future action in Iraq. As things get worse,
things go south, a lot of innocent people are killed.
I am respectful of the gentlewoman's passion and her continuing
battle to get this matter straightened out, but the President is still
going to request for Congress to look at things. I think we should stay
tuned.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Flores
Mr. FLORES. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill, before the short title, insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to enforce section 526 of the Energy Independence and
Security Act of 2007 (Public Law 110-140; 42 U.S.C. 17142).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Texas and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. FLORES. Madam Chair, I rise to offer an amendment which addresses
another misguided and restrictive Federal regulation.
Section 526 of the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007
prohibits Federal agencies from entering into contracts for the
procurement of fuels, unless their life-cycle greenhouse gas emissions
are less than or equal to emissions from an equivalent conventional
fuel produced from conventional petroleum sources.
My amendment is simple. It would stop the government from enforcing
the ban on agencies funded by the Department of Defense Appropriations
bill from being forced to comply with section 526.
The initial purpose of section 526 was to stifle the Defense
Department's plans to buy and develop coal-based or coal-to-liquids jet
fuel. We must ensure that our military has adequate fuel resources and
that it can rely upon the domestic and more stable sources of fuel.
One of the unintended consequences of section 526 is that it
essentially forces the American military to acquire fuel refined from
unstable Middle Eastern crude resources.
I offered this amendment to 13 prior appropriations bills in fiscal
years 2012, 2013, and 2014; and each time, these amendments passed with
bipartisan support.
My friend, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Conaway), also added similar
language to the latest defense authorization bill, to exempt the
Defense Department from this burdensome regulation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1900
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chairman, the gentleman talks about the burden.
The gentleman talks about the requirement. I would talk about our
requirement to ease the burden on the American people as far as our
continued dependency on fossil fuel, on overseas options as far as how
we secure our carbon, and as I have said a number of times during the
debate during the last 2 days, we should never foreclose options for
our military. There is a purpose for this requirement and this policy
because the Department of Defense is the largest entity on the planet
Earth relative to the purchase of fuel, and it is a perfect way to
begin to wean ourselves from some of these foreign sources.
Some argue that section 526 harms our military readiness. This is
simply not the case. In July, the Department of Defense stated very
clearly that the provision has not hindered the Department from
purchasing the fuel we need today, worldwide, to support military
missions, but it also sets an important baseline in developing the
fuels we will need in the future.
The Department, itself, supports section 526, recognizing that
tomorrow's soldiers, sailors, air personnel, and marines are going to
need a greater range--more options--of energy sources. In fact, the
Department of Defense says that repealing this section could complicate
the Department's efforts to provide better energy options to our
warfighters and take advantage of the promising developments in
homegrown biofuels.
I do believe that the amendment would damage the developing biofuels
sector at the worst possible time for our economy. We need to create
jobs, not to eliminate them. It could also send a negative signal to
America's advanced biofuels industry and result in adverse impacts in
rural development areas and in exports of the world's leading
technology. Section 526 doesn't prevent the sale of dirty fuels, nor
does it prevent Federal agencies from buying these fuels if they need
to. Instead, it simply prevents the Federal Government from propping up
the makers of different types of carbon fuels with long-term contracts.
Developing and bringing advanced, low-carbon biofuels to scale is a
critical step in reducing the Nation's dependency on oil.
As someone who is possessed with the largest inland oil refinery in
the United States of America in the First Congressional District, we
are going to sell a lot of oil, but we ought to look at having a broad
matrix, and the Department of Defense is a place to start, so I am
opposed to the gentleman's amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FLORES. Madam Chair, the opposition does not understand my
amendment.
This amendment does not do anything with respect to restricting the
ability of the Department of Defense to buy any green fuel, biofuel,
experimental fuel, or any other kind of fuel.
What it does do in the situation of the refinery in the gentleman's
district, if it turns out to start using Canadian oil sands crude as
one of their feedstocks, is to prevent that refinery from not being
able to sell its fuel to the military. The gentleman's argument is
exactly backwards. This allows the military to buy the fuel from
whatever source whether it is biofuels, green fuels, conventional
sources, some
[[Page H5528]]
other coal-to-liquid source, or a Canadian oil sand source. It gives
them the greatest opportunity at the cheapest cost to buy the fuel that
allows our warfighters to worry about taking care of defending this
country and not to worry about where the source of the fuel comes from.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Flores).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Conyers
Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be obligated or expended to transfer man-portable air defense
systems (MANPADS) to any entity in Syria.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Michigan and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Michigan.
Mr. CONYERS. Madam Chair, if there is one simple lesson that we can
take away from our involvement in conflicts overseas, it is this:
beware of unintended consequences.
As was made vividly clear with the U.S. involvement in Afghanistan
during the Soviet invasion decades ago, overzealous military assistance
or the hyperweaponization of a conflict can have destabilizing
consequences and, ultimately, undercut our own national interests.
It is for this reason that I offer this bipartisan amendment with my
colleague, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho), and others to prevent
funds in this bill from being used to transfer man-portable air defense
systems, known as ``MANPADS,'' to parties in the Syrian civil war.
MANPADS, also known as ``shoulder-fired antiaircraft missiles,'' can be
fired at an aircraft by individuals on the ground, and they can be
easily hidden or transported in the trunk of a car.
According to the Los Angeles Times:
U.S. and Israeli officials have feared that they could be
used by terrorists to bring down commercial airliners.
Leaders of the Syrian opposition movements have told The Wall Street
Journal and other news outlets that they are actively seeking the
transfer of MANPADS from the U.S. and our allies and that U.S.
officials continue to consider these requests. I urge the support of
the amendment.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CONYERS. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. We accept your amendment.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CONYERS. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I would join the chairman in thanking the gentleman
for his initiative. He raises a very good point, and I support his
amendment.
Mr. CONYERS. In reclaiming my time, I thank both of the floor leaders
for their support.
Madam Chair, I want to make clear that this amendment will simply
ensure that no funds may be made available under this bill for the
transfer of these devastating and highly mobile weapons to any party in
the Syrian civil war. So, regardless of one's opinion about U.S.
intervention in foreign conflicts, this prudent and responsible
amendment deserves our support.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. McKinley
Mr. McKINLEY. Madam Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short tile) insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to design, implement, administer, or carry out the
U.S. Global Climate Research Program National Climate
Assessment, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change's
Fifth Assessment Report, the United Nations' Agenda 21
sustainable development plan, or the May 2013 Technical
Update of the Social Cost of Carbon for Regulatory Impact
Analysis Under Executive Order 12866.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from West Virginia and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from West Virginia.
Mr. McKINLEY. Madam Chairman, this amendment is identical to the one
that the House adopted last month to the National Defense Authorization
Act. The amendment would prohibit the Department of Defense from
spending money on climate change policies forced upon them by the Obama
administration.
We shouldn't be diverting financial resources away from the primary
missions of our military at a time when we face many threats. Just look
at what is happening around the globe: Iraq is splintering; Syria is
still engulfed in a civil war; Russia continues its threat against
Ukraine and Crimea; North Korea continues its saber rattling; Iran
refuses to stop its pursuit of nuclear weapons; the Taliban threatens
stability in Afghanistan; Hamas has now captured teenagers and is
holding one of them, an American teenager, in Israel; and ISIS, Boko
Haram, al Qaeda, and other terrorist groups are promoting instability
and threatening liberty and freedom all around the world.
Madam Chairman, we live in a dangerous world, yet our military is
being forced to make due with less. Spending precious resources to
follow the Obama climate change agenda will compromise our national
security.
When this same amendment was being adopted previously, some people
claimed the amendment would prevent the military from using science.
That is not true. This amendment merely prevents the Pentagon from
spending money--precious money--to implement policies based on the
Obama administration's climate assessment and on the United Nations'
reports. These are widely acknowledged as political documents, adopted
by people with an agenda. We should not be spending money pursuing
ideological experiments when we face military challenges around the
world. This amendment will ensure we maximize our military might
without diverting funds for a politically motivated agenda, so I urge
my colleagues to support this amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's comment
that we should look around the world and see what is happening.
I look in the Pacific, and I am struck because of the gentleman's
concern about the Department of Defense and the commander for the
United States Pacific Command's pivoting to Asia. Admiral Samuel
Locklear states that the single greatest threat to long-term peace in
the Pacific basin is climate change. These threats increase with the
demand for energy as temperatures rise but also as natural disasters
happen with greater frequency, causing increased operational demands on
military forces serving in stability and support roles.
With these disturbing trends documented in the most recent
assessments, it would be irresponsible, I believe, to prevent the
continued assessment of this real and changing threat.
I would note that no funds shall be used for the research program.
What has ever happened in this country where we can't do research? What
we do today is: let's not see anything; let's not hear anything; let's
not learn anything; let's not research anything. If my parents took
that attitude of ``let's do nothing,'' we would still be waiting for
the interstate system to be built.
It is time we do something. This attack on research and
inquisitiveness and on the seeking of knowledge, whether we agree on
all of the facts or not, is very disturbing to me, and I am opposed to
the gentleman's amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McKINLEY. Madam Chairman, with all due respect to the minority
leader, in this amendment, we are not stopping research, and we are not
denying that there is climate change occurring. We are merely saying
that we
[[Page H5529]]
should not be diverting money to implement the political documents that
we list in the amendment.
{time} 1915
There is ample research. There is ample reason to continue the work
that we are doing, but we don't need to be using these documents that
are widely acknowledged as politically-driven documents.
We want to continue the research, but not using these documents,
these very specific documents.
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I would simply say that these documents
are research-oriented and technical updates, and we ought to pursue
knowledge. I am opposed to the gentleman's amendment.
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. McKinley).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Ms. Hanabusa
Ms. HANABUSA. Madam Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used with respect to Iraq in contravention of the War
Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1541 et seq.), including for the
introduction of United States armed forces into hostilities
in Iraq, into situations in Iraq where imminent involvement
in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, or
into Iraqi territory, airspace, or waters while equipped for
combat, in contravention of the congressional consultation
and reporting requirements of sections 3 and 4 of such
Resolution (50 U.S.C. 1542 and 1543).
Ms. HANABUSA (during the reading). Madam Chairman, I ask unanimous
consent to waive the reading.
The Acting CHAIR. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Hawaii?
There was no objection.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from Hawaii and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Hawaii.
Ms. HANABUSA. Madam Chairman, the Hanabusa-Garamendi amendment is
simple. It would ensure that President Obama does not circumvent the
War Powers Resolution by unilaterally committing U.S. forces to
operations in Iraq.
I have opposed our involvement in Iraq since 2002 and continue to
oppose it today.
On Monday, President Obama invoked the War Powers Resolution to send
an additional 275 troops into Iraq to increase security at the U.S.
Embassy in Baghdad. Today, we heard possibly an additional 300
personnel.
While I understand the need to send troops into Iraq for the express
purpose of providing security for U.S. personnel in Iraq, and this
amendment would not prevent the additional Embassy security recently
announced by the administration or any evacuation operations, I remain
resolute that we should not resume combat operations in Iraq.
Congress and the administration need to seriously consider the lack
of objectives or an endgame the U.S. would achieve through further
military involvement in Iraq. We know the results when we don't know
what the end game is and we don't fully consider the consequences of
military action, and this miscalculation is not worth repeating to
involve our Nation in a situation that is the result of a longstanding
sectarian conflict.
After over a decade of U.S. military action in the Middle East that
has taken lives and come at far too high a cost of our Nation's
resources, we must let the Iraqi people decide their own future.
The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are estimated to have cost between
$4 trillion to $6 trillion, taking into account the medical care of
wounded veterans and expensive repairs to the force depleted. This
monetary figure cannot come even close to measuring the human lives
that were taken as a result of our involvement in the Middle East.
Madam Chairman, we simply cannot afford the options under
consideration. U.S. forces should be on a new strategy for regional
engagement, rather than considering options that we get involved as we
have in the past. This amendment would do that.
I ask my colleagues to vote for this amendment and ensure that the
President abides by the law and does not put American lives at risk by
involving U.S. troops in combat operations in Iraq.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. HANABUSA. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I appreciate the gentlewoman for offering the
amendment. I certainly would rise in support of it and certainly think
it is acceptable to the committee.
I would point out to my colleagues though that, if you would, your
view has been anticipated. I would draw my colleagues' attention to
section 8113 of the underlying legislation, as well as section 9013.
So I do not want anyone to think that the committee itself, including
the chairman, was inattentive to the points you raise.
Ms. HANABUSA. Madam Chairman, I thank the chair and the ranking
member of the subcommittee for accepting my amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Hawaii (Ms. Hanabusa).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Fortenberry
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to provide weapons in Syria.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Nebraska and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Nebraska.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Chair, I believe this amendment is absolutely
consistent with the underlying portions of the bill that reaffirm that
the policy of the United States should be that we will not enter into
armed conflict in Syria.
Madam Chair, along the Syrian-Turkish border there is a family--a
mother, a father, and six children. One of the children is named Elias.
Elias, one day, in his home town in Syria, was walking to school. He
had his hand on the schoolroom door. Then all of a sudden he felt
another hand come across his face and everything went dark as he was
blindfolded and kidnapped by a Syrian rebel group in the name of
liberating the Syrian people.
Fortunately, the family was able to get Elias back, but they had to
flee to a refugee camp from their hometown in Syria. Perhaps they are
the lucky ones, because 160,000 other Syrians are dead.
Let's make no mistake: the current President, the ruler of Syria,
Assad, is responsible for many of these deaths. Assad is a brutal
tyrant. But many innocent Syrians, like Elias and his family, fear the
rebel armies even more than Assad.
The rebel movement is a battleground of shifting alliances and bloody
conflicts between groups that now include multinational terrorist
organizations. Some of the most violent and the successful rebel
militias are linked to al Qaeda.
Now, sending our weapons into this chaotic war zone could
inadvertently help these extremists, jihadists who would be all too
eager to seize American weaponry. And it has already happened.
The horror show now unfolding in Iraq suggests that we have already,
unintentionally, aided sociopathic zealots. The murderous leaders of
the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have seized American
Humvees and weaponry from the disintegrating Iraqi army.
Madam Chair, a CIA analyst on acid could not have imagined this
nightmare scenario a week ago. Our best foreign policy analyst could
not have seen the ferocity and speed of the collapse of large portions
of Iraq.
[[Page H5530]]
What we are witnessing is the development of a multinational quasi-
emirate, ruled with a ruthless interpretation of Shari'a law. The ISIS
marches under the black flag of death.
Madam Chair, the naive notion that we can deliver weapons to vetted,
moderate opposition groups at war with other rebel militias gives no
guarantee that our weaponry won't be seized or diverted, making an
already terrible civil war even worse.
The ad-hoc arming of Syrian rebels, absent a broader multinational
strategy in the region, is a recipe for disaster, for further disaster.
Look, I understand this is a complicated situation. It is a hard
situation, and there are no good options here. But we cannot afford to
do something that may make the situation worse.
In my judgment, the potential benefits from this policy do not
outweigh this very significant risk. Just talk to the people in the
refugee camps. Talk to Muslim families, Christian families who have had
to flee their home. Talk to them. I think we should all remember Elias
and what his family has had to go through.
Madam Chair, at this time I yield as much time as he would like to
consume to the Congressman from New York, Representative Chris Gibson,
Army Iraq war veteran, Purple Heart, professor at West Point.
Mr. GIBSON. I thank my friend and colleague.
Madam Chair, if another country gave arms to a rebel group or another
country for the express purpose of attacking our country, we would view
that act as an act of war. But for some reason, we don't hold ourselves
to that same standard.
If it is the intent of the administration to give arms to any group
then, under our Constitution, the administration must first come here
and debate it on the floor and get authorization from the people's
representatives.
So, Madam Chair, I oppose us getting involved in the Syrian civil
war. I believe that there is more that we can do diplomatically to
isolate the Assad regime, but I don't think giving arms to any rebel
group is in our best interest.
But most certainly, if that is ever to occur, there first has to be
an authorization. So I urge my colleague to support this amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman's time has expired.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I appreciate the heartfelt arguments and
the concern of the gentleman who serves on the committee. We had a
discussion of this amendment in committee, and it did fail on a voice
vote.
I would agree with the gentleman when he said that the situation in
Syria and that part of the world is very complicated, and that there
are no good options. I can't argue that point either.
He also stated that there are significant risks if weapons are, if
you would, provided, and I could not deny that.
But at some point in time, given the problems we have in that area of
the world and the people who have been displaced and who are in those
refugee camps, I think we ought to keep what few unpleasant options we
have open, to assume a reasonable risk if, at some future point in time
during the next year to year and a half, we can work to improve the
situation.
So with all due respect and understanding of the gentleman's
concerns, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chairman, let me say I rise in opposition to
the gentleman's amendment. But we appreciate the passion in which they
make their case and certainly, Mr. Fortenberry, in the committee, did a
very fine job recognizing congressional concerns regarding potential
U.S. involvement in Syria.
Our bill, as you are aware, contains a provision, section 9013, which
prohibits the introduction of U.S. military forces into hostilities in
Syria, except in accordance with the War Powers Act.
The situation in Syria is as dire as you have described it. We have
about 4 million refugees outside the country, doing incredible things,
destabilizing one of our best allies, Jordan, in a huge way.
The ranking member and I had an opportunity to visit one of those
refugee camps. We need to be mindful of the actions we take here and,
perhaps, what we might be doing to limit the President's assistance and
our U.S. support for one of our greatest allies, two of our greatest
allies in the Middle East, both Israel and Jordan.
So I think we ought to move with caution. We understand your
underlying sentiment. In some ways we agree with it.
We don't think we ought to tie the administration's and the Commander
in Chief's hands in the way that you have suggested.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I yield what remaining time I have to the gentleman.
{time} 1930
Mr. FORTENBERRY. I thank both the chairman and the ranking member for
this respectful dialogue.
These are tough judgment calls. I understand that. In my judgment,
the risks do not outweigh the potential rewards here.
Until we have a strong, significant multinational strategy to contain
this contagion, I believe an ad hoc policy--which it appears to me we
now have--by sending weapons into this area, potentially could make
this situation worse.
As the gentleman from New York, Congressman Gibson, pointed out, it
is the responsibility of Congress to potentially revisit this issue if
we need to reassess the situation, and it becomes much clearer and
necessitates U.S. action; but now, to me and my conscience, it is
important to say no.
Last year, we had a very strong bipartisan vote that demanded that
the United States would not enter into a military conflict in Syria.
The American people spoke loudly and clearly, and I think this is
simply an extension of that understanding.
I understand the differences of opinion here in judgment, and I very
much appreciate the time and respect accordingly.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the Fortenberry
amendment to H.R. 4870, although I understand my friend's intentions.
Our country is wary of intervention halfway across the world.
I understand the impetus to avoid engagement in these very urgent
challenges around the world.
Syria's horrendous civil war has seen over 140,000 deaths, 4 million
refugees, the use of chemical weapons, mass starvation, the
obliteration of entire cities, and growing instability throughout the
region.
Syria's odious dictator, Bashar Assad, remains in power and continues
to slaughter and starve his people. Innocent civilians have been denied
food and medicine, their towns and villages have been razed, and their
friends and families driven into refugee camps.
The war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the Assad
regime are a horrific stain on the 21st century, and they demand a much
more serious international response.
To many, the carnage in Syria has seemed like a distant problem.
But we can no longer take comfort that our nation is thousands of
miles from the Levant. This conflict, which has often seemed like it
couldn't get any worse, is evolving in an even more ominous direction.
Of course, we're seeing how the extremist terrorist group, the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) has used Syria and Iraq as
its breeding ground. Our headlines show the group is carrying out a
bloody offensive in places all too familiar to U.S. marines.
I am most concerned that in recent months, ISIL and its likeminded
extremist groups have begun to turn their attention to the west. It
appears that they are using the Levant and Iraq.
But choosing between ISIL on one hand and Assad on the other is a
false choice. Assad has. .let these extremist groups fester in Syria.
His plan is to show how reasonable he looks compared to an emerging
terrorist threat.
This false choice leaves out the moderate Syrian opposition that
doesn't subscribe to Assad's brutality or Al-Qaeda's extremism.
With the emergence of this dual threat in Syria, it is clear that we
need a new strategy to end Assad's carnage and prevent Al Qaeda and
like-minded groups from establishing safe havens in Syria that could be
used to plot attacks against the U.S. and our allies.
[[Page H5531]]
Yet, the Fortenberry amendment constrains that strategy. I believe we
must aggressively ramp up our efforts to support the moderate
opposition in Syria.
It is not too late.
It is not too late to help the moderate opposition. It is not too
late to transition to a Syria without Assad. It is not too late to
protect ourselves and our regional allies from the threat that ISIL
poses. It is not too late to help Syrians build the future they
deserve.
Ultimately, I don't believe that the future of Syria will be resolved
on the battlefield.
But until the day comes when Syrians representing all segments of
society are ready to negotiate peace, we must be prepared to do what's
necessary to counter the dangers and tragedy in Syria.
The lives of millions of innocent people and, indeed, our own
national security compel us to act--and act quickly.
I urge my colleagues to oppose the Fortenberry amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Fortenberry).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Nebraska
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Grayson
Mr. GRAYSON. I have an amendment at the desk, Madam Chair.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec._. None of the funds made available by this Act may be
used to transfer aircraft (including unmanned aerial
vehicles), armored vehicles, grenade launchers, silencers,
toxicological agents (including chemical agents, biological
agents, and associated equipment), launch vehicles, guided
missiles, ballistic missiles, rockets, torpedoes, bombs,
mines, or nuclear weapons (as identified for demilitarization
purposes outlined in Department of Defense Manual 4160.28)
through the Department of Defense Excess Personal Property
Program established pursuant to section 1033 of Public Law
104-201, the `National Defense Authorization Act For Fiscal
Year 1997'.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Florida and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. GRAYSON. Madam Chair, you may recall, yesterday, I gave an
impassioned plea in favor of a different version of this amendment,
which was ruled out of order. I am hoping for a better result tonight;
but in any event, there is only so much passion in the world, so I will
keep my remarks short.
I rise today to address a growing problem throughout our country,
which is the militarization of local law enforcement agencies. The New
York Times recently reported that police departments have received
thousands of pieces of camouflage and night-vision equipment and
hundreds of silencers, armored cars, and aircraft directly from the
Department of Defense. These are military weapons.
I think this is appalling. That is why my amendment would prohibit
the Department of Defense from gifting excess equipment, such as
aircraft--including drones--armored vehicles, grenade launchers,
silencers, and bombs to local police departments. Those weapons have no
place in our streets, regardless of who may be deploying them.
As The New York Times article ``War Gear Flows to Police
Departments'' explains:
Police SWAT teams are now deployed tens of thousands of
times each year, increasingly for routine jobs. Masked,
heavily armed police officers in Louisiana raided a nightclub
in 2006 as part of a liquor inspection. In Florida in 2010,
officers in SWAT gear and with guns drawn carried out raids
on barbershops that mostly led only to charges of ``barbering
without a license.''
One South Carolina sheriff's department now takes a new tank that it
received from the Department of Defense with a mounted .50-caliber gun
to schools and community events. The department's spokesman calls that
tank a ``conversation starter.''
I don't think this is the way I want my America to be. I think we
should help our police act like public servants, not like warriors at
war.
I think we should facilitate a view of America where the streets are
safe and they don't resemble a war zone, no matter who is deploying
that equipment. We don't want America to look like an occupied
territory.
I hope for the support of my colleagues, and I reserve the balance of
my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. The Department of Defense Excess Property Program
provides surplus military equipment to State and local civilian law
enforcement agencies for use in counternarcotics, counterterrorism
operations, and to enhance officer safety.
It has provided aircraft, including helicopters and small planes;
four-wheel drive vehicles, such as pickup trucks and ambulances that
can be used for mobile command vehicles with search warrant; entry
teams; it has provided vests and helmets to protect officers, as well
as other equipment.
Coming from a State and a region which suffered many deaths on
September 11, 2001, we welcome this equipment. It is not misused, and
the law enforcement agencies in the Northeast and throughout the
country that benefit from this equipment have used it to make sure that
all of our citizens are protected.
I now would be happy yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Nugent), who is a former sheriff, for some comments.
Mr. NUGENT. I thank the chairman for yielding.
Madam Chair, as a past sheriff, we utilized that equipment in a
responsible way. All of the helicopters we had in our fleet were all
surplus helicopters that flew as far back as Vietnam. Some of the
weapons that we had came from the military. We didn't receive any
bombs.
At the end of the day, you can always find misuses of any equipment
that is given or utilized by law enforcement. It is the responsibility
of those communities to keep that law enforcement agency in check.
To just outright ban the usage of that equipment would devastate
local law enforcement agencies across the Nation, not just in Florida,
but everywhere.
With that, I do appreciate the comments of the gentleman from New
Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I thank the gentleman from Florida for his
comments and reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRAYSON. Madam Chair, what I am saying is not so much a question
of whether the equipment is being occasionally misused. The question
really has become whether it is ever properly used.
Can any of the gentlemen here tonight or anyone else identify a
single act of terrorism that was thwarted by handing police officers
helicopters that are militarized, bombs, and all sorts of gear that you
would only expect to see on the battlefield?
In fact, I would venture to say that the only examples we can come up
with for the actual use of these objects is the misuse of these
objects, the examples that I gave that were pointed out in national
media.
These weapons are not being used to defeat terrorism on our streets.
Where is the terrorism on our streets? Instead, these weapons are being
used to arrest barbers and to terrorize the general population. In
fact, one may venture to say that the weapons are often used by a
majority to terrorize a minority.
Certainly, we know of many cases--both recent and in the deep, dark
past--where police have used their weapons improperly for the sake of
brutality. Now, it used to be that they could only use billy clubs or
guns.
Now, they can use helicopters and bombs. Before long, I suppose,
given the logic propounded by my colleagues, they will be able to
deploy nuclear weapons. That is not an America that I want to live in.
I respectfully submit that this amendment deserves support. We are
not cutting off the use of any equipment that is already in the field.
On the contrary, that is gone. That is out the door.
[[Page H5532]]
Bear in mind that, under the current program, these weapons are given
without any strings attached. These are weapons of mass destruction,
and they are deployed within our borders by our military to our law
enforcement. That is not something I can abide.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Nugent).
Mr. NUGENT. Madam Chair, I have heard a lot of things in my life as a
sheriff and in my 38 years in law enforcement, but I will tell you
this: first of all, the Federal Government does not give local law
enforcement or any law enforcement agency bombs.
The helicopters that local law enforcement receive are all
demilitarized. They are all stripped out of any capability of having
weapons in them. Those are used to save people's lives. They are used
to find guys that have murdered people or to find rapists.
This is absolutely ludicrous to think that the equipment that is
utilized by law enforcement is utilized for any reason except for
public safety interests, and it happens across this Nation every day in
a responsible way.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I thank the gentleman for his comments.
Madam Chair, these are not weapons of mass destruction. What a
ridiculous characterization, respectfully. These vehicles, these
aircraft are used to protect American citizens, and the law enforcement
community uses them wisely, and they are overseen by responsible
elected officials.
I have registered my strong opposition to this amendment and yield
back the balance of my time.
Mr. GRAYSON. I think my colleagues must be attacking some other
amendment, not this amendment. This is not an amendment that restricts
the distribution of guns or ammunition; rather, this is an amendment
that restricts the distribution of armored vehicles, grenade launchers,
silencers, toxicological agents, chemical agents, biological agents,
launch vehicles, guided missiles, ballistic missiles, rockets,
torpedoes, bombs, mines, and nuclear weapons.
Unfortunately, Madam Chair, those are all legally permitted to be
distributed to our local law enforcement under current law. That is
what I am trying to prevent here.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Grayson).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. GRAYSON. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Florida will
be postponed.
Amendment No. 27 Offered by Mr. Nugent
Mr. NUGENT. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to plan for or carry out a furlough of a dual status
military technician (as defined in section 10216 of title 10,
United States Code).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Florida and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. NUGENT. Madam Chairman, the amendment treats the National Guard
dual status military technicians as uniformed personnel in the event of
furlough.
Dual status technicians are uniformed full-time guardsmen, but a lot
of their workweek falls into a legal gray area between active duty and
civilian. Essentially, they wear two hats.
They are trained to perform a particular job in the Armed Forces, and
they drill in that role like all other guardsmen. However, these dual
service technicians are the ones that actually keep the equipment
operational.
My son serves in the Florida Army National Guard as a Black Hawk
pilot. These dual service technicians are there all week long, to make
sure that the helicopters he flies are viable, are safe, and can do a
mission.
When they were furloughed last time under this President, we lost the
ability to respond to natural disasters within the State of Florida.
When we were in the hurricane season and the helicopters were not
flyable because our dual service technicians had been furloughed and
not treated like other full-time military personnel, we lost the
capability to respond to issues that are State issues.
More than that, this same unit that I am talking about--and it goes
across this Nation with regard to National Guard units and dual service
technicians--they have deployed to Afghanistan, to Iraq; and when they
deploy, they actually go with them because they are in uniform. They
are military.
Because of the gray area they fall in, they can be furloughed by the
President, like they did this last time, and the gentleman from
Mississippi (Mr. Palazzo) and I had come to this floor to talk about
that issue, and we had this same amendment, which passed unanimously, I
believe, because it protects not only the States, but it also protects
our national mission of self-defense here in the homeland and being
able to project the force that we need.
{time} 1945
So at the end of the day, these technicians who during the day wear a
uniform of the United States--this time it would be the Army--in
keeping the equipment serviceable and operational--and in this instance
were Black Hawk helicopters--they were furloughed. And guess what? They
can only be there when they were on the drill weekend. Well,
unfortunately, 3 days out of a month is not enough to keep a Black Hawk
operational.
So this is really important. We are lucky this time that
sequestration is put off in 2015. But that doesn't stop the Commander
in Chief from changing that and furloughing these employees, another
reason to save money.
At the end of the day, it is about readiness. We should do nothing
that hurts readiness in our military, whether it is National Guard or
Reservists, but particularly, and I will tell you from my standpoint in
the State of Florida that is hurricane prone, those Black Hawks deliver
rescue capability that no other vehicle provides for. And we need to
make sure those dual-service technicians are treated with respect and
kept on the payroll to do the job of keeping our military active with
that Reserve component, the National Guard, keep them ready to respond
to emergencies here at home and abroad.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. NUGENT. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding.
Thank you for bringing this important issue to our attention. It is
important that we get this right, and you put a very personal face on
something which needs correction to make sure we don't go through this
again. I appreciate your taking up this challenge and doing it so well.
Mr. NUGENT. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate it. And, Mr. Chairman, I
appreciate your comments, and I appreciate the work that you have done
on this.
With that, Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Madam Chair, I seek the time because I agree with the
assertion of the gentleman, and that is the service that is provided by
the military technicians that he is looking to exempt, I agree with
every word he said. I want to make it clear to my colleagues that these
civilian employees, as a condition of their employment, are a member of
the unit in which they work.
My problem is there are other people who are employed by the Federal
Government who also do very important work, and I would include
everyone who is in the Federal service. I have always taken umbrage,
regardless of who was in charge of an administration, at making
distinctions between essential or nonessential employees. If you do not
have an essential job, I do not know why you are working for anyone.
I find it abhorrent that we lock Federal employees out. I find it
abhorrent that we malign Federal employees who
[[Page H5533]]
are working very hard. And, again, I agree with the gentleman as far as
the value of these military technicians. I made the point when this
government was shut down last October and I opposed it that people
wanted to ameliorate the discomfort because the Federal Government does
nothing for me, and I am also sick of hearing that. My suggestion was,
not wanting to shut the government down, well, then, no Federal
employee should go to work.
And I happen to use O'Hare International Airport a long time. Maybe
people should sit there because FAA employees do very important work to
keep us safe when we are at 38,000 feet. I think of all the civilian
employees who are doing very important medical work at our hospitals
treating those who are wounded and damaged in body and mind because of
their service. I think of Federal firefighters who have lost their
lives, who have been injured fighting fires. I think of FBI civilian
employees who risk their lives every day. I think of those in the
Border Patrol who risk their lives every day. I think of civilian
employees at the Coast Guard, and obviously I could go on.
So the one concern I have with the gentleman's amendment is we should
not be discerning and choosing. We should either be all inclusive or
exclusive. And the fact is we would be better spent doing our work,
getting our budgets done, and never furloughing any Federal employee
again, all of whom are essential.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NUGENT. I certainly do appreciate the ranking member's comments
about other Federal employees, and I am the last one to malign Federal
employees, but this is specifically in regard to--do you remember back
when we passed the Pay Our Military Act? It was that act that allowed
for the President and the Department of Defense to make that
determination that these folks were essential. They decided that they
weren't. And, in fact, we know they are because they are the ones, like
I said, that keep the equipment operational, that allows our pilots
and, in particular, Black Hawk pilots the ability to fly to respond to
missions at home and abroad.
So while I don't disagree with a lot of what the ranking member said,
this is really about those that wear the uniform of this country and
allowing them to make sure that they are paid, A, and make sure that
they are on duty to keep that equipment operational.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Nugent).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Ms. Speier
Ms. SPEIER. I have an amendment at the desk, Madam Chair.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), add the
following new section:
Sec. 10002. None of the funds made available by this Act
may be used to implement Executive Order 12473 of April 13,
1984, as amended by Executive Order 13669 of June 13, 2014,
as those amendments apply to section 405(i) of the Rules for
Courts-Martial.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from California and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. SPEIER. Madam Chair, last Friday, the President signed Executive
Order 13669, which amended the Manual for Courts-Martial. This order
delivers a significant blow to an already broken military justice
system that will further revictimize servicemembers brave enough to
come forward and report that they have been sexually assaulted.
Specifically contained in this executive order is a provision that
makes Military Rules of Evidence 412 admissible in article 32
preliminary proceedings. This particular rule of evidence outlines when
previous sexual history is admissible in court-martial proceedings and
is currently applied to make all sorts of demeaning and irrelevant
innuendos about a victim's previous sexual history admissible in
courts-martial. Now, mind you, rape shield laws have been passed by
virtually every State in the Union, and the question I have is why
should servicemembers be considered second-class citizens in this
country?
Shockingly, this order doubles down on this harmful rule and allows
the sexual history to be admissible in preliminary hearings. What is
even worse, under the order, the convening authority will be able to
read and consider evidence deemed inadmissible by the article 32
hearing. The military has clearly learned nothing from the Wilkerson
case in Aviano, Italy.
You maybe remember that General Franklin, the convening authority,
justified overturning a court-martial jury that convicted Wilkerson of
having sexually assaulted a woman, and even though he was convicted by
five colonels, peers of his, the general was able to look at
inadmissible evidence that the judge had ruled out of order and
consider that in overturning the decision.
This amendment will prohibit funds to implement the component of
Executive Order 13669 to prevent this harmful and wrongheaded provision
to go into effect. This order usurps and reverses the progress that, in
fact, this Congress has been making in reforming article 32
proceedings, and I hope my colleagues will support the amendment.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. SPEIER. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I appreciate her yielding.
I appreciate her devotion to the issue and to the victims of these
crimes and rise in strong support of her position, and I appreciate not
only her work but for offering the amendment today.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. SPEIER. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I served on the Naval Academy Board for 5 years,
and I know there is some issues in some people's mind as to whether
this executive order either strengthens or weakens the case for rape
shield, but I was appalled by what happened there. So I am supportive
of what you are doing. There may be some arguments people may have as
to whether you are strengthening or weakening it, but your desire is to
strengthen and make this unacceptable behavior go away.
Ms. SPEIER. That is correct.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I am supportive of that and congratulate you on
your efforts.
Ms. SPEIER. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I was on that Academy Board of Visitors for a
number of years. The inability of the leadership of that academy, and
to think that this midshipman had to go through this 30 hours is
outrageous, so I commend you for what you have put forward here.
Ms. SPEIER. I thank the gentleman.
Well, Madam Chair, with that, I thank my colleagues for recognizing
the importance of this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my
time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Speier).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Gosar
Mr. GOSAR. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available by this Act may be used to pay for storage for
patrol boats procured under the Department of Navy Memorandum
#105-E2P-196 dated October 12, 2010.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Arizona and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. GOSAR. Madam Chair, I rise today to offer a commonsense, cost-
saving amendment to the Department of Defense Appropriations Act for
fiscal year 2015.
Specifically, my amendment prohibits the Federal Government from
wasting more money on storage for eight patrol boats which have cost
taxpayers $3 million, have never been used, and have been sitting in
storage for almost 4 years.
Recent media reports and an inspector general's report brought this
issue to my attention, and the wasteful spending involved is
deplorable.
In 2010, the Federal Government spent more than $3 million on patrol
[[Page H5534]]
boats for the Afghan National Police that were never shipped to
landlocked Afghanistan. Even more troubling, the cost of each patrol
boat was more than $265,000. The Washington Post has reported that
similar patrol boats can be purchased in the United States for
approximately $50,000 each.
The Office of the Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction,
also known as SIGAR, was so concerned about this waste of taxpayer
money that it conducted an investigation and recently released a
report. The report includes a letter dated April 24, 2014, from the
inspector general to the commanding general of the Combined Security
Transition Command for Afghanistan.
I would like to share a few excerpts from letter:
I am writing to request information on a $3 million
procurement of patrol boats for the Afghan National Police
initiated by the Combined Security Transition Command for
Afghanistan in 2010.
My focus is on the operational requirements that initiated
the procurement of the patrol boats for the Afghan National
Police and the reasons for the cancelation 9 months later.
Additionally, I am also interested in the requirement for
the United States Government to pay for the storage and
related expenses for these boats for the last 3 years, boats
that apparently have no planned use.
According to official at the Defense Security Cooperation
Agency, the patrol boats were manufactured and delivered to
the Navy in 2011 and have been in storage at the Naval
Weapons Station/Cheatham Annex, Yorktown, Virginia, ever
since.
The full report goes on to detail some other troubling findings,
which include missing storage records, missing expenditure
authorizations and justifications, and missing documents which should
detail the reason for canceling the procurement order.
{time} 2000
The inspector general's June 6, 2014, letter is even more harsh as it
stated:
I continue to have concerns because the Combined Security
Transition Command for Afghanistan was unable to answer a
significant number of my questions regarding the patrol
boats. The list of unanswered questions is particularly
troubling.
Further, the Combined Security Transition Command for
Afghanistan's response indicates that its Security Assistance
office led a review board that determined that the boats do
not fill a valid requirement for Afghanistan.
To help the inspector general better understand how these
decisions were made and to help us prepare lessons learned
reports intended to avert the waste of U.S. taxpayer funds in
the future, please provide a detailed accounting of all the
elements of the Security Assistance office review boat's
proceedings which led to that decision, including
transcripts, testimony, and exhibits.
By letter today, I have also requested the Department of
the Navy to provide their plans for disposition of the boats.
I wholeheartedly agree with the inspector general, and not another
penny of Federal taxpayer money should be spent on these boats that
cost $3 million to produce, were never utilized, and have been sitting
in storage since 2011.
These boats either need to be put in the water or resold, per Federal
law. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support passage
of my commonsense amendment that will ensure better use of taxpayer
money.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Gosar).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 34 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I have amendment No. 34 at the
desk, preprinted in the Congressional Record.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be obligated or expended pursuant to the Authorization for
Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40; 50 U.S.C. 1541
note) after December 31, 2014.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from California and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, my bipartisan amendment is
straightforward. It is cosponsored by Congressman Broun of Georgia and
Congressman Sanford of South Carolina.
It will prohibit any funding in this bill pursuant to the 2001
Authorization for Use of Military Force after December 31, 2014.
This date is set as the official end of combat operations in
Afghanistan. Furthermore, it gives the President and Congress
sufficient time to determine what, if any, authorization would be
needed to replace the 2001 AUMF.
The fact of the matter is the world has changed dramatically in the
aftermath of the horrific tragedy of September 11.
On September 14, 2001, I could not vote for the resolution, an
authorization that I knew would provide a blank check to wage war any
time, anywhere, for any purpose, and for any length. Thirteen years
later, this authorization is still on the books.
According to the Congressional Research Service, there are over 30
known instances of the executive branch invoking authority to engage in
hostilities or deploy Armed Forces under this AUMF.
The report, which is on my Web site, lists 30 instances where the
AUMF has been invoked by President Bush and President Obama, including
to deploy troops in Ethiopia, Djibouti, Georgia, Yemen, justify
detentions at Guantanamo Bay, and conduct military commissions, among
many other uses, for which this resolution served as the legal
justification for.
No executive office, not President Bush, not President Obama, nor any
future President can be handed such broad authority to wage war with no
oversight.
In fact, President Obama has stated that he looks forward to engaging
Congress and the American people in efforts to refine and ultimately
repeal the AUMF's mandate, and he will not sign laws designed to expand
this mandate further.
We need to take up the President's suggestion. There was very little
debate on this resolution. I was here 12 years ago, and so year after
year, I have introduced legislation to repeal this resolution.
It is long past time for Congress to have a meaningful debate. I
remember that night. There were five or six maybe on the floor, maybe a
few more, and we had probably an hour's debate that evening.
We need to have a real debate about our constitutional role in
declaring war and our obligation to conduct rigorous oversight,
accountability, and to demand transparency and accountability for the
American people for their tax dollars. I ask Members to support this
amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I oppose this amendment. This amendment, while
disguised as a funding limitation, is really an attempt to put in place
a major policy change that does not belong on our bill. It would
essentially repeal the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force.
Let me be clear about what this amendment does. This amendment
cripples our ability to conduct counterterrorism operations against
terrorists who pose a threat to U.S. persons and interests.
In my judgment, this amendment dangerously and erroneously assumes
that the terrorist threat from al Qaeda and its affiliates ends once
military operations end in Afghanistan.
The terrorist threat today is no less real and, in many ways, is more
daunting than it was when Congress overwhelmingly gave to President
Bush and to President Obama the authority to protect us against those
who want to do us harm.
While some would argue that core al Qaeda has weakened, as events in
Yemen and most recently Iraq and Syria have not shown, we know that al
Qaeda and other terrorist groups are on the rise. This amendment would
end our ability to conduct any operations against them at the end of
this year--inconceivable.
Core al Qaeda isn't the only threat. Al Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula, operating out of Yemen, is now considered to pose the
greatest threat to U.S. citizens.
[[Page H5535]]
This amendment would effectively eliminate the President's ability to
address the threat or other emerging threats of AQ-affiliated and like-
minded groups in north Africa, the Horn of Africa, and elsewhere.
If adopted, this would send terrorists the message that they just
need to wait out the military authority to conduct counterterrorism
operations, and then they are free to launch their attacks.
The President himself, with all due respect, has reaffirmed the need
for this continued authority and uses it, I can assure you, each and
every day. It would be a mistake to tie the hands of our Commander in
Chief and our military by removing this authority that protects U.S.
citizens and our country from terrorist threats.
I strongly oppose this amendment and urge others to do so as well.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).
Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlelady from California.
No, repealing the AUMF will not leave America vulnerable to
terrorists. What it will do is put this U.S. Congress in a position to
debate the legitimate--or not so legitimate, in some cases--
justification for further military action.
It will update the debate. It will put us in a position to really
drill down and find out whether there is a national security interest,
which would justify military force in the situation moving forward.
Members of Congress, this thing is over a decade old, and it has gone
far afield from its original purpose.
This AUMF has been used more than 30 times to take our country into
conflict, countries literally hundreds and maybe thousands of miles
away from where it was originally intended.
It is time for a new debate. It is time for a new Authorization for
Use of Military Force, if we should have one. It is nothing more than a
scare tactic to say that this will leave our country vulnerable.
The President is the Commander in Chief and has authority to protect
the interests of the United States, but this AUMF has brought us in a
direction that was not contemplated.
As the representatives of the people of the United States--that is
us--we should have a say on the future of where military conflicts
might be conducted. That means we repeal this AUMF, and if there is a
legitimate national security interest moving forward, we should debate
it on the floor and, if necessary, pass it. It is time to repeal the
AUMF.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, first of all, let me say I don't
know how much time--how much more time the opposition to this amendment
wants to see this authorization on the books and continue to fund it.
There is no reason that a 13-year authorization should continue to be
funded.
I just want to read you this, as I close, what this authorization
said 13 years ago, which totally has abdicated our constitutional
responsibility and authority as Members of Congress. We are abdicating
our constitutional authority by not going back to the drawing board and
debating any further efforts as it relates to military force.
The President is authorized to use all necessary and
appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or
persons he deems planned, authorized, and aided the terrorist
attacks that occurred on September 11.
That is 2001. Again, the Congressional Research Service has cited 30
instances. We know there are more. Once again, we need to come back and
have a debate. We need to talk about how far removed now we are from
2001.
If we think this needs to be brought up to date, bring it up to date,
but we definitely need to stop the funding.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Rogers of Alabama
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to implement the Treaty on Open Skies, done at
Helsinki March 24, 1992, and entered into force January 1,
2002.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Alabama and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Alabama.
Mr. ROGERS of Alabama. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to urge Members to
support my amendment and to support the underlying bill by my friend
from New Jersey. I regret I have to bring this amendment today. It
deals with a very arcane issue, the Treaty on Open Skies.
In the FY15 NDAA, H.R. 4435, we included a bipartisan provision to
require certification of the national security implications for Russian
Federation proposals to implement new sensors on their Open Skies
aircraft.
These aircraft are allowed to fly over the United States to conduct
surveillance flights. They are not supposed to supplement Russian
intelligence collection on the U.S., yet not long after this body
passed the NDAA on a 325-98 vote, the administration opted to ignore
this body's concerns, ignore the concerns of a bipartisan group of
Senators on the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, and approve a
Russian request to improve its sensor platform.
The administration did this without regard to Russia's invasion of
Ukraine and illegal seizure of Crimea. The administration did this
without regard to Russia's violation of the INF treaty. The
administration did this without regard to Russia's compliance failings
in the New START Treaty.
The administration did this without regard to the fact that Russia is
cheating on the Open Skies Treaty itself--just look at the State
Department Web site. The administration did this without regard to the
concerns of the Department of Defense and other government agencies.
How did Russia respond to this decision by the administration to
accede to Putin's wishes? The New York Times this past weekend answered
that question this way:
Rebels also claim to have shot down a Ukrainian AN-30
surveillance plane on June 6, 2014. The June 6 episode was of
particular concern because it involved the destruction of one
of the two planes that Ukraine used to monitor the Open Skies
Treaty.
Mr. Chairman, when will we learn that we can't respond to Russian
aggression with concession?
Putin responded, as he always does, by taking our concession and
having his shock troops in Ukraine shoot down an airplane.
We cannot continue like this. We cannot continue to ignore Russia
cheating when it comes to our treaties. We cannot continue to allow
Russia to misuse arms control treaties like the Open Skies Treaty. We
cannot continue to allow Russia to foment violence on NATO's borders.
{time} 2015
We cannot continue to ignore the concerns of our military and other
national security agencies just to make Russia feel good.
I urge support of my amendment to send a message to Russia and
safeguard our national security.
With that, I would urge my colleagues to accept the amendment and
yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Rogers of Alabama).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Murphy of Florida
Mr. MURPHY of Florida. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), add the
following new section:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to maintain or improve Department of Defense real
property
[[Page H5536]]
with a zero percent utilization rate according to the
Department's real property inventory database, except in the
case of maintenance of an historic property as required by
the National Historic Preservation Act (16 U.S.C. 470 et
seq.) or maintenance to prevent a negative environmental
impact as required by the National Environmental Policy Act
of 1969 (42 U.S.C. 4321 et seq.).
Mr. MURPHY of Florida (during the reading). Mr. Chair, I ask
unanimous consent that the amendment be considered as read.
The Acting CHAIR. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman
from Florida?
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Objection.
The Acting CHAIR. Objection is heard.
The Clerk will continue to read.
The Clerk continued to read.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Florida and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. MURPHY of Florida. Mr. Chair, I rise today to offer an amendment
to the Department of Defense Appropriations bill that would eliminate
wasteful spending on unused and underutilized facilities.
With the Federal Government being the largest holder of land in the
country, management of these properties must be economically
responsible. Unfortunately, our government continues to misuse taxpayer
dollars maintaining vacant and underutilized properties. This
mismanagement must be addressed so that taxpayer money is no longer
squandered on these unused facilities.
That is why I am once again introducing this commonsense amendment,
as I have with previous appropriations bills, and will continue to do
so until wastefulness, both in terms of cost and efficiency, is rooted
out of our government.
This proposal is an extension of the bipartisan SAVE Act I had put
forward that would cut $230 billion in government spending by rooting
out waste and mismanagement such as this.
I am proud that my amendment is endorsed by a broad coalition,
including the Project on Government Oversight and the National
Taxpayers Union. I thank them for their support of this commonsense
measure to save taxpayers money by making our government more
efficient.
The Department of Defense, alone, has hundreds, possibly thousands,
of buildings and structures that it has rated at zero percent
utilization, yet the Federal Government continues to maintain these
unused facilities at an incredible cost to taxpayers. As a CPA, this
just doesn't add up. It is unacceptable that taxpayers are on the hook
for maintaining these unused facilities. Putting an end to this misuse
of resources could save tens of millions of dollars a year, smart
savings we should all support, regardless of party affiliation.
Mr. Chair, when I came to Congress, I promised my constituents that I
would scrutinize the Federal budget so that their money was not wasted,
promoting smarter governing. This is a simple solution to do just that.
This amendment was passed by the House last year with bipartisan
support, and I ask my colleagues to again support this measure that can
save American taxpayers tens of millions of dollars in this year alone.
Let's come together and show the American people that we can work
together to promote better government and smarter spending.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. MURPHY of Florida. I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I am pleased to accept your amendment.
I yield to Mr. Visclosky, if you care to make any comments.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I appreciate the gentleman yielding.
I certainly appreciate the fact that the gentleman is looking to be
very cost effective in avoiding the expenditure of unnecessary funds
and strongly support his position. I appreciate his offering the
amendment, and I appreciate the gentleman yielding.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. MURPHY of Florida. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Murphy).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Gosar
Mr. GOSAR. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment, 148, at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to procure any Army Aircrew Combat Uniforms.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Arizona and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. GOSAR. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to offer a commonsense, cost-
saving amendment to the Department of Defense Appropriations Act for
fiscal year 2015.
It has been brought to my attention from numerous sources within my
district that in 2009 the Department of Army fully phased out the CWU-
27/P Army aviation flight uniform and moved to the Army Aircrew Combat
Uniform, also known as the A2CU.
Constituents of mine, many of whom are Active Duty, retired, or
friends and family of military personnel, have expressed a strong
desire for the Army to go back to the CWU-27/P model uniform.
There are multiple reasons to switch back to the CWU model uniform.
The most important reasons to switch back to the CWU model are safety
and efficiency. But to sweeten the deal, when making the pitch to me,
my constituents explained that moving back to the CWU model would also
save the Department millions of dollars a year in procurement costs.
Talk about hitting two birds with one stone.
First and foremost, let's touch on CWU model's proven track record of
safety and practicality. The CWU model is still authorized for Army
Special Operations aviators, all of the aviators in other service
branches of the U.S. military, and most air forces and navies around
the world. Yes, these points are a testament to the safety and
efficiency of the CWU model.
And these safety aspects are of paramount importance to our Army
aviators, because the chances of a fire in an aviation crash are very
high. The CWU model flight suits have antistatic fiber woven in them to
prevent sparks, which, for obvious reasons, are not desirable when
operating an aircraft with thousands of pounds of highly volatile jet
fuel on board.
The one-piece design of the CWU model is also extremely important as
it does not, in the event of a fire, leave any opportunities for
exposed skin. Being that the A2CU is a two-piece model exactly like
ground troop uniforms, it cannot offer the same amount or types of
protection. Moreover, the A2CU is also cut to a looser standard than
the CWU-27/P, creating the potential for more items of clothing to snag
on controls in the cockpit.
Speaking to the cost savings, the A2CU model costs an average of 56
percent more than the CWU model, and the A2CU has proven to wear out
faster than the CWU. Further, every time the Army decides to change the
camouflage pattern of the duty uniform, they have to spend millions
more purchasing the new flight uniform. The CWU model, to my knowledge,
is usually only one color per uniform.
The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office stated that this
amendment does not score as it is written; but being that the intent is
to move back to the CWU model, the effects of the policy should
actually net some cost savings. Conservative estimates show that the
Army could save around $5 million a year in procurement costs if it
were to move back to the CWU model. Further, it should not cost
anything to reintroduce the CWU model back into the supply system, as
the rest of service branches still use them. In other words, there is
no need to reboot the supply chain.
Further, the Army could replace the A2CU's with CWU's as they are
exchanged by soldiers without the upfront cost of re-outfitting each
soldier. The cost savings are tantalizing for someone like me who was
sent to this town to rein in spending. More importantly, I listen to
these Army aviators and flight operators. They tell me it is safer, and
being that they are the ones
[[Page H5537]]
doing the training and fighting, I will take them at their word.
Given the safety and practicality applications, and given that the
United States is not exactly running a budget surplus right now, saving
a few million here and there in the name of safety and practicality is
something we should all strive to achieve.
I urge my colleagues to support this commonsense amendment which cuts
costs and improves safety.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Gosar).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Ellison
Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available in this Act may
be used to enter into a contract with any person whose
disclosures of a proceeding with a disposition listed in
section 2313(c)(1) of title 41, United States Code, in the
Federal Awardee Performance and Integrity Information System
include the term ``Fair Labor Standards Act.''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Minnesota and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Minnesota.
Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chairman, if there is one thing I think Democrats
and Republicans can actually agree on, it is that, if a penny is
earned, that penny must be paid. This amendment is very
straightforward. In fact, a version of it has already passed the House
of Representatives. What it says is that, if there is a Federal
contractor who has been found to engage in wage theft, that they may
not benefit from this appropriation.
Now, there are many contractors who work for the Department of
Defense who have employees that cook the meals for our troops, wash
their uniforms, do all manner of many, many important tasks to keep
fighting men and women in a position to serve our Nation. Some of them
may even work in the commissary. They may work at various jobs. And
they sometimes, the Federal contractors who serve the Federal
Government, do not pay these workers.
Mr. Chairman, you may think, well, you know, maybe that happens, but
how often does it happen? Is it really a big problem? I am here to tell
you that it is a serious problem. In fact, the Economic Policy
Institute found that, in total, the average low-wage worker loses a
stunning $2,634 per year in unpaid wages, representing 15 percent of
their earned income.
A recent report by the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions
Committee of the United States Senate revealed that 32 percent--that is
32 percent, fully a third--of the largest Department of Labor penalties
for wage theft were levied against Federal contractors.
Now, I think that Democrats and Republicans can agree that, if you
are a Federal contractor and you want to do business with the United
States, you should be fair to your workers. This bill doesn't go out
and look and we are not asking anyone to make any judgments. We are
talking about people who have been found to engage in wage theft
already.
This amendment simply says that the funds made available in this act
may be used to enter into contract with any person whose disclosures of
a proceeding with a disposition listed under section 2313(e)(1), title
41, and it goes on. But what it means is that you must be fair to your
workers, and if you are not, you cannot benefit.
Last word I want to say about this is that don't we want to
incentivize good contractors and discourage bad ones? One way we can do
that is say, if you don't treat your workers right, we are going to
find some Federal contractors who will.
I urge all of my colleagues to support this amendment.
{time} 2030
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ELLISON. I yield to the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I appreciate the gentleman offering the amendment and
speaking out on behalf of the dignity of labor, whatever human labor
that may be, and certainly believe that the amendment is acceptable to
the committee. Thank you very much.
Mr. ELLISON. I certainly appreciate that.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the ayes
appeared to have it.
Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Minnesota
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Forbes
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be obligated or expended to implement the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer
of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Virginia and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, if you turn on your TV tonight, you will
see U.S. foreign policy in shambles almost across the globe. It
shouldn't surprise us because basically this administration has given
our adversaries or potential adversaries almost everything they wanted,
even when it jeopardized our national defense.
Let me just walk you around the globe.
The number one concern the Russians had was for us to pull our
missile defense systems out of Europe, and we did that, even though it
left huge gaps for us in our missile defense.
The number one concern the Iranians wanted was to pull off their
sanctions, and we agreed to that.
The number one concern the Afghan insurgents had was a time certain
when we were going to get out.
The number one concern the Chinese had was that we not increase our
Navy and we decrease it, and we saw the President send over a budget
that would have effectively taken an aircraft carrier out of our fleet,
would have beached half of our cruiser fleet, would have essentially
eliminated or severely impacted the production of our Tomahawk
missiles, and they have plans to bench six destroyers next year. Now
they are getting ready to do something that is probably as egregious as
all the rest, and that is to execute within the next couple of weeks
the Ottawa Treaty, which would require us to pull our landmines up
along the DMZ, which is the number one concern for the North Koreans.
When President Clinton looked at this, he rejected that treaty
because he realized that those landmines were what kept the North
Koreans from invading South Koreans for decades. When George W. Bush
looked at it, he rejected it because he realized how militarily
impractical it would be. And when this administration looked at it in
2009, this is what their State Department said:
We would not be able to meet our national defense needs nor
our security commitments to our friends and allies if we
signed this.
Then when a White House aide pushed back on that about 3 years later,
the commander of our forces in South Korea, General Thurman, said this:
I wake up every morning with 1 million North Korean troops
right across the border.
When we asked our current general, who is in charge of our South
Korean forces, whether he thought we should move those landmines, he
said they were critical to the defense of South Korea.
When we asked the top uniformed general in the United States, General
Dempsey, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he said it was a
critical part of our defense. And when we asked him if anything had
changed since 2009,
[[Page H5538]]
he quickly came back and said things have gotten worse, not better.
Mr. Chairman, these are not the landmines of yesterday that were just
dropped somewhere and you worried a child would come along and stumble
on them. These landmines are very targeted. They only come on when we
activate them, and then they deactivate within a certain number of
hours after that. In fact, the United States has already spent more
than $2 billion over the last 20 years taking those up.
So, Mr. Chairman, what this would do is to prohibit any funds from
being made available under this act for the implementation of that
Ottawa Treaty. It is time we start listening to our military experts at
the Pentagon and we start taking their advice on what we need for
national security.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition, essentially, for
two reasons.
One, I believe that the gentleman's amendment is moot because we are
not a signatory to the convention. The United States Senate has not
ratified the treaty so funds could not be expended for it.
Secondly, I do think it sends a very bad signal. The gentleman
alludes to the sophistication of mines that are used today compared to
say a generation ago. I don't think it is a secret that the United
States does use such equipment.
But I would point out, and it is a different program within the
bill--and I thank publicly the chairman, as well as the members of the
subcommittee and the full committee, for increasing funding for
Humanitarian Mine Action Program. It is not a large program, but its
mission is of immense value. All too often innocent civilians are
victims of explosive remnants of war, not just new sophisticated U.S.
equipment. It is only right that we share our expertise with others,
and I acknowledge it is a different program.
But the chairman and others have alluded to our visit to Afghanistan,
and still remember a picture of two brothers--one didn't have a leg and
the other was blind because of a mine. So I don't want to send negative
signals internationally. I know that is not the gentleman's intent,
but, unfortunately, I think it is inferred and, therefore, am opposed
to his amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, could I inquire as to how much time I have
remaining.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Virginia has 1\3/4\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. FORBES. Mr. Chairman, first of all, this is not moot. We have it
on widespread information that the administration is planning to do
this within the next 2 weeks. We even had various embassies tell us the
same thing.
Secondly, as he mentioned, he is talking apples to oranges. These are
not the same two kinds of programs. There is nothing more humanitarian
than preventing war. We have 28,500 troops in South Korea facing all
those troops in North Korea, and the thing that stands between them and
us are those landmines. The gentleman can't tell me one thing that is
going to stop them from coming over there if we pull those landmines
up. That is why it is crucial we act now and make sure we don't make
this crucial mistake and see another part of this globe in shambles
over our foreign policy.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Forbes).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 32 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used for the purpose of conducting combat operations in
Afghanistan after December 31, 2014.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from California and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, my straightforward bipartisan
amendment is cosponsored by Representatives Walter Jones and Jim
McGovern.
What this amendment does is prohibit any funding for combat
operations in Afghanistan after December 31, 2014. Even though some of
us would rather have all of our troops returned, the President
announced in May that the United States would end the U.S. combat
mission in December 2014.
This simple amendment codifies and clarifies the President's
position. It would also allow Congress to determine and reauthorize any
further combat operations in Afghanistan should the President deem it
necessary.
By reinserting Congress' constitutional authority, this amendment
would ensure that we have a debate and a vote in this body for the
future of combat operations in Afghanistan.
Last month, I joined Congressmen McGovern, Jones, Garamendi, and
Armed Services Ranking Member Adam Smith in offering an amendment to
the National Defense Authorization Act that would have required a
congressional vote to continue deployment of U.S. combat troops in
Afghanistan after December 31, 2014.
Unfortunately, that amendment was not allowed to come to the floor.
Instead, to date, the Republican leadership of this House has failed
to allow the American people any say in the future of America's longest
war. It is really unconscionable that the Afghan public through the
Afghan parliament has ample opportunity to weigh in on the future
presence of United States combat troops in Afghanistan, while the
American public has been given no such opportunity through this
Congress.
For many years, we have known there is simply no military solution in
Afghanistan, and our constituents are sick and tired of this endless
war.
This war has cost taxpayers over $750 billion, and promises to cost
tens of billions more for every year our troops remain in Afghanistan.
We have lost thousands of our young men and women. They conducted
themselves in a way that everything we asked them to do they did, and
so it is time now to honor them by ending this endless war.
This war, again, when you look at the human cost, the lives of I
think it is 2,321 soldiers, and tens of thousands injured, it is really
time to end this. It is time to look out for our veterans, our brave
young men and women, bring them home, not fund any more combat
operations, and ensure their job security, their health, their mental
health, and their future.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose this amendment.
This amendment is very vaguely crafted. It could have undue
consequences. This very short amendment would make no funds available
for ``the purpose of conducting combat operations in Afghanistan after
December 31, 2014.''
Our bill contains funding for combat operations, not only for United
States troops, but provides funding, equipment, lift, and sustainment
of allies in the fight.
Further, within the overseas contingency operations funding account--
when the OCO budget finally arrives, and we have been asking for it for
months--there will be funding for combat operations for Afghanistan
troops, and I suspect other troops, American troops, or international
troops, through what we call the Afghan Security Forces Fund. I think
there is a degree of inevitability that that will happen. Certainly we
are going to have troops there I think for some time.
This amendment, in my judgment, goes too far, as it attempts to tie
the U.S. Government's hands in navigating the complicated situation we
face related to threats emanating from Iraq.
[[Page H5539]]
Let's be realistic. What this amendment would do is it would remove the
possibility of the U.S. engaging under any circumstances, even if such
engagement would be in the best interest of our country or allies.
I strongly oppose the amendment. It doesn't make sense.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, first of all, this amendment
says we are not going to fund combat operations after December 31,
2014. That is what it says. That is what it will do. That is what the
President has indicated.
For the life of me I don't understand why the opposition really
believes that there is a military solution in Afghanistan. We have been
there 13 years. History shows that the United States military is not
going to continue to have a military presence and support what has
taken place in Afghanistan. It is now up to the Afghan government and
people to secure their own future.
Of course, we are not taking away any authority from the President.
We have taken away our authority here, our constitutional duty and
responsibility. We can't allow funding for combat operations beyond
December 2014. The President has said that will not happen. So what in
the world are we talking about by saying, yes, here is the money, we
want you to continue funding these combat operations?
He said they would end in December of 2014, so we should do what we
need to do here in Congress. We should end it, we should not allow any
more funding. If, in fact, the President believes, and if you believe,
that we want to engage in more combat action and operations--which, of
course, the American public I believe are telling us in no uncertain
terms they are war-weary--but if you believe that, then come back to
Congress and exercise your constitutional duty and responsibility, and
vote for whatever it is that the President is asking for. This doesn't
make any sense--13 years. Again, we sunset in the farm bill, the
transportation bill. Here we have got an authority now and funding for
the last 13 years. It doesn't make any sense. We want to do what the
President has said he is going to do.
{time} 2045
This Congress needs to reassert itself and do our constitutional
duty, engage in our constitutional authority and responsibility, and
say in no uncertain terms: no funding for combat operations after
December 31, 2014.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from California
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. McClintock
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to carry out any of the following:
(1) Sections 2(b), 2(d), 2(g), 3(c), 3(e), 3(f), or 3(g) of
Executive Order 13423.
(2) Sections 2(a), 2(b), 2(c), 2(f)(iii-iv), 2(h), 7, 9,
12, 13, or 16 of Executive Order 13514.
(3) Section 2911 of title 10, United States Code.
(4) Sections 400AA or 400 FF of the Energy Policy and
Conservation Act (42 U.S.C. 6374, 6374e).
(5) Section 303 of the Energy Policy Act of 1992 (42 U.S.C.
13212).
(6) Section 203 of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 (42 U.S.C.
15852).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from California and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, my amendment forbids defense dollars
from being spent to fund two executive orders and several other
provisions of law that require the military to squander billions of
dollars on so-called green energy.
For example, according to the GAO, the Navy has spent as much as $150
per gallon for jet fuel. In 2012, the Navy purchased 450,000 gallons of
biofuel for its so-called green fleet at the cost of $26.60 per gallon,
at a time when conventional petroleum fuel cost just $2.50.
What taxpayer in his right mind would pay $26.60 per gallon to fill
up his car when, next door, they are selling it for $2.50? Yet that is
precisely what our Armed Forces are ordered to do--except they are not
just filling up their cars, they are filling up entire ships and
aircraft, and this all comes out of our precious defense dollars.
The Air Force paid $59 per gallon for 11,000 gallons of biofuel in
2012--10 times more than regular jet fuel.
It is not just biofuels. The Pentagon expects to purchase 1,500 Chevy
Volts at a subsidized price of $40,000 apiece and a production price of
$90,000 apiece, paid for by other subsidies. As Senator Coburn's office
points out:
Each one of these $40,000 Chevy Volts represents the choice
not to provide an entire infantry platoon with all new rifles
or 50,000 rounds of ammunition that cannot be used for
realistic training.
Under these green energy mandates, the Army and Navy have been
required to install solar arrays at various facilities. At Naval
Station Norfolk, the Navy spent $21 million to install a 10-acre solar
array, which will supply a grand total of 2 percent of the base's
electricity.
According to the inspector general's office, this project will save
enough money to pay for itself in only 447 years. Of course, solar
panels only last about 25 years.
In Alaska, the Pentagon was ordered to convert three radar stations
from diesel fuel to wind turbine energy. The Air Force claimed it will
take 15 years to pay for itself, but auditors found that the generators
produce only ``sporadic, unusable power,'' and the inspector general
charged that the Air Force claim was completely unsubstantiated.
As of 2013, the Defense Department had at least 680 such projects,
including 357 solar, 29 wind, and 289 thermal energy projects.
There are several arguments that we hear for this mandate. One of
them is it is going to save us money, but as you can see, these orders
are running up huge costs. We don't know exactly how much because, as
the GAO said:
There is currently no comprehensive inventory of which
Federal agencies are implementing renewable energy-related
initiatives and the types of initiatives they are
implementing.
Outside estimates are as much as $7 billion for the Department of
Defense for this year, a figure that will only grow each year.
We are told it is to move our Armed Forces toward energy independence
from hostile foreign sources. This is from an administration that has
obstructed every effort to develop America's vast oil shale reserves
that would make Saudi Arabia look like a petroleum pauper. The XL
Keystone pipeline, by itself, would bring a half-million barrels of
Canadian crude a day into this country.
Finally, we are told this is all a grand strategy to protect us from
climate change, which the Secretary of State has called as big a threat
as terrorism. Even if it were possible to wage an environmentally-
sensitive war--which I doubt--I think there is a good chance that
climate will continue to change, as it has that past 4 billion years,
whether or not we waste our defense dollars to pay for this quixotic
venture.
This explanation does reveal the real reason for this folly. This is
an ideological crusade imposed on our military that will pointlessly
consume billions of defense dollars, mainly to keep money flowing to
politically well-connected green energy companies that can't get
anybody else to buy their products.
These green activists are willing to squander the resources of our
military to do so. This is a travesty that we can end here and now with
this amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the
gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
[[Page H5540]]
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, this debate will mirror one that took
place earlier today.
The fact is I would talk about flexibility. The gentleman talks about
the costs involved. I think, when you develop new products, new
technologies, there is going to be a cost, as far as that research and
development.
I will point out that the comparisons, as far as some of the costs,
perhaps do not fully factor into the issue of transportation and how
some of those fuels get on those ships and in those airplanes in remote
parts of the world.
The gentleman also alluded to the flexibility on foreign soil, where
you don't have a gas station handy for some of the energy that those
troops may need, so I would also reiterate that the commander for the
Pacific Command, Admiral Samuel Locklear, did state that the greatest
threat to long-term peace in the Pacific region is climate change.
I certainly do think that alternative fuels, given the fact that the
Department of Defense is the largest consumer on the planet Earth, is
worth abiding by, and therefore, I am opposed to the gentleman's
amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I would simply point out that forcing
the military to pay $26.60 per gallon for fuel that can be obtained for
$2.50 a gallon isn't about flexibility. It is about insanity, and it is
time that we put an end to this.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I would, again, simply assert that the
comparison of a gallon of gasoline at a local station compared to
getting it to a jet aircraft for the Department of Defense perhaps is
not necessarily comparing apples to apples.
I renew my objection to the gentleman's amendment, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Grayson
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec.__. None of the funds made available by this Act may be
used to ``consult'', as the term is used in reference to the
Department of Defense and the National Security Agency, in
contravention of the ``assur[ance]'' provided in section
20(c)(1)(A) of the National Institute of Standards and
Technology Act (15 U.S.C. 278g-3(c)(1)(A).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Florida and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, this is an amendment that is substantially
similar to an amendment that passed by unanimous voice vote among
Democrats and Republicans on the House Science and Technology Committee
a couple of weeks ago.
My amendment, the Grayson-Holt-Lofgren amendment, seeks to address a
serious problem. Recently, it was revealed that the National Security
Agency has been recklessly subverting American cryptographic
standards--and deliberately so.
Cryptographic standards for the national security community and the
commercial software industry are developed by the National Institute of
Standards and Technology, or NIST. That is an agency within the House
Science and Technology jurisdiction.
These standards are intended to protect Americans from foreign
intelligence agencies, from cyber criminals, from industrial espionage,
and from privacy violations by those who wish us harm. They are
embedded in software products which are used and sold widely--in fact,
almost universally in this country and elsewhere.
Unfortunately, recent media reports indicate that the National
Security Agency successfully and deliberately weakened encryption
standards promulgated by NIST to further NSA surveillance goals at the
cost of the privacy of ordinary U.S. citizens--in fact, universally
throughout the United States.
This is extremely dangerous. It leaves users of these standards
vulnerable to anybody who is familiar with these weaknesses.
We can recall that, just a few weeks ago, millions of Americans were
told that they had to change their user IDs and their passwords. That,
Mr. Chairman, was because of this.
The NSA apparently is doing this as part of its domestic spying
program, but as World Wide Web inventor Tim Berners-Lee put it:
It's naive to imagine that, if you deliberately introduce
into a system a weakness, you will be the only one to use it.
My amendment would seek to address this issue by prohibiting the
intelligence community from subverting or interfering with the
integrity of any cryptographic standard that is proposed, developed, or
adopted by NIST.
It is only common sense that we should not want taxpayers' dollars
that are appropriated to one agency being used to deliberately and
actively subvert the work of another agency and, at the same time,
destroy the privacy and the liberty and the personal property of our
own citizens.
I urge support for this amendment on both sides of the aisle, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to
the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I am not actually opposed to the
amendment, but I would like to talk about some of the assertions or
allegations made by the gentleman, and I do that respectfully. I am not
in opposition to the amendment, but I think there are some things that
have been said that need to be replied to.
The National Security Agency has participated in standards setting
with the National Institute of Standards and Technology, known as NIST.
Of course, they would participate.
Wouldn't we want our Nation's best cryptographers to help strengthen
and secure the Internet?
Their participation in setting standards is a no-brainer. You want
the standards to be designed by the people who best understand the
threat. They recommended the standards that they themselves use.
As the National Security Agency stated on September 30 of last year:
NSA is responsible for setting the security standards for
systems carrying and transporting the Nation's most sensitive
and classified information. We use cryptography and standards
that we recommend, and we recommend the cryptographic
standards we use.
We do not make recommendations that we cannot stand behind
for protecting national security systems and data. The
activity of NSA in setting standards has made the Internet a
far safer place to communicate and to do business.
Indeed, our participation in standards development has
strengthened the core encryption technology that underpins
the Internet.
The idea that NSA has deliberately sabotaged security is ridiculous.
These folks know the threat we face and are helping to secure the
Internet we all rely on so heavily.
Again, I don't oppose the amendment, but the assertions need to be
rebutted.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, I want to, in some respects, associate
myself with the remarks of the gentleman from New Jersey.
Obviously, we have a difference of agreement about the facts, but I
think we agree that the NSA should actually be helping to establish the
best possible standards for privacy in this country, regardless of
whether the published reports that have been widely reported in the
media are true or not.
I appreciate the gentleman's allegiance to the underlying principle
that Americans deserve privacy.
{time} 2100
How much time do I have remaining, Mr. Chairman?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Florida has 2\1/4\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
New Jersey.
Mr. HOLT. I thank my friend from Florida for offering this amendment.
It should go a long way toward recovering the lost reputation of the
National Institute of Standards and Technology.
Mr. Chairman, this came about because the National Security Agency
[[Page H5541]]
has a dual role of developing encryption standards and breaking
encryption. The reports widely circulated and, I think, generally
verified show that these two dual roles caused real problems for
American standards and, hence, for American technology and American
companies.
It is unfortunate that NIST, which is supposed to be an impartial
arbiter of national and of even global standards for technology, was
effectively used to propagate defective encryption standards, and this
amendment, I think, will help correct that. It is important that we
keep high standards and that everyone knows it. This is an important
amendment, and I thank the gentleman for offering it. I also appreciate
the comments of the chair of the committee.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I think the National Institute of
Standards and Technology, aka NIST, has always enjoyed a good
reputation. I served on the committee as a ranking member, and we
heavily invested in the work they do. They enjoy an incredible
reputation, and the suggestion that somehow they have lost their luster
and their reputation is totally inappropriate, but let's move on.
I support the bill with the reservations that I have made about some
of the earlier assertions that have been basically within the media
that have been pumped up, maligning not only NIST but the National
Security Agency, which I think does an incredible job of protecting
national security and all of us.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, I join in the gentleman's desire to move
on, and I appreciate the gentleman's fair consideration of this
amendment on the merits.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Grayson).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Wittman
Mr. WITTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), add the
following new section:
Sec. 10002. None of the funds made available by this Act
may be used to propose, plan for, or execute an additional
Base Realignment and Closure round.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Virginia and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. WITTMAN. Mr. Chairman, this amendment is pretty simple. It says
that we are not going to use any funds at this particular time to
propose, plan, or execute any additional Base Realignment and Closure
rounds, better known as BRAC, the reason being that this language was
adopted in the National Defense Authorization Act by an overwhelming
vote of 325-98. The House has spoken and has said now is not the time
to use these funds to begin this. I want to make sure that people
understand that this is also in the Senate language.
I want to make sure people understand, too, that this is a process by
which we want to make sure we are understanding how decisionmaking
takes place. A force structure comes before decisions on
infrastructure, and as you know, the service branches are still making
the decision about what the end strength should be--how many people we
should have in our military. That will determine what our
infrastructure should be. We are also undergoing an overseas base and
housing assessment to determine what our presence should be overseas.
That is ongoing. That should be completed before we even entertain any
consideration about what our base structure needs to be here at home.
The cost estimates for the last Base Realignment and Closure
Commission in 2005 indicated that it would cost $21 billion. Now we see
it costs $35 billion. The 2005 BRAC, as we see, hasn't saved money at
all at this particular point, and it won't save money until 2018, so
now is not the proper time to pursue a Base Realignment and Closure.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. WITTMAN. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Let me thank the gentleman for his incredible
service on the House Armed Services Committee.
May I say that the Defense Appropriations Committee has worked very
closely with Chairman McKeon as well as with you, and as you know, our
bill contains no funding for a future BRAC. I think all of us are still
digesting the last BRAC and understand how expensive it was. I think it
is important for you to know that we will repeat in our bill, through
your amendment, what you put in the authorization bill, which would
make it quite clear to the administration.
Mr. WITTMAN. I thank the chairman for his leadership.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to the
gentleman's amendment, although I am not opposed to his amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from Indiana is
recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise to make just a couple of points.
The gentleman noted that the last BRAC in 2005, if I am correct, is
not going to save money until 2018. That implies it is going to save
money in 2018. The concern I have is we do have to think about the
future budgets for the Department of Defense, and sometimes we have to
make hard decisions in years like 2014 so that we can begin to accrue
savings in the out-years.
I mentioned in my opening statements and more than once over the last
couple of days--but I feel compelled to do it again--that I do have a
concern about Congress' continued failure to confront our long-term
fiscal challenges relative to the Department of Defense. The Department
of Defense proposed significant initiatives, including military pay
adjustments, the restructuring of TRICARE, changes in commissaries, the
retirement of several weapons programs--the A-10, the Kiowa Warriors,
and others--to provide for future flexibility and to meet our national
security strategy.
A number of the proposals--I am not saying they all have incredible
value--do possess merit, but with few exceptions, these proposals have
not gained any traction in Congress. Most have been excluded in
language, prohibiting or postponing the start in the most recently
passed National Defense Authorization Act. I certainly don't dismiss
the results and impacts on many Members' congressional districts, but,
again, I don't think we should foreclose any options to consider in
order to possibly save money in the out-years.
I would make the observation, although I am not going to vote against
the gentleman's amendment, that we have got to stop saying ``no'' to
everything. We have got to start saying ``yes'' to some things, but,
unfortunately, for the last 2 days, all we have been doing is saying,
``Don't do anything.''
I appreciate the gentleman's amendment, and I yield back the balance
of my time.
Mr. WITTMAN. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from
Missouri (Mrs. Hartzler).
Mrs. HARTZLER. I want to thank the gentleman from Virginia for his
leadership on this issue as well as for the chairman's support of this
amendment.
Mr. Chairman, now is not the time for BRAC. Due to the passage of the
Budget Control Act, our military is facing unprecedented cuts which, I
believe, could jeopardize our national defense--maintenance is being
deferred; force structure is being reduced to levels we haven't seen
since before World War II; training is being deferred as well. A BRAC
would siphon precious defense dollars away from our military at a time
when the ultimate end strength is uncertain.
We should learn from past lessons. We are still paying for the last
BRAC. In 2005, a BRAC was approved. It was supposed to cost $21
billion, but in fact, it is actually costing taxpayers $35 billion. We
are still paying off the last BRAC. Now is not the time to take the
precious dollars that need to be going to our men and women in uniform
and spend them on a BRAC, especially when we have not determined the
ultimate force end strength at this point.
What are we not going to spend money on for our defense if we okay a
[[Page H5542]]
BRAC? Are our men and women in uniform not going to get the equipment
they need? Are we going to cease even more training? Are we going to
just mothball further platforms? Are we going to cut the benefits to
our military families?
We need every dollar in defense right now to go to protect our
national defense, not to reduce our future options that we may need.
With all of the threats facing our country--and as we watch TV now, we
see all of the threats that are in the world--we need to make sure we
have a strong national defense and that we not further weaken it and
not weaken our options. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. WITTMAN. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as to how much time I have
remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Virginia has 30 seconds
remaining.
Mr. WITTMAN. Mr. Chairman, in closing, we are at a decisive point.
As you know, right now, we are bringing equipment back from
Afghanistan. We are resetting our force, and we are training them for
the next missions that they are about to face. Those efforts take
resources, and we cannot forget that we have to devote those resources
on the list of priorities. Making sure that our men and women are
properly trained and that the equipment they have is properly operating
and maintained is critical to this Nation's readiness. That should be
job one. That is not to say we shouldn't look at saving money elsewhere
through infrastructure, but we must restore lost readiness now. That is
where those funds need to go. We certainly can look at infrastructure
later, but now is the time to make sure we maintain readiness.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wittman).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used in contravention of Article II, section 2 of the
Constitution.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentlewoman
from Texas and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Texas.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Let me thank the chairman of the subcommittee and,
as well, the ranking member for the courtesy of your staffs and for the
work that this committee is doing on behalf of our Nation.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today as the ranking member of Homeland
Security's Border and Maritime Security Subcommittee, working on human
trafficking and smuggling, as I come from a city that has been called
the epicenter of human trafficking--Houston, Texas. So I thank both the
chairman and the ranking member for this opportunity to put forward
this simple and straightforward amendment that affirms the example of
the national goodness that makes America the most exceptional nation on
Earth.
The amendment says that none of the funds made available by this act
may be used in contravention of article II, section 2 of the
Constitution.
I am joined on this amendment by Congressman Steve Stockman,
Congresswoman Lois Frankel, Congresswoman Frederica Wilson, and
Congressman John Conyers.
Mr. Chairman, recently, I was proud to support House Resolutions 573
and 617, strongly condemning the ongoing violence and systematic gross
human rights violations against the people of Nigeria that have been
carried out by the militant organization Boko Haram, especially the
April 15, 2014, kidnapping of more than 200 young girls who were
kidnapped from the Chibok school by Boko Haram.
{time} 2115
This is what the people of northeast Nigeria are facing every single
day. Since 2013, more than 4,500 men, women, and children have been
slaughtered by Boko Haram.
In addition, it took the United States 25 months after the first two
Americans were attacked, and 1 year after the third and fourth
Americans were targeted, before Boko Haram was designated a foreign
terrorist organization.
It took the United Kingdom 16 months from the time its first citizen
was killed by Boko Haram to legally brand them as terrorists.
It took the United Nations 33 months after the United Nations
headquarters in Nigeria was bombed before Boko Haram was sanctioned as
an al Qaeda-linked terror group.
On June 2, 2014, the European Union finally designated Boko Haram as
a terror group.
NGOs have indicated that, in April, the average deaths were hundreds
a week by Boko Haram, and later it was an average of 100 deaths a day.
So they couldn't do enough killing, killing of Christians and Muslims
and journalists and health care providers and relief workers and
schoolchildren. They had to kidnap 200 children, 200 girls.
The international community, working with the African Union, is
assisting the government of Nigeria in locating and rescuing the
missing girls, bringing an end to Boko Haram's reign of terror, and
ensuring that they are brought to justice because of their crimes
against humanity.
On May 21, 2014, the President notified the Congress that, pursuant
to the authority vested in him by article 2, section 2, as the
Commander in Chief, and to conduct foreign relations, that he had
directed deployment of approximately 80 U.S. Armed Forces personnel to
Chad as part of the U.S. efforts to locate and support the safe return
of our 200 girls reported to have been kidnapped in Nigeria.
The President informed the Congress that these personnel would
support the operation of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance
aircraft for missions over northern Nigeria and the surrounding area.
The force will remain in Chad until its support in resolving the
kidnapping situation is no longer needed.
My simple amendment indicates that nothing in this bill will
contravene the President's authority while these girls are missing.
Mr. Chairman, four Members of Congress, over June 12 to June 16, went
to Nigeria. We were in northeast Nigeria. We were in the Borno State,
in Abuja. We visited with the victims, the girls who escaped from the
Chibok school. They drove 2 days to meet with us to tell us of the
outrageous violence, and how they were laid on the ground, and the Boko
Haram, pointing AK-47s at their heads, said: Answer my questions or
die.
Then we met a woman whose throat was sliced, and her husband, a
police officer, was decapitated.
The enforcement, the military, and the police officers of Nigeria
need our help.
No, this is not an encouragement or a suggestion at all for boots on
the ground. It is a simple collaboration that will stop the siege of
Boko Haram that is spreading across Africa and the surrounding area. It
is almost like the unknowing understanding of the Taliban by many in
America before 9/11.
Boko Haram is a disaster waiting to happen for the continent. In a
state like Nigeria that is about to be 440 million people, that has a 7
percent growth rate, and is one of the most prosperous nations in
Africa, it has 60 percent poverty, it has 10 million children out of
school. And Boko Haram is burning hospitals, schools, Christian
churches, mosques, and killing pastors and emirs.
So this amendment is to remind us, just as Hubert Humphrey said,
``People are the great issue of the 20th century.'' Now they are the
great issue of the 21st century.
It is time to treat our boys and girls and women with respect.
As I close, I ask my colleagues to support the amendment, to stop the
headlines like this, as Boko Haram continues to rage across Nigeria. I
ask support for the Jackson Lee amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, I want to thank Chairman Frelinghuysen and Ranking Member
Visclosky for shepherding this legislation to the floor and for their
devotion to the men and women of the Armed Forces who risk their lives
to keep our nation safe.
[[Page H5543]]
Mr. Chair, thank you for the opportunity to explain my amendment,
which is simple and straightforward and affirms an example of the
national goodness that makes America the most exceptional nation on
earth:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec.__. None of the funds made available by this Act may be
used in contravention of Article II, section 2 of the
Constitution.
Mr. Chair, it was a proud occasion when the House passed H. Res. 573
and H.R. 617, resolutions strongly condemning the ongoing violence and
the systematic gross human rights violations against the people of
Nigeria carried out by the militant organization Boko Haram, especially
the April 15, 2014 kidnapping of more than 200 young schoolgirls
kidnapped from the Chibok School by Boko Haram.
Since 2013, more than 4,400 men, women, and children have been
slaughtered by Boko Haram.
The victims include Christians, Muslims, journalists, health care
providers, relief workers. And schoolchildren.
The international community, working with the African Union, is
assisting the Government of Nigeria in locating and rescuing the
missing girls, bringing an end to Boko Haram's reign of terror, and
ensuring that its crimes against humanity are documented so its leaders
can be held accountable.
On May 21, 2014, the President notified the Congress that pursuant to
the authority vested in him by Article II, Section 2, as Commander in
Chief and to conduct foreign relations, that he had directed the
deployment of ``approximately 80 U.S. Armed Forces personnel to Chad as
part of the U.S. efforts to locate and support the safe return of over
200 schoolgirls who are reported to have been kidnapped in Nigeria.''
The President informed the Congress that ``these personnel will
support the operation of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance
aircraft for missions over northern Nigeria and the surrounding area.
The force will remain in Chad until its support in resolving the
kidnapping situation is no longer required.''
The Jackson Lee Amendment simply makes clear that nothing in the bill
contravenes the President's authority to take the actions just
described which he has determined to be in furtherance of U.S. national
security and foreign policy interests.
Boko Haram's outrageous conduct will not be tolerated or overlooked
for not only is it a violation of the girls' human rights, it is also
contrary to United States policy which supports and promotes equal
access to education and economic opportunity for women and girls.
``People are the great issue of the 20th century,'' declared, then-
Senator Hubert Humphrey in 1948.
Mr. Chair, the well-being of people remains the great issue of the
21st century.
And there is no better measure of any society than the way its treats
its women and girls and boys and families.
Boko Haram understands that when Nigerian girls are educated,
Nigerian women can succeed; and when Nigerian women succeed, Nigeria
succeeds.
And that is why it is so important that the United States help
Nigeria ensure that Boko Haram fails.
I urge my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee Amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. King of Iowa
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. _. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to transfer weapons to the Palestinian Authority.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Iowa and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa.
Mr. KING of Iowa. Mr. Chairman, simply, this amendment says, as the
gentlelady read, ``None of the funds made available by this Act may be
used to transfer weapons to the Palestinian Authority.''
I would like to express why I brought this amendment. I take you
back, Mr. Chairman, to April 23, 2014, when Fatah and Hamas unified
within the Palestinian Authority in the Palestinian organization. That
unification brought about a terrorist-designated organization, a
foreign terrorist organization, joined together with Fatah. This is
April 23.
On June 6 of 2014, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said: ``We
will work with and fund the new Palestinian Authority government.''
So what that means is, they have decided, for the first time, that
our taxpayers' borrowed money is going to be committed to a terrorist
organization.
1997 was when Hamas was designated as a foreign terrorist
organization. Since 1997, Hamas has launched tens of thousands of
rockets from the Gaza Strip into Israel.
Khaled Mashal of Hamas said the reconciliation of the two
organizations, Fatah and Hamas, will consolidate the resistance. Not
bring about peace, but consolidate the resistance.
We can't afford and cannot fund a power-sharing Palestinian
government that includes Hamas because they are a foreign trade
organization.
I would bring to the attention of the floor, Mr. Chairman, the
Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006, which bans funding to a
government that includes Hamas until they meet three different
conditions.
One is that they recognize Israel.
Two is that they renounce violence.
And three is that they accept previous Israeli-Palestinian
agreements.
They have done none of those three things and, therefore, can't
qualify for this funding. So we cannot fund a power-sharing Palestinian
government that includes Hamas because they are a foreign trade
organization, because they do not recognize the Jewish state, they do
not recognize their right to exist.
But prior to June 2, 2014, the U.S. has never recognized a government
that includes Hamas, and so that is why I bring this amendment.
And I would point out that the administration has been isolating
Israel in a number of ways. Secretary Kerry, in April of this year,
compared Israel to an apartheid state. I have been there a number of
times and I have not seen that. I don't recognize that, and I don't
think it is true. I think Israel would reject that, and I would
encourage them to do so.
But in May of 2011, President Obama said that Israel should return to
its 1967 borders. That would be indefensible for Israel to do that.
So we need to stick with the existing statute, the 2006 Palestinian
Anti-Terrorism Act. And this amendment cuts off funding to that
military supply and support.
Mr. Chairman, I urge adoption of my amendment, and I yield back the
balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Grayson
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk, Grayson
Amendment 5.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to detain, without conviction, any person for more
than 15 years at United States Naval Station, Guantanamo Bay,
Cuba.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Florida and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. GRAYSON. Mr. Chairman, the amendment at the desk is simple. It
reads as you just read it.
As you know, Guantanamo was opened for business, so to speak, in
January of 2002. It is now June of 2014.
My amendment seems to give some kind of clue as to how long we, a
free people who respect freedom, are willing to incarcerate and
imprison people who have been accused of no crime, have faced no judge,
no jury, and have never been subject to the American system of justice.
My amendment has no immediate effect during this fiscal year. As it
says, it is limited to persons who have served for 15 years or more at
Guantanamo Bay. The facility itself is only 12 years old.
What this amendment does do is ensure that no funds will be made
available by this bill that are carried over to future fiscal years and
are then used to imprison anyone for 15 years or longer if they haven't
been accused, much less convicted of any crime.
I would hope that we, as a free people, would understand that
principle and agree that this is reasonable.
[[Page H5544]]
Nobody, nobody, foreign or American, should be subject to
imprisonment for more than 15 years without ever even facing his
accusers, much less being convicted of a crime. That is particularly
true under the auspices of the U.S. Government because we are a people
of laws, not a people of people.
This amendment is silent as to whether detainees could be convicted
under an article III court, a military tribunal, a commission, or some
other form of court with the authority to render any judgment.
It simply says that a person must be convicted of a crime or must be
released from Guantanamo if they have served 15 years, 15 years, Mr.
Chairman, of detention.
We have speedy trial rules in this country that guarantee the right
to face your accusers within 6 months. These prisoners, both the
innocent ones and the guilty ones, have been incarcerated without
hearing any charges against them now for more than a decade.
I would urge my colleagues to support this commonsense amendment and
recognize the dignity of all human beings, whether or not they have the
privilege to be American citizens.
In the year 1209, in a French city called Beziers, a monk oversaw the
Albigensian crusade. The crusaders were brought into that city to deal
with the heretics, the Albigensians, who lived in that French town.
Arnaud Amelric, a monk, was asked: What should we do with these people,
these Christians who are like us who don't believe exactly what we
believe?
He said: Kill them all and let God sort it out.
That has stood for many years as a signal that we must expect more
from civilized people than that. We are holding these people in that
prison, all of them, the innocent and the guilty apparently, under
current rules, forever and ever and ever.
What is worse, killing them all and letting God sort it out, or
holding them forever and not letting them ever meet their God but
remain in prison for their entire lives?
I submit to you that we Americans are better than this. There has to
be some kind of limitation.
This amendment will not force the release of anyone imminently, but
will be a signal to all mankind that we, the American people, we retain
our dignity and our humanity.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose the gentleman's
amendment.
Our Nation has invested millions of dollars in building state-of-the-
art, humane, safe, and I may say, air-conditioned facilities to detain
and prosecute the terrorist detainees at Guantanamo.
In order to close that facility, we need to know what the President
intends to do with those terrorist detainees who are too dangerous to
release but could not be tried.
They had an opportunity to prosecute. What has been going on for the
last 6 or 7 years?
How will he ensure that the terrorists transferred overseas don't
return to the fight?
No way, apparently, he can reassure us of that because plenty have,
and they have killed a lot of our soldiers in the process.
And what will he do with terrorists we capture in the future, like
the one we captured the other day in Libya?
Well, we know what he does. He brings them back to this country, and
they are prosecuted as common criminals, not as enemy combatants.
He hasn't answered those questions, so our committee is just as
adamant as the authorizing committee in opposition to this amendment. I
strongly oppose this amendment, and urge my colleagues to do so.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 2130
Mr. GRAYSON. I would respectfully submit that, on the gentleman's
logic, there is no longer any distinction between the innocent and the
guilty.
Those who are at Guantanamo Bay undoubtedly contain both innocent and
guilty, but those categories, under the gentleman's logic, do not even
apply to them any longer. They are simply captives forever and ever,
going untried until they themselves decide to end their life, and we
permit it. That is a fundamentally undignified view of the human
conditions.
Whatever these people may be, American or not American, they are not
just innocent until proven guilty, but on the gentleman's logic, they
are not just guilty until proven innocent. They are guilty, guilty,
guilty--no matter what.
That is something that is fundamentally unfair to them and to us and
has cast an aspersion and a blotch on the American reputation
throughout the world. That is why I call on this to end.
I am not saying that these people need to be released. I am saying
that they need to be tried. Let's get to the bottom of it and determine
if they are guilty or innocent. For God's sake, let's stop punishing
the innocent.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Let's remember the innocent people who were killed
on September 11, 2001. How about justice for them?
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. GRAYSON. Well, of course, nothing that we do here today is likely
to bring any of those victims back; but as President Lincoln once said,
It is for we, the living--we, the living, that carry forth the
principles of justice.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Grayson).
The amendment was rejected.
amendment offered by mr. massie
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following new section:
Sec. __. (a) Except as provided in subsection (b), none of
the funds made available by this Act may be used by an
officer or employee of the United States to query a
collection of foreign intelligence information acquired under
section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of
1978 (50 U.S.C. 1881a) using a United States person
identifier.
(b) Subsection (a) shall not apply to queries for foreign
intelligence information authorized under section 105, 304,
703, 704, or 705 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act
of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1805; 1842; 1881b; 1881c; 1881d), or title
18, United States Code, regardless of under what Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act authority it was collected.
(c) Except as provided for in subsection (d), none of the
funds made available by this Act may be used by the National
Security Agency or the Central Intelligence Agency to mandate
or request that a person (as defined in section 1801(m) of
title 50, United States Code) alter its product or service to
permit the electronic surveillance (as defined in section
1801(f) of title 50, United States Code) of any user of said
product or service for said agencies.
(d) Subsection (c) shall not apply with respect to mandates
or requests authorized under the Communications Assistance
for Law Enforcement Act (47 U.S.C. 1001 et seq.).
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Kentucky and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Kentucky.
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Chairman, the American people are sick of being spied
on. Our Founding Fathers wrote an important provision into the Bill of
Rights--the Fourth Amendment--and that requires probable cause and a
warrant before the government and government agents can snoop on any
American.
During the debate on the USA FREEDOM Act, we knew that more work was
needed to ensure Americans' privacy rights are protected. That is why
our bipartisan group has joined together to shut surveillance backdoors
that do not meet the expectations of our constituents or the standards
required by the Constitution.
At this time, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my colleague from California
(Ms. Lofgren).
Ms. LOFGREN. Mr. Chairman, I think it is important to know that the
Director of National Intelligence has confirmed publicly that the
government searches vast amounts of data, including the content of
emails and telephone calls, without individualized suspicion or
probable cause when it comes to U.S. persons.
[[Page H5545]]
Last week, the director of the FBI testified under oath, before the
Judiciary Committee, that this information is used for prosecution and
without a warrant.
This amendment is simple. It allows us to get the bad guys, but it
also says use probable cause and the Fourth Amendment. It also closes a
backdoor to technology holes.
The broad support for this, I think, shows why it is important for
Mr. Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin; myself; Mr. Conyers of Michigan; Mr.
Poe of Texas; Ms. Gabbard; Mr. Jordan of Ohio; Mr. O'Rourke; Mr. Amash;
of course, Mr. Massie; Mr. Holt; Mr. Nadler; Mr. Petri; Ms. DelBene;
Mr. Farenthold; Mr. Sanford; and Mr. Butterfield--this spans all over
this House of Representatives, from right to left, with Members saying:
yes, we need to protect our country, but we also need to honor our
Constitution and especially the Fourth Amendment.
We started this Congress by reading the Constitution of the United
States aloud in this Chamber. Let's finish this bill by making sure
that we honor that Constitution by adopting this amendment.
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Chair, I will submit for the Record the letter from
the Director of National Intelligence that my colleague from California
referred to.
Director of National Intelligence,
Washington, DC, Mar. 28, 2014.
Hon. Ron Wyden,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Dear Senator Wyden: During the January 29, 2014, Worldwide
Threat hearing, you cited declassified court documents from
2011 indicating that NSA sought and obtained the authority to
query information collected under Section 702 of the Foreign
Intelligence and Surveillance Act (FISA), using U.S. person
identifiers, and asked whether any such queries had been
conducted for the communications of specific Americans.
As reflected in the August 2013 Semiannual Assessment of
Compliance with Procedures and Guidelines Issued Pursuant to
Section 702, which we declassified and released on August 21.
2013, there have been queries, using U.S. person identifiers,
of communications lawfully acquired to obtain foreign
intelligence by targeting non U.S. persons reasonably
believed to be located outside the U.S. pursuant to Section
702 of FISA. These queries were performed pursuant to
minimization procedures approved by the FISA Court as
consistent with the statute and the Fourth Amendment. As you
know, when Congress reauthorized Section 702, the proposal to
restrict such queries was specifically raised and ultimately
not adopted.
For further assistance, please do not hesitate to contact
Deirdre M. Walsh in the Office of Legislative Affairs, at
(703) 275-2474.
Sincerely,
James R. Clapper.
Mr. MASSIE. At this point, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from New Jersey is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose the gentleman's
amendment. This is our Appropriations bill. There is nothing in this
amendment about funding. You won't see one dollar sign or numeral. The
goal was to change policy--that is why they are here--and the
application of the law without the oversight of the authorizing
committees. The authorizers ought to be dealing with this issue.
It is my pleasure to yield such time as he may wish to consume to the
distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte), the chairman of
the Judiciary, to respond to this amendment.
Mr. GOODLATTE. Mr. Chairman, last month, the House passed H.R. 3361,
the USA FREEDOM Act, with overwhelming bipartisan support. This
amendment undoes the carefully crafted reforms that this body passed,
with overwhelming support.
A similar amendment regarding section 702 was offered and rejected by
the House Judiciary Committee during its markup of H.R. 3361.
The bipartisan legislation passed by the House last month was closely
negotiated on a bipartisan basis with the House Intelligence Committee,
House leadership, and the intelligence community--to create a product
that provides real, meaningful reforms to intelligence-gathering
programs, while ensuring that the operational capabilities of the
intelligence community are protected.
H.R. 3361 explicitly codifies existing minimization procedures for
section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act that requires the intelligence
community to minimize the collection and prohibit the retention and
dissemination of wholly domestic communications.
H.R. 3361 also prohibits the government from using communications to
or from a United States person or a person who appears to be located in
the United States, except where the communication relates to a target
under section 702 or to protect against an immediate threat to human
life.
The intelligence community is strictly prohibited from using section
702 of the FISA Amendments Acts to target a U.S. person. If a U.S.
person is the target of intelligence gathering under FISA, this must,
at all times, be carried out pursuant to an individualized court order
based upon probable cause.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger), the ranking member of the
Intelligence Committee.
Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to vote against
this amendment.
The USA FREEDOM Act that reformed the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act was the product of nearly a year of carefully
considered negotiation and debate. It passed the House last month with
an overwhelming bipartisan majority of 303 votes, but now, we have an
amendment to an appropriations bill that makes major legislative
changes to FISA with only 10 minutes of debate, and it makes our
country less safe.
It would prohibit the urgent search of lawfully-collected information
to thwart a bomb plot against a synagogue in Los Angeles, a church in
Maryland, or the New York Stock Exchange.
It has no emergency exceptions, and it basically says that what you
can do to stop a criminal in this country, you can't do to stop a
terrorist. That is wrong. We cannot allow this to happen.
We will continue to work on FISA and our other national security laws
to maximize privacy and civil liberties, especially for U.S. persons,
but we must do so carefully and deliberately. We must make sure to also
keep our country and our allies safe from terrorist attacks.
Ultimately, while I applaud these Members for continuing to look for
ways to reform our intelligence laws, we shouldn't be doing this on an
appropriations bill with only 10 minutes of debate.
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Chairman, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee is
correct. This was in the original FREEDOM Act, and it was stripped out
in his committee. That is why many of the Members who originally
sponsored the FREEDOM Act did not, in fact, vote for the final version,
and I would argue that it was not legislated.
The final version of the FREEDOM Act was done behind closed doors,
and when it came to this floor, we would have loved to have offered
amendments, but the rules were written such that we could not amend it.
Legislators from 435 districts had no say in the final bill, and that
is why we are here tonight with this amendment, to reinsert this
provision which over 150 Members of this body sponsored.
At this point, I would like to yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman
from Hawaii (Ms. Gabbard).
Ms. GABBARD. Mr. Chairman, our number one priority is keeping the
American people safe. We do that by focusing our resources on those who
actually pose a threat to our safety, while upholding the freedoms and
civil liberties of the American people, not by continuing this dragnet
spying on millions of Americans.
There is no evidence to date that these programs have made our
country more secure. Not a single taxpayer dollar should be used to
fund a program that spies on innocent Americans, violating the
principles of liberty and freedom that so many have fought and given
their lives for.
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Poe).
Mr. POE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, the NSA has shown they will always
interpret the law to the extent that allows them to seize the
information. That is why the law has to be much more clear to the NSA.
We all must remember that the NSA was violating the PATRIOT Act, as
written.
[[Page H5546]]
This amendment does something that is very concrete. It tells the
NSA: Get a warrant. Get a warrant through the front door. You get a
warrant through the backdoor. You can't spy on Americans unless you get
a warrant. That is what this amendment does, and I support this
amendment.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MASSIE. Mr. Chairman, my friend from Texas is correct. The
American people can be kept safe, and we can follow the Constitution.
We don't have to disregard it, and that is what this amendment would
allow us to do, to keep the American people safe while protecting their
civil liberties.
There are two provisions here, and they both close backdoors. One
backdoor currently allows, without probable cause or a warrant, for the
NSA to query a database of American persons' information. This is
wrong. They should have a warrant.
The other part of this amendment would prevent money from being spent
to fund companies to put backdoors into products. When the government
causes these companies to intentionally make defects in their products,
they make Americans less safe. They make Americans' data less safe, and
they compromise the quality of American goods overseas.
Ultimately, this is about the Constitution, and if you believe in the
Constitution, if you believe that it is still valid, if you think we
can honor the Fourth Amendment and that we can still keep people safe,
then I urge you to vote for this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 2145
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte).
Mr. GOODLATTE. Mr. Chairman, the bill passed by this House honors the
Fourth Amendment and protects the rights of American citizens. At the
same time, Islamic radical terrorists are on the march in Iraq, and the
leader has publicly threatened to attack America, Syria has become a
vortex of jihadists from across the globe, and the Director of National
Intelligence and the Secretary of Homeland Security have warned of the
growing threat these jihadists pose to our own homeland. State control
has collapsed in Libya, and rival gangs of radical terrorists have
established safe havens that rival those in Afghanistan prior to 2001.
Meanwhile, in Afghanistan, the Taliban, Haqqani Network, and al Qaeda
continue to fight. Moreover, the administration has released the
Taliban Five from Guantanamo, emboldening the terrorists. The terrorist
danger is grave and growing. The terrorist threat is not contained
overseas. The U.S. homeland remains a prime aspiration and target.
This amendment would create a blind spot for the intelligence
community tracking terrorists with direct connections to the U.S.
homeland. This amendment would impose greater restrictions on the
intelligence community's ability to protect national security than
constitutionally required and create an impediment to the government's
ability to locate threat information already in its possession. Such an
impediment would put American lives at risk of another terrorist attack
I urge my colleagues to reject this amendment and stand by the
legislation passed. It is also being considered in the Senate and there
will be further negotiations, but this--this--contradicts the intent of
the House and endangers America's national security.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Chair, this amendment answers questions millions of
Americans have asked: Will we stop the government's unconstitutional
searches of Americans' stored communications? Will we prohibit the
government from deliberately sabotaging the security of the internet
and America's technology products?
This amendment would do both while still giving the government all
the authority it needs to collect foreign intelligence on real threats.
It is a first step towards reversing the current government paradigm of
treating our people as suspects first, and citizens second. I urge my
colleagues to vote yes on this bipartisan amendment.
It has been over a year now since the nation learned of the scope of
the National Security Agency's vast surveillance programs targeting
global communications, and thus the communications of every American.
These programs have been executed in the absence of true, probing
Congressional oversight, and they have been repeatedly rubber-stamped
by a secret court that has too often acted as an enabler of this
domestic spying rather than a check on it.
Earlier this spring, the House passed a bill--the USA Freedom Act--
that if enacted into law would have the effect of essentially
enshrining these unconstitutional programs into law. While I hope the
Senate will either reject or substantially improve that legislation,
there is no guarantee that the USA Freedom Act or any other stand-alone
NSA reform legislation will pass the Congress this year. That is why I
and over a dozen of my colleagues, on a bipartisan basis, have brought
this amendment to the House floor tonight. I should also note that this
amendment is supported by dozens of groups from across the political
spectrum, as well as some of America's leading technology companies,
including Google.
This amendment answers questions millions of Americans have asked:
will we stop the government's unconstitutional searches of Americans'
stored communications? Will we prohibit the government from
deliberately sabotaging the security of the internet and America's
technology products? This amendment would do both while still giving
the government all the authority it needs to collect foreign
intelligence on real threats.
The first part of this amendment would prohibit the government from
conducting warrantless searches of the communications of Americans
collected under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act. One of the predictions I and others made in 2008 when this
provision became law was that it would be misused for the ``reverse
targeting'' of Americans' communications while collecting against
foreigners. As we now know, that is exactly what happened, and those
communications--billions of phone calls, emails, text messages and the
like--now sit on National Security Agency servers, available for search
without a warrant. This amendment would bar the NSA from using any
funds in this act to conduct any search of stored communications of
Americans collected under Sec. 702 of FISA, thus protecting the privacy
and Constitutional rights of all Americans.
The second part of this amendment would prohibit the government from
forcing American technology companies to build in ``back doors'' to
their products that would compromise the encryption and privacy
safeguards built into them. Early this year, published reports revealed
that RSA, which provides the SecurelD remote login devices used by
House Members and staff, had, at NSA's insistence, built in such ``back
doors'' to some of its other products that compromised the privacy and
encryption features of the devices in question. This amendment would
prohibit that practice, thus helping to restore public confidence in
the security and integrity of American produced high technology
products.
This amendment is a first step towards reversing the current
government paradign of treating our people as suspects first, and
citizens second. I urge my colleagues to vote yes on this bipartisan
amendment.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chair, I want to thank Rep. Jim Sensenbrenner of
Wisconsin, Rep. Zoe Lofgren of California, and the other sponsors of
this amendment for their continued leadership on the effort to roll
back dragnet surveillance of United States citizens.
Last month, a broad, bipartisan majority passed H.R. 3361, the USA
FREEDOM Act. That bill rightly ends domestic bulk collection.
But, as I said then, ending bulk collection is only part of the work
that must be done to fully reform government surveillance.
This amendment closes the ``backdoor surveillance'' loophole--through
which the government queries U.S. person information without a warrant.
This amendment also prohibits the government from mandating the
creation of vulnerabilities in commercial products and services for
later exploitation.
Together, these changes end two demonstrated threats to our privacy
and civil liberties--without any measurable loss to our national
security.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Chair, I am proud to be a leading co-sponsor of the
Sensenbrenner/Lofgren/Massie amendment and I urge my colleagues to
support it.
The NSA must stop conducting illegal `backdoor searches' into the
communications of U.S. citizens. Congress must adopt the Sensenbrenner/
Lofgren/Massie amendment and make sure that this loophole is closed in
the law. For too long, the NSA has misused authority granted under
section 702 of the FISA Amendments Act, which was meant only to
authorize spying on foreigners. However, the NSA has misused this
authority to search emails, pictures, videos, and other internet
[[Page H5547]]
traffic of innocent Americans. This practice is clearly
unconstitutional and violates the Fourth Amendment, which protects
against unreasonable search and seizure, and normally requires a court-
issued warrant. Clearly, this is not how Congress intended the law to
be applied.
After the passage of the USA Freedom Act, this amendment is the
logical next step to prevent improper surveillance. I will continue to
work to improve our nation's privacy laws and to ensure that this
Administration, and all those that follow it, respect the
constitutional rights of all Americans.
As I said at the time, the USA Freedom Act certainly did not give us
everything we wanted or needed. It was far from perfect, but it was an
important step forward. We must not leave in place a framework that
leads to the dragnet surveillance of our citizens.
During the last several months, I have worked with my colleagues on
the House Judiciary Committee to pass the USA Freedom Act. While that
bill contains some significant reforms, such as ending NSA's bulk
collection of metadata from Americans, more reforms are still needed.
And this amendment is an important step in the right direction.
Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chair, I rise today to support this amendment
to the Fiscal Year 2015 Department of Defense Appropriations Act. I
would like to thank Representatives Lofgren and Massie for their work
on this issue.
To my colleagues who supported the USA FREEDOM Act, this amendment
further defends the constitutional rights we voted to protect. To
cosponsors who didn't believe the FREEDOM Act went far enough, this
amendment reclaims an important protection stripped from the original
bill.
I believe the amended USA FREEDOM Act is an important step toward
striking the proper balance between privacy and security, and I look
forward to seeing it signed into law. But as I said at the time of that
vote, the FREEDOM Act was a first step--not a final step--in our
efforts for reform.
The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act prohibits the government
from targeting U.S. communications. The Administration believes,
however, that as long as it incidentally or inadvertently collects
Americans' communications, it can read our emails and listen to our
phone calls without any judicial process at all.
The Administration has admitted it violates our rights in this way,
but it refuses to say how often or to what extent.
The Obama Administration knows that FISA does not authorize
collection of wholly domestic communications. It also knows that the
content of our communications are, by and large, protected by the
Fourth Amendment. But the Administration nevertheless believes that as
long as those communications are inadvertently collected, it has the
right to disregard the law and the Constitution.
This amendment says that the Fourth Amendment means what it says and
there should be no shortcuts around it. For those who believe the sky
will fall and U.S. security will be undermined, it has only been since
2011 that the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court opened the
backdoor and allowed these illegal searches. This amendment closes that
door.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Massie).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. LOFGREN. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Kentucky
will be postponed.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Barrow of Georgia
Mr. BARROW of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title), insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds made available by this Act may
be used to--
(1) disestablish, or prepare to disestablish, a Senior
Reserve Officers' Training Corps program in accordance with
Department of Defense Instruction Number 1215.08, dated June
26, 2006; or
(2) close, downgrade from host to extension center, or
place on probation a Senior Reserve Officers' Training Corps
program in accordance with the information paper of the
Department of the Army titled ``Army Senior Reserve Officers'
Training Corps (SROTC) Program Review and Criteria'', dated
January 27, 2014.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Georgia and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. BARROW of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Chairman, first, I want to thank the chairman and the ranking
member for their work on what is undoubtedly the most important bill we
pass on an annual basis.
I rise in support of the bipartisan Barrow-Benishek amendment to H.R.
4870, the Department of Defense Appropriations Act for fiscal year
2015. This is a straightforward amendment that provides the certainty
that our Army Reserve Officers' Training Corps needs to select,
educate, train, and commission college students to be officers and
leaders of character.
In the coming days, the Army is expected to initiate the closure of
some ROTC programs. On that list could be any of the 275 ROTC host
programs located in every State in the Union. Unfortunately, for
thousands of cadets in these programs, the Army's timeline for closure
is too short. According to the plans, the Army would close ROTC
programs as early as next June. That is simply not fair for the
students in these programs or their host universities.
This amendment would simply delay closure of these ROTC programs by 1
year. We would be doing everything we can to make sure that our ROTC
programs and our cadets succeed. They are the next generation of Army
leadership, and 1 year of delay would give all of us the certainty that
we need to do so.
At this time, I would like to yield such time as he may consume to
the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Benishek), my partner in this measure.
Mr. BENISHEK. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment I co-
introduced with my friend, Mr. Barrow, to prevent the closure of
Reserve Officers' Training Corps programs across this country.
ROTC programs not only benefit the Army, they strengthen communities
and provide opportunities to promising young students. However, in
October of this past year, the Army released a list of 13 ROTC programs
slated for closure following the 2014-2015 school year.
Following advocacy from Members, including Chairman Rogers, we were
able instead to get the Army to institute a new evaluation system for
ROTC programs. This amendment simply holds the Army to their promise of
giving these programs enough time to institute changes.
One of these valuable programs is located at Northern Michigan
University. Over the 45-year history of the program, Northern Michigan
has seen 400 students graduate and go on to military service.
A closure of the NMU ROTC program next school year would prove
especially unfair to the cadets currently in the program. These young
men and women have worked hard in order to be accepted and maintain
their spot. Let's give them a chance to succeed and serve the country
they love. Support this amendment. Please vote for it.
Mr. BARROW of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, for all the reasons given, I
urge a ``yes'' vote on the bipartisan Barrow-Benishek amendment, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Barrow).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Conaway
Mr. CONAWAY. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will report the amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
At the end of the bill (before the short title) insert the
following:
Sec. __. None of the funds appropriated or otherwise made
available in this Act may be used to enter into a contract
for the planning, design, refurbishing, or construction of a
biofuels refinery any other facility or infrastructure used
to refine biofuels unless such planning, design,
refurbishing, or construction is specifically authorized by
law.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the gentleman
from Texas and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. CONAWAY. This is a pretty straightforward amendment, Mr.
Chairman, that would simply require
[[Page H5548]]
that any effort under the Defense Production Act to build a hundreds-
of-millions-of-dollars refinery for biofuels could not happen until it
was authorized by this body.
It is not allowed to stop this from happening. It simply means that
the Department of Defense and the Department of Agriculture, who both
are funding this misguided attempt, in my opinion, couldn't do that
until they bring a business case to this body for consideration.
I would think my colleagues on the Appropriations Defense
Subcommittee as well as the MilCon Subcommittee would be offended by
this backdoor approach to spending hundreds of millions of dollars on a
project of dubious value.
The Defense Production Act is a World War II, post-World War II
vintage program supervised by the Financial Services Committee--not the
Defense, not the Armed Services Committee or the Subcommittees on
Appropriation--but the Financial Services Committee.
There is currently a refinery that is being proposed to be joint-
funded by the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Defense
to build a biofuels refinery. Neither of these agencies' core
competencies is in this arena. They each have their own core
competencies, and it has absolutely nothing to do with biofuels.
I would argue that the Department of Energy--if anybody--should be
the one who authorizes this work, but they have got a dubious
distinction, as well, with decisions such as Solyndra and others of
making really poor decisions.
The other side will argue that this somehow protects the Department
of Defense from price shocks on oil and gas that they have simply
purchased. They have never brought us that business case. We have no
clue what the break-even point on biofuels is against some equivalent
cost for fossil-based fuels. Currently, they are spending somewhere
between $16 and $27 a gallon for algae-based jet fuel versus the $3 to
$4 a gallon commercially available.
These folks who are proponents of biofuels are not proponents of
better alternative resources like coal to liquids. So I would urge my
colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the amendment to require an authorization
for the spending of some $300-plus million on a refinery that is, in my
view, of dubious distinction.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate very much this is the third
iteration of a very similar amendment, so my comments will also mirror
those that I have made earlier in the debate.
The first thing I would make clear to the gentleman from Texas,
though, is I am not going to suggest in any way, shape, or form that
his amendment is offered to protect the oil and gas industry of his
State. As I mentioned earlier this evening, the largest inland oil
refinery in the United States of America is in the First Congressional
District of Indiana, and I am very proud of that. I tell my
constituents that we need a matrix of fuels, and while we work from
using carbon almost exclusively, we are also a coal State in Indiana.
We are not to foreclose our options, and particularly for the
Department of Defense.
Given the fact that the Department is the largest consumer of energy
on planet Earth as far as a single entity, I do think we ought to also
allow them to examine what is the best matrix and mix of fuels for the
particular missions and locations that they find themselves in. For
these reasons, I am opposed to the gentleman's amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CONAWAY. Mr. Chairman, I would not take offense--I should--but I
won't take offense that the gentleman suggests that somehow this
amendment has anything to do whatsoever with respect to oil and gas
that we produce in Texas. When you don't like the merits of your own
argument, you go ahead and attack the folks on the other side, and I
understand that technique.
The truth of the matter is the Department of Defense can, in fact,
make judgments for themselves once a product is available to them at
commercial products. This just prevents them from going ahead and
trying to build something, build up a market and build a fuel that no
one else wants. It is only available here in the United States. It
would not be available anywhere else in the world to fuel our
airplanes, or our ships, or our tanks and other things.
So, this is a misguided attempt driven by the White House on this
green initiative that is spending millions and millions of dollars of
taxpayer money, and it is a waste every time they do that.
I would argue that the better argument is to say ``no'' to this,
allow the Department of Defense to spend their dollars, as has been
said previously, on guns, tanks, ships, and salaries for our soldiers.
This is a wrong-headed tip. It ought to be authorized by the HASC and
by the Senate equivalent, and these two subcommittees on Appropriations
ought to be offended by this backdoor approach at spending hundreds of
millions of dollars on a program that has no oversight.
Mr. Chairman, I would urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the
amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Conaway).
The amendment was agreed to.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from Indiana is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I just want to correct the statement that my colleague
just made. At the outset of my remarks, I was careful to note, because
in the gentleman's original remarks he said that some would suggest he
had offered his amendment to defend the oil and gas industry. I
specifically said I know that is why he did not do that in the
amendment and made the further point that the largest inland oil
refinery in the United States of America is in my district, so I would
in no way infer that. So I want the Record to be very clear that I am
not impugning the motives of the gentleman who offered the amendment. I
simply rose in disagreement with his amendment.
Mr. CONAWAY. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. CONAWAY. I did misunderstand you. I thought you were saying I was
disqualified from offering an amendment like this because I simply
represent west Texas, which is the leading oil and gas producer in our
country. So if I misunderstood you, I will accept that.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. I yield back the balance of my time.
Announcement by the Acting Chair
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings
will now resume on those amendments on which further proceedings were
postponed, in the following order:
An amendment by Mrs. Miller of Michigan.
Amendment No. 2 by Mr. Cotton of Arkansas.
An amendment by Mr. Moran of Virginia.
Amendment No. 31 by Ms. Lee of California.
Amendment No. 33 by Ms. Lee of California.
An amendment by Mr. Massie of Kentucky.
An amendment by Mr. Fortenberry of Nebraska.
An amendment by Mr. Grayson of Florida.
Amendment No. 34 by Ms. Lee of California.
An amendment by Mr. Ellison of Minnesota.
The Chair will reduce to 2 minutes the time for any electronic vote
after the first vote in this series.
Amendment Offered by Mrs. Miller of Michigan
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Michigan
(Mrs. Miller) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
[[Page H5549]]
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 300,
noes 114, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 322]
AYES--300
Amash
Amodei
Bachmann
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Beatty
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Broun (GA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Camp
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Coffman
Cohen
Collins (GA)
Conyers
Cook
Costa
Cotton
Courtney
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DeSantis
Deutch
Dingell
Doyle
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Ellison
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Esty
Farenthold
Fattah
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Grijalva
Grimm
Guthrie
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hall
Hanabusa
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heck (WA)
Himes
Hinojosa
Holding
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Jenkins
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Jordan
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Langevin
Larson (CT)
Latta
Levin
Lewis
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Sean
Marino
Massie
Matheson
Matsui
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McGovern
McHenry
McIntyre
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meeks
Messer
Mica
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller, George
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Nadler
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pittenger
Pitts
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rice (SC)
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Serrano
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Sires
Smith (MO)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Speier
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tierney
Tipton
Tonko
Turner
Upton
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Wagner
Walberg
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woodall
Yoho
Young (AK)
NOES--114
Aderholt
Bachus
Bass
Becerra
Blumenauer
Brooks (IN)
Bucshon
Byrne
Calvert
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chu
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cole
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Connolly
Cooper
Cramer
Culberson
DelBene
Denham
Dent
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Doggett
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Eshoo
Farr
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Frelinghuysen
Garrett
Gowdy
Granger
Griffith (VA)
Hanna
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Huffman
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Joyce
Kaptur
Kline
Lance
Larsen (WA)
Latham
Lee (CA)
Lofgren
Long
Maloney, Carolyn
Marchant
McCollum
McDermott
McKeon
McKinley
Meehan
Meng
Miller (FL)
Miller, Gary
Moore
Moran
Napolitano
Neugebauer
Noem
O'Rourke
Owens
Paulsen
Quigley
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rigell
Roby
Rogers (KY)
Rokita
Royce
Sanford
Schwartz
Sensenbrenner
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (WA)
Takano
Titus
Tsongas
Valadao
Van Hollen
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walden
Walorski
Waxman
Welch
Wittman
Womack
Yarmuth
Yoder
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--17
Bishop (GA)
Capuano
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Scalise
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 1227
Messrs. WALDEN, ISSA, ADERHOLT, Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York,
Mrs. NAPOLITANO, and Ms. CLARKE of New York changed their vote from
``aye'' to ``no.''
Messrs. PITTS, CARSON, JOHNSON of Ohio, CHAFFETZ, and RODNEY DAVIS of
Illinois changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mr. Cotton
The Acting CHAIR (Ms. Foxx). The unfinished business is the demand
for a recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. Cotton) on which further proceedings were postponed and
on which the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 230,
noes 184, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 323]
AYES--230
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
Latta
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Marchant
Marino
Matheson
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peterson
Petri
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Schock
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Terry
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOES--184
Amash
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Broun (GA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
[[Page H5550]]
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hanna
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Labrador
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Massie
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Meeks
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--17
Bishop (GA)
Capuano
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Scalise
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2231
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Moran
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Virginia
(Mr. Moran) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 163,
noes 249, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 324]
AYES--163
Amash
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (FL)
Butterfield
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Edwards
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Gabbard
Garamendi
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Meeks
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (CA)
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Quigley
Roybal-Allard
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOES--249
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellison
Ellmers
Engel
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallego
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
Latta
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Maffei
Marchant
Marino
Massie
Matheson
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Rahall
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Schock
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shea-Porter
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Vela
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--19
Bishop (GA)
Capuano
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Meng
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Scalise
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2235
Mr. BARBER changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 31 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee) on which further proceedings were postponed and on
which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 165,
noes 250, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 325]
AYES--165
Amash
Barber
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Benishek
Bera (CA)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
[[Page H5551]]
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Broun (GA)
Burgess
Capps
Caardenas
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Coffman
Cohen
Conyers
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Garamendi
Garcia
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Labrador
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Massie
Matsui
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Peters (CA)
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Posey
Quigley
Rahall
Ribble
Rigell
Rohrabacher
Roybal-Allard
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Shea-Porter
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Stockman
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
Yoho
Young (AK)
NOES--250
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carson (IN)
Carter
Cartwright
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clyburn
Coble
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Connolly
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gabbard
Gallego
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Horsford
Hoyer
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Latham
Latta
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Lynch
Marchant
Marino
Matheson
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Rice (SC)
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Scalise
Schock
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Vargas
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Wasserman Schultz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--16
Bishop (GA)
Capuano
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2239
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 33 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee) on which further proceedings were postponed and on
which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 182,
noes 231, not voting 18, as follows:
[Roll No. 326]
AYES--182
Amash
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Benishek
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Broun (GA)
Burgess
Capps
Caardenas
Carney
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Coffman
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Daines
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Gabbard
Garamendi
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hanna
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Huelskamp
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kuster
Labrador
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Lipinski
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Massie
Matsui
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Paulsen
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Posey
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Ribble
Rigell
Rohrabacher
Rooney
Roybal-Allard
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Stockman
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Tierney
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Woodall
Yarmuth
Yoho
NOES--231
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carson (IN)
Carter
Cartwright
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clyburn
Coble
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (CA)
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Ellmers
Enyart
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallego
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Griffin (AR)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Holding
Hoyer
Hudson
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latham
Latta
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Long
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Matheson
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McHenry
[[Page H5552]]
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Pearce
Perry
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Rice (SC)
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rokita
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Scalise
Schock
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stutzman
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Vargas
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Yoder
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--18
Bishop (GA)
Capuano
Fudge
Gohmert
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Stivers
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2243
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Massie
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Kentucky
(Mr. Massie) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 293,
noes 123, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 327]
AYES--293
Amash
Amodei
Barton
Bass
Becerra
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Broun (GA)
Brown (FL)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Butterfield
Byrne
Campbell
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Cassidy
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coffman
Cohen
Collins (GA)
Connolly
Conyers
Cook
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farenthold
Farr
Fattah
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Gabbard
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Gosar
Gowdy
Graves (GA)
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Guthrie
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hall
Hanabusa
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huffman
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Jenkins
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Jordan
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
Kingston
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latta
Lee (CA)
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Luetkemeyer
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Massie
Matsui
McAllister
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McIntyre
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meeks
Meng
Mica
Michaud
Miller (MI)
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Mullin
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Neugebauer
Noem
Nolan
Nugent
O'Rourke
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Paulsen
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters (MI)
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Posey
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Reed
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Roe (TN)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ross
Rothfus
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Runyan
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Scalise
Schakowsky
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schwartz
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Southerland
Speier
Stewart
Stockman
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Terry
Tierney
Tipton
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Wagner
Walorski
Waters
Waxman
Weber (TX)
Welch
Wenstrup
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Woodall
Yarmuth
Yoder
Yoho
NOES--123
Aderholt
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Beatty
Benishek
Bilirakis
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Brooks (IN)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Calvert
Camp
Cantor
Carter
Coble
Cole
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Crawford
Crenshaw
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
Denham
Dent
Diaz-Balart
Duckworth
Ellmers
Forbes
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallego
Gerlach
Gingrey (GA)
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves (MO)
Grimm
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Himes
Hinojosa
Holding
Hoyer
Israel
Johnson (OH)
Jolly
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Langevin
Latham
Levin
LoBiondo
Long
Lucas
Marino
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McKeon
Meehan
Messer
Miller (FL)
Miller, Gary
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Nunes
Pearce
Peters (CA)
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Pompeo
Reichert
Renacci
Rigell
Roby
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ruppersberger
Schiff
Sewell (AL)
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (TX)
Stivers
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden
Wasserman Schultz
Webster (FL)
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1
Lipinski
NOT VOTING--14
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2247
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Fortenberry
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Nebraska
(Mr. Fortenberry) on which further proceedings were postponed and on
which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 167,
noes 244, not voting 20, as follows:
[Roll No. 328]
AYES--167
Aderholt
Amash
Bachmann
Barletta
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Bass
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bilirakis
Bishop (UT)
Black
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Broun (GA)
Buchanan
Burgess
Bustos
Campbell
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Cassidy
Castor (FL)
Chu
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Coble
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conyers
Daines
Davis, Danny
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Eshoo
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleming
Fortenberry
Garamendi
Garrett
Gibson
Gohmert
Gosar
Grijalva
Guthrie
Hahn
Hall
Hanabusa
Harris
Heck (NV)
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Holt
Honda
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huffman
Jeffries
Jenkins
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Jordan
Keating
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Latta
Lee (CA)
Lewis
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lummis
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Massie
Matheson
[[Page H5553]]
McAllister
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McIntyre
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meeks
Messer
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Moore
Moran
Murphy (PA)
Nadler
Neugebauer
Nolan
Nugent
Olson
Palazzo
Pallone
Pastor (AZ)
Paulsen
Pearce
Pingree (ME)
Pitts
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Posey
Price (GA)
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Roe (TN)
Rohrabacher
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothfus
Ruiz
Salmon
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Shuster
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NJ)
Speier
Stivers
Stockman
Takano
Tiberi
Tierney
Tonko
Turner
Velaazquez
Wagner
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Westmoreland
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
NOES--244
Amodei
Bachus
Barber
Barr
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Bucshon
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Cantor
Capito
Carney
Carson (IN)
Carter
Cartwright
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Cicilline
Clyburn
Coffman
Cohen
Conaway
Connolly
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Edwards
Ellison
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Esty
Farenthold
Farr
Fattah
Fleischmann
Flores
Forbes
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gabbard
Gallego
Garcia
Gardner
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Goodlatte
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (MO)
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Gutieerrez
Hanna
Harper
Hartzler
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Himes
Hinojosa
Holding
Horsford
Hoyer
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jackson Lee
Johnson, E. B.
Jolly
Joyce
Kaptur
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
Levin
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Long
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McKeon
McKinley
Meehan
Meng
Mica
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Noem
Nunes
O'Rourke
Owens
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pittenger
Pompeo
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Rigell
Roby
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Roskam
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Sarbanes
Scalise
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schock
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Simpson
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (NE)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Stewart
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tipton
Titus
Tsongas
Upton
Valadao
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Visclosky
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Wenstrup
Whitfield
Wittman
Womack
Yarmuth
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--20
Denham
Fudge
Graves (GA)
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Pascrell
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rokita
Runyan
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Southerland
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2252
Mr. JOHNSON of Georgia changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Grayson
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Florida
(Mr. Grayson) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 62,
noes 355, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 329]
AYES--62
Amash
Barrow (GA)
Blumenauer
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Broun (GA)
Caardenas
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Chu
Conyers
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Gibson
Grayson
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Holt
Honda
Johnson (GA)
Jones
Jordan
Kingston
Labrador
Lee (CA)
Lewis
Maffei
Massie
Matheson
Matsui
McClintock
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Miller, George
Nadler
Negrete McLeod
O'Rourke
Pallone
Perlmutter
Perry
Petri
Pocan
Rohrabacher
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Shimkus
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Stewart
Stockman
Takano
Tierney
Tonko
Velaazquez
Waters
NOES--355
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Carney
Carson (IN)
Carter
Cassidy
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Coffman
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Connolly
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farenthold
Farr
Fattah
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Grimm
Guthrie
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hall
Hanabusa
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holding
Horsford
Hoyer
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huffman
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Joyce
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Kuster
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
Latta
Levin
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren
Long
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McCollum
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Meng
Messer
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moore
Moran
Mullin
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Napolitano
Neal
Neugebauer
Noem
Nolan
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Paulsen
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Pingree (ME)
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Saanchez, Linda T.
Scalise
Schiff
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schwartz
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Sires
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stivers
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Titus
Tsongas
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Wasserman Schultz
Waxman
[[Page H5554]]
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yarmuth
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--14
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2256
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 34 Offered by Ms. Lee of California
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee) on which further proceedings were postponed and on
which the noes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 157,
noes 260, not voting 14, as follows:
[Roll No. 330]
AYES--157
Amash
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Benishek
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Broun (GA)
Burgess
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Courtney
Crowley
Cummings
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Frankel (FL)
Gabbard
Garamendi
Gibson
Gohmert
Grayson
Green, Al
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanabusa
Hastings (FL)
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Huelskamp
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kuster
Labrador
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lewis
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Massie
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McNerney
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters (MI)
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Posey
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Rigell
Rohrabacher
Roybal-Allard
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Shea-Porter
Sires
Slaughter
Speier
Stockman
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Tierney
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Veasey
Velaazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
Yoho
Young (AK)
NOES--260
Aderholt
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Carson (IN)
Carter
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clyburn
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallego
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Holding
Hoyer
Hudson
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Kelly (PA)
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Latham
Latta
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Long
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
Marchant
Marino
Matheson
McAllister
McCarthy (CA)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Moran
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Pompeo
Price (GA)
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Scalise
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schwartz
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Terry
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Titus
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Vargas
Vela
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--14
Fudge
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2259
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Ellison
The Acting CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a
recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Minnesota
(Mr. Ellison) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which
the ayes prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The Acting CHAIR. This will be a 2-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 212,
noes 204, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 331]
AYES--212
Barber
Barrow (GA)
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Braley (IA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
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Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
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Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
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Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
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Deutch
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Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
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Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Enyart
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Esty
Farr
Fattah
Fitzpatrick
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gibson
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Grimm
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Hahn
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Heck (WA)
Higgins
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Hinojosa
Holt
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Jackson Lee
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Johnson, E. B.
Jones
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Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
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Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Matheson
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McIntyre
McKinley
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Michaud
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
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Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
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Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Reichert
Renacci
Rohrabacher
[[Page H5555]]
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Runyan
Ruppersberger
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schwartz
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
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Shea-Porter
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Smith (WA)
Speier
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Titus
Tonko
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Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
Young (AK)
NOES--204
Aderholt
Amash
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
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Chaffetz
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Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cotton
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Culberson
Daines
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Duffy
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Ellmers
Farenthold
Fincher
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
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Gowdy
Granger
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Graves (MO)
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Guthrie
Hall
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Harris
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Hurt
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Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
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Kline
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Latham
Latta
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Lucas
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Lummis
Marchant
Marino
Massie
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McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKeon
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Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
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Pearce
Perry
Petri
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Posey
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Roby
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NOT VOTING--15
Fudge
Johnson (GA)
Kirkpatrick
Lankford
Lujan Grisham (NM)
McCarthy (NY)
Mulvaney
Nunnelee
Polis
Rangel
Richmond
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Thompson (MS)
Walz
{time} 2304
Mr. MESSER changed his vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York changed her vote from ``no'' to
``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Madam Chair, I move that the Committee do now
rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Joyce) having assumed the chair, Ms. Foxx, Acting Chair of the
Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 4870)
making appropriations for the Department of Defense for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2015, and for other purposes, had come to no
resolution thereon.
____________________