[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 94 (Tuesday, June 17, 2014)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3691-S3692]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
MORNING BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will be
in a period of morning business until 11:00 a.m., with Senators
permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes, with the time equally
divided by the two leaders or their designees.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, the distinguished senior Senator from Iowa
is here to speak on one of the nominations. I am sure that if the
Republican leader does come, he would yield to the Republican leader.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Iowa.
Kadzik Nomination
Mr. GRASSLEY. For the third time in a couple weeks, I want to speak
about one of the nominees we are going to be voting on today. That
nominee is Peter Kadzik. He has been nominated to the Department of
Justice's Office of
[[Page S3692]]
Legislative Affairs. He would have the position of Assistant Attorney
General. Today I would like to make a few concluding comments about
this nominee's record as well as this administration's record, more
broadly speaking, with respect to congressional oversight.
It is hard for me to imagine a nominee who is less suited to head the
Office of Legislative Affairs than Mr. Kadzik. It is not a mystery how
the nominee will run that office if he is confirmed, and we know that
because he has been Acting Assistant Attorney General for well over a
year, and he has a long and well-established history of contempt for
congressional oversight authority. It is clear to me that when it comes
to this nominee, past practice will be an accurate predictor of future
performance. Unfortunately, there is a lot of evidence that justifies
my conclusion. I will start with the nominee's record of contempt for
congressional oversight even before he joined the Justice Department.
When he was a private attorney back in 2001, the House ordered the
nominee to testify as part of the Congress's investigation into the
eleventh-hour pardon of billionaire tax fugitive Marc Rich. The nominee
represented Rich. Not only did the nominee refuse to appear
voluntarily, but he got on a plane to California the day before he was
scheduled to testify before the House committee. In order to get him to
testify before the House, the House had to send the U.S. Marshals to
personally serve him with a subpoena in California. Isn't that a cute
way to act when Congress is trying to speak to him? When he returned to
Washington, he actually claimed that his lawyers had never bothered to
mention the subpoena to him before he left on that plane trip to
California. We know that claim isn't true because of handwritten notes
that are now part of the record of this nominee's confirmation hearing.
Unfortunately, things haven't improved much since then. The nominee's
record as Acting Assistant Attorney General has been completely
unacceptable. Senators' letters and questions go unanswered for many
months before the nominee provides--most often--a largely nonresponsive
reply. So, as I said last week, this administration is sending a
message by nominating Mr. Kadzik to the Office of Legislative Affairs.
That message is this: You can expect more of the same.
I want to ask my colleagues this: How much more abuse of this body's
prerogative by this White House are we willing to accept? How much more
stonewalling of our legitimate, reasonable requests for information are
we prepared to tolerate as we try to carry out our constitutional
responsibility of oversight? How many more times do you intend to look
the other way as this administration flaunts the law through illegal
and unilateral executive action?
In recent weeks the administration has raised the stakes. Two weeks
ago the President approved the release of the Taliban five from
Guantanamo without so much as a phone call to the chair or vice chair
of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Disposition of the
detainees at Guantanamo is one of the most important issues related to
the war on terror, and Congress has a well-defined role under the law
when it comes to releasing dangerous terrorists. But the administration
doesn't care about the role Congress has assumed for itself under the
Constitution and under the laws we write. This administration has shown
total contempt for its obligations under the law--a law they took an
oath to uphold. I guess the President's view is that it is better to
ask forgiveness after the fact than it is to abide by his
constitutional obligation to follow the law and take care that law is
faithfully executed.
That is one reason why this nomination is so important. It is a
perfect example of this administration's contempt for oversight and
contempt for the law.
This Senator believes Congress is entitled to learn why the
administration thinks it is free to ignore the law. That is why I asked
the Attorney General to provide the legal rationale for the President's
unilateral executive actions that the Office of Legal Counsel gave to
the administration that they could ignore the law that said they had to
notify Congress 30 days ahead of time when they were going to release
Guantanamo prisoners. But back in May the nominee refused to disclose
the Office of Legal Counsel materials.
Given the administration's flagrant disregard for the law governing
the release of the Taliban fighters, I think my request to the Attorney
General is all the more important right now. So I renew my request that
the administration provide us with whatever advice it received from the
Office of Legal Counsel before it decided to violate the National
Defense Authorization Act and go forward with the stealth release of
the Taliban prisoners.
On June 5 I asked the Attorney General to provide the Justice
Department's legal rationale by June 19, which happens to be just 2
days from now. At the very least Senators should wait for a vote on
this nomination until then so we can determine whether the Justice
Department intends to comply with our request for the legal
justification as to why the President could ignore the law when these
prisoners were released. That would be a modest first step the
administration could take to demonstrate it is serious about respecting
oversight authority and the constitutional responsibility of the
Congress to do that oversight and whether or not they respect the
separation of powers under the Constitution.
I will conclude. My colleagues know this nominee embodies the
administration's disregard for oversight authority and its dismissive
approach to its legal obligations.
That much is clear. But my colleagues also need to remember this: If
they vote for this nominee, they are voting to diminish congressional
authority. If they vote for this nominee, they are voting to give the
President more of a free pass than he already assumes--and specifically
in this case on the unlawful release of Taliban fighters. They are
voting also to empower unlawful execution of executive actions by this
and future administrations. They are voting to chip away at the network
of checks and balances that undergirds the relationship between the
executive and the legislative branches--the very signal the
Constitution writers sent to the Colonies that they didn't want one
person making decisions in our government; they wanted that to be
divided authority.
Also remember that one day the shoe may be on the other foot. One day
there may be a Republican administration that is just as cavalier about
its legal obligations. If that administration ignores our oversight
request, any Senator who voted for these people will have no right to
complain.
I urge Senators to stand up for the Senate's constitutional
responsibilities of oversight and stand up to this administration and
vote no.
I yield the floor.
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