[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 64 (Thursday, May 1, 2014)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2591-S2603]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
______
ENERGY SAVINGS AND INDUSTRIAL COMPETITIVENESS ACT OF 2014--MOTION TO
PROCEED--Continued
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will
resume legislative session.
The Senator from Arizona.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to engage in a
colloquy with the Senator from South Carolina as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Benghazi
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, 19 months ago a terrible thing happened in
Benghazi, Libya. Four brave Americans were murdered, and the issue has
not only not been resolved but as each of the last 19 months has
ensued, the issue of how and under what circumstances this heinous
crime was committed continues. The Senator from South Carolina and I,
the Senator from New Hampshire, and some others, have vowed we will
never give up on this issue until the truth is known and the people who
perpetrated it are brought to justice.
We have seen another page turn in this chapter of coverup and
obfuscation by this administration by the belated--19 months later--
release of the following emails. The first one we will not pay much
attention to. This is from Benjamin Rhodes, who is supposed to be the
public affairs officer for the National Security Council. In fact, he
is obviously the propaganda organ. The goals, as he states them, are to
underscore these protests are rooted in an Internet video and not a
broader failure of policy.
I tell my colleagues that was not a fact. That was not a fact. There
was no evidence these protests were rooted in an Internet video. In
fact, the station chief before these talking points were made up sent a
message that this is not--not--a spontaneous demonstration.
To show that we will be resolute in bringing people who bring harm to
Americans to justice, and standing steadfast through these protests; to
reinforce the President's strength and steadiness--that is all about
the Presidential campaign. It is not about trying to find out who
perpetrated this heinous crime. It is not about trying to respond to
the people who committed these acts.
In fact, because of the coverup and the obfuscation and now 19-month
delay, not a single person who was responsible for the murder of these
four brave Americans has been brought to justice, as the President
promised they would be.
Yesterday Mr. Carney said the release of this information had nothing
to do with the attack on Benghazi. My friends, I have heard a lot of
strange things in my time, but that has to be the most bizarre
statement I have ever heard. This is all about a Presidential campaign.
This is all about an effort to convince the American people the
President of the United States had everything under control.
The next day, on the Sunday talk shows, Susan Rice said Al Qaeda had
been decimated. False; that the embassy was safe and stable and secure.
False. And of course the whole issue of blaming an Internet video
lasted on and on for a couple of weeks when it was clear the evidence
did not indicate that.
I yield to my friend from South Carolina on this issue, and then I
will return.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. GRAHAM. I thank my colleague.
To remind the body of what we are talking about, this email was
released as a result of a lawsuit, and not voluntarily by the White
House. In August of last year, the House of Representatives and the
committees of jurisdiction subpoenaed all documents related to Benghazi
and basically were stiff-armed.
Senators McCain, Ayotte, and I have written enough letters to destroy
a small forest to the White House with virtually nothing to show for
it. A private organization called Judicial Watch sued under the Freedom
of Information Act, and an independent judiciary--thank God for that--
ordered this White House to disclose this email just days ago. Knowing
the email was going to come out, the White House provided it to the
Congress a few days ago.
What does that tell us? That tells us they did not want anyone to
know about this email. They talk about 25,000 documents they have
provided. It doesn't matter the number of documents they provided to
the Congress. They could have provided us with the Benghazi phone book.
It is the relevance of the documents and the significance of the
documents. The reason they did not want anyone--me and anyone else--to
know about this email is because it is the smoking gun that shows that
people at the White House level--these are people who work at the White
House for the administration--were very intent on shaping the story
about Benghazi away from what they knew to be the truth.
Here is the problem for the White House. This was 7 weeks before an
election. President Obama had said repeatedly: Bin Laden is dead, Al
Qaeda is on the run, the war is receding, my foreign policy is working.
Many of us were critical of President Obama's foreign policy,
particularly in Libya, because after Qadhafi fell, we really did
nothing to secure the country.
Senator McCain, myself, and a couple of other Senators--Rubio--went
in 2011 to Libya. We said in an op-ed piece if we don't get rid of
these militias, Libya is going to become a safe haven for terrorists.
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You have to understand this about the Benghazi consulate. It had been
previously attacked in April of 2012.
The British Ambassador had been attacked in June of 2012. The British
closed their consulate. The Red Cross closed their office because they
had been attacked. And we have email traffic coming from Libya to
Washington at the State Department level saying on August 16: We cannot
secure the Benghazi consulate from a coordinated terrorist attack, and
Al Qaeda flags are flying all over Benghazi.
What they did not want you to know is that the consulate in Benghazi
was very unsecure, that everyone else had left the town, and that the
numerous requests for security enhancements going back for months had
been denied. They didn't want you to know because it would make the
American people mad that the facility was so unsecure in such a
dangerous area and people in Washington constantly ignored requests for
additional security.
Here is what they wanted you to know:
. . . to convey that the United States is doing everything
we can to protect our people and facilities abroad . . .
That, to me, is the worst of the whole email because they are trying
to convey to the American people and the families of the fallen that:
These things happened, but we did all we could to protect your family
and those who served this Nation.
Nothing could be more untruthful about Benghazi than this statement
that they did everything they could to secure the facility.
The question as to whether this email relates to Benghazi was the
most offensive thing coming out of the White House in quite a while. No
one else died. There was an attack on our Embassy in Cairo with
property damage.
What did we think Susan Rice was going to be asked about on Sunday,
16 September? Everybody in the Nation wanted to know how our Ambassador
and three other brave Americans died. To suggest they weren't trying to
prepare her to talk about the deaths of 4 Americans is insulting to our
intelligence, but the document itself tells us it was directed toward
explaining Benghazi.
To show that we will be resolute in bringing people who
harm Americans to justice . . .
That was part of what they wanted her to convey. No one else was hurt
other than in Benghazi. So within the document itself, they are talking
about reinforcing the view that we will go after those who harmed
Americans. The only people who were harmed--the four people killed--
were in Benghazi. So that is just a bald-faced lie. That is insulting
our intelligence, and it really is disrespectful to those who died in
the line of duty to suggest this email--which they would not give us
without a court order--had nothing to do with the death of four
Americans.
Mr. McCAIN. I might add that all of the emails were supposed to be
given to the Congress in return for the confirmation of Mr. Brennan as
head of the CIA. They didn't do that.
Mr. GRAHAM. The bottom line is the goals set out in this email are to
try to convince the American people 7 weeks before an election: We had
done everything possible to protect our people and facilities; ``to
underscore that these protests are rooted in an Internet video, and not
a broader failure of policy.''
I am here to tell you--and I dare anybody to show where I am wrong--
there is no evidence of a protest outside the compound that led to an
eventual attack.
I have talked to the man in charge of security at Benghazi--the only
survivor I have been able to talk to. He told me that when the
Ambassador went to bed shortly after 9, there was nobody outside the
compound. They would not have let him go to bed if there had been
protesters, and they would have reported a protest up the chain of
command.
Mr. McCAIN. And the next day the station chief sent a message that
there was ``not-slash-not spontaneous demonstration.''
Mr. GRAHAM. That was the 15th. So this is in real-time that people
are reporting a coordinated terrorist attack. There was no protest. The
video had nothing to do with this because there was no protest. And why
would they suggest that? They would be far less culpable in the eyes of
the American people and myself if, in fact, this was caused by a video
we had nothing to do with, a protest we could not see coming. The truth
is that this was a coordinated terrorist attack that you could see
coming for months, and it was the result of a broader failure of
policy. Why didn't they want to admit that? They were 7 weeks out. It
undercuts everything they were trying to tell the American people about
their foreign policy.
This is the smoking gun that shows they were consciously trying to
manipulate the evidence to steer the story away from a coordinated
terrorist attack of an unsecured facility and toward the land of an
Internet video causing a protest. That, to me, is unacceptable and is
clear as the Sun rises in the east, for those who care.
I will end with this and turn it back over to Senator McCain.
After this attack, President Obama said the following:
But everything that--every piece of information we get, as
we got it, we laid it out for the American people.
I am here to tell you that statement has not borne scrutiny. The
administration did not live up to this statement.
Here is another statement from Jay Carney:
I can tell you that the President believes that Ambassador
Rice has done an excellent job as the United States
Ambassador to the United Nations, and I believe that--and I
know that he believes that everyone here working for him has
been transparent in the way that we've tried to answer
questions about what happened in Benghazi . . .
If they were trying to be transparent about what was happening in
Benghazi, why would they fail to provide the relevant information?
The information that we provided was based on the available
assessment at the time.
I am here to tell you, ladies and gentlemen, they have not provided
the relevant information. Why? Because the relevant information
crumbles the story Susan Rice told on 16 September, crumbles the story
of the President himself when weeks later he talked about a protest
caused by a video that never happened. The reason they haven't shared
this with us is because it exposes the lie of Benghazi.
I will end with this thought. We would not know today about an email
on 14 September setting goals for Susan Rice to meet on 16 September to
change the whole narrative if it were not for an independent judiciary
and a private organization.
This White House has stiffed the Congress. Mostly, the media has been
AWOL. But the reason we haven't stopped is because we met the families.
To any Member of the Congress who thinks Benghazi is a Republican
conspiracy designed to help Lindsey Graham or anyone else get elected,
why don't you go to the family members and explain to them what
happened. Why don't you tell the family members that the government was
up front and honest and see if they believe you.
This email that came from a court requiring the White House to
disclose is devastating. It is devastating because it shows that 3 days
after the attack, their goal was not to inform the American people of
what happened but to shape the story to help the President get
reelected. I hope and pray that matters to the American people, and I
believe it does. And I hope and pray our friends on the Democratic side
will start taking a little bit of interest.
I can tell you this about Senator McCain and myself: When President
Bush's policies in Iraq were crumbling, we did not have enough troops,
and John McCain, to his credit, said that publicly and asked for the
resignation of President Bush's Secretary of Defense because of failed
policy.
When we discovered the abuses at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib when
it came to detainee policies, both of us said: The system failed. Don't
believe it when they tell you this was a few bad apples.
Why did we do that? I have been a military lawyer for 31 years. It
means a lot to me to adhere to the conventions we have signed up to.
Senator McCain--if there were ever an American hero in the Senate, it
is he. He has lived through a country that practices torture, and he
did not want us to go down that road.
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When we did those things, we were ``great Americans holding the
system accountable and doing the country a service.'' Now, all of a
sudden, we are ``just party hacks.''
I am here to say that what drove us then drives us now. When we ask
people to serve in faraway places with strange-sounding names and to go
out on the tip of the spear, we owe it to them to help them, to give
them the best ability to survive. And if something bad happens, we owe
their families the truth.
Just as in Iraq, they tried to shape the story in a fashion that did
not bear scrutiny. It wasn't a few dead-enders; it was system failure
that led to the collapse of Iraq. And thank God we changed tactics and
we overcame our problems.
This Benghazi story is about a foreign policy choice called the light
footprint that caught up with this administration. It is about an
administration that said no to additional security requests because
they didn't want to be like Bush. It is a story about an administration
that is too stubborn to react to facts on the ground, that kept a
consulate open when everybody else closed theirs, unsecured, believing
that ignoring the problem would solve the problem.
We have now found evidence of their willingness and desire to change
the narrative from a coordinated terrorist attack of an unsecured
facility--something they really couldn't control, and they did the best
they could 7 weeks before an election.
All I can say is if the shoe were on the other foot and this had been
the Bush administration, it would be front-page news everywhere and our
colleagues on the other side would be screaming. It is sad that it
hasn't been news everywhere. It is sad that my Democratic colleagues in
the House in particular have disdain for trying to find out what
happened in Benghazi.
Mr. McCAIN. And the fact is, I would say to my friend, the time has
now come for a select committee. The time has now come because these
talking points raise more questions than answers. It is time for a
bipartisan, bicameral select committee to investigate the entire
Benghazi fiasco and tragedy, and it needs to be done soon. The American
people and the families of those brave ones who sacrificed their lives
deserve nothing less.
My friend Senator Graham mentioned the media. I would like to say
thanks.
I would like to say thanks to FOX News. I would like to say thanks to
some at CBS. I would like to say thanks to Charles Krauthammer and the
handful of people who kept this alive when the ``mainstream media'' not
only wanted to bury it but subjected, of course, as Senator Graham just
mentioned, him and me to ridicule.
I wish to go back for a second to this email. In response to
questions yesterday by Mr. Carney, the White House Press spokesperson,
if we look at this email and then look at what Mr. Carney said, it is
an absolute falsehood. It is a total departure from reality. How does
the President's spokesperson tell the American people something that is
patently false?
The President's spokesperson, in regard to this email that says to
show ``these protests are rooted in an Internet video, and not a
broader failure of policy''--what was he talking about? He says Rhodes'
email ``was explicitly not about Benghazi.'' Well, then what was it
about?
Then he goes on to say:
The fact of the matter is, there were protests in the
region.
The talking points cited protests at that facility.
They didn't. The talking points did not cite protests at that
facility--i.e, Benghazi.
The connection between protests and video--and the video
turned out not to be the case--
It turned out not to be the case because it was never the case and no
one ever believed it--
but it was based on the best information that we had.
He had no information that there was a spontaneous demonstration
sparked by a video. That was manufactured somewhere. The American
people and we need to know where those talking points came from that
Susan Rice gave.
He goes on to say:
If you look at that document, that document that we're
talking about today was about the overall environment in the
Muslim world.
How could he say that and look at this email here? Talking about
events in the Muslim world?
And of course he goes on to say, talking about Susan Rice:
She relied on her--for her answers on Benghazi, on the
document prepared by the CIA, as did members of Congress.
Mr. Morell, the deputy head of the CIA at that time, said he was
astonished to hear that there was reference made on all five Sunday
morning shows that there was a hateful video involved.
So Mr. Carney is saying things that are absolutely false. The
American people deserve better than that from the President's
spokesperson whom they rely on for accurate information. When the
bodies came home, and it was a moving event--I was there--the then-
Secretary of State told members of the family and told me: We will get
these people who were responsible for the hateful video.
That was a number of days later when it was absolutely proven to
anyone's satisfaction there was no hateful video, and of course we
still don't know what the final version of the talking points was that
Susan Rice used on all the morning talk shows, who was the final
arbiter of it. We know now that Mr. Rhodes played a very key role in
that, and we need to know who gave her those talking points because
they are patently false. If someone gave her those talking points, then
why in the world did that person manufacture out of whole cloth
information that was told to the American people?
There are a lot of points here, and we can get into some of the
details, but the fact is that this is a coverup of a situation which
was politically motivated in order to further the Presidential
ambitions of the President of the United States. That is what this is
all about. That is why comments and instructions were given in this
email, because the narrative was: The tide of war is receding, Osama
bin Laden is dead.
Secretary Susan Rice said at the time: Al Qaeda is decimated and the
Embassy is safe and secure. None of those facts were true. Most
importantly, we have five Americans who were killed. It is very clear
that should not have happened, would not have happened if proper
actions had been taken.
Most important now or just as important now is the fact that for the
last 19 months this White House has been engaged in a coverup. It calls
for a select committee to examine all of the facts, and as always
happens in these kinds of scandals, the coverup is equally or sometimes
worse than the actual action itself. The American people deserve to
know the truth.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Coons). The Senator from Rhode Island.
Climate Change
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Thank you, Mr. President.
I ask unanimous consent to speak as if in morning business for up to
20 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I am here, as regular viewers of the
C-SPAN network know, for the 65th time, every week that the Senate is
in session, to ask my colleagues in the Senate to wake up to the
realities of climate change that surround us.
Here is what we know: We know the oceans and atmosphere are warming.
By the way, that is measurement, not theory. We know sea level is
rising. Again, that is measurement, not theory. We know oceans are
becoming more acidic--again, a simple measurement. The potential that
these changes have to disrupt economic growth and to disrupt global
commerce is the subject of my remarks today, and it is those changes
that make investors and corporate executives take climate change
seriously.
We may not take climate change seriously, but corporate executives
do. A world of shifting seasons and extreme heat hurts their bottom
line. The world of drought-stricken farms and flooded cities, of raging
wildfires and migrating diseases is not good for business. A
[[Page S2594]]
recent article from the World Bank conveys the corporate outlook this
way:
In corporate boardrooms and the offices of CEOs, climate
change is a real and present danger. It threatens to disrupt
the water supplies and supply chains of companies as diverse
as Coca-Cola and ExxonMobil. Rising sea levels and more
intense storms put their infrastructure at risk and the costs
will only get worse.
Earlier this month executives from major American companies came to
Washington for a roundtable discussion at the Bicameral Task Force on
Climate Change, which I lead with Congressman Waxman. Each of the
companies present had signed the climate declaration of the Business
for Innovative Climate and Energy Policy or BICEP. They see a low-
carbon economy as a smart way to create new jobs and stimulate economic
growth. More than 750 companies, nameplate American corporations such
as eBay, Gap, Levi's, Nike, Starbucks, and many others have signed
BICEP's climate declaration.
Kevin Rabinovitch is global sustainability director at Virginia-based
candy company Mars, Incorporated, makers of the famous M&Ms, among
other things. At the roundtable he told us Mars has a goal of
eliminating fossil fuel energy use and greenhouse gas emissions
companywide by 2040. In fact, just yesterday Mars announced it will
build a 200-megawatt wind farm in Texas that will generate enough
energy to power all Mars operations in the United States. I applaud
this exciting step for Mars and the bold vision it represents.
But Mr. Rabinovitch told the Bicameral Task Force on Climate Change:
. . . if other companies and governments don't adopt
similar science based targets, our efforts will have limited
effect on climate change. We cannot do it alone. This is why
the business community needs Congress to get off the
sidelines, to quit denying rudimentary science and abundant
evidence. Improving energy efficiency reduces climate-
altering carbon emissions, but it also--these businesses
find--reduces operating costs.
Colin Dyer, the president and CEO of Jones Lang LaSalle,
Incorporated, the second largest publicly traded commercial real estate
brokerage firm in the world said:
Cost savings alone represent a compelling benefit of
sustainable design, construction, and management. Jones Lang
LaSalle put smart building management technology to work for
the consumer goods giant Procter & Gamble.
According to Dyer:
P&G earned back its initial investment in the technology in
three months and saw average energy cost savings of 10
percent annually. The program, which is being expanded, also
improved building systems reliability, supported the
company's broader sustainability programs, and actually
increased employee productivity.
Smart executives also understand how much their customers care about
this. Rob Olson, vice president and chief financial officer of IKEA,
said this:
From talking to our customers, we know that Americans are
increasingly concerned about climate change as they
experience events like Hurricane Sandy and the drought in
California. They want to reduce the amount of energy they use
in their home and they care about reducing waste and using
less water.
This is not a new message from America's corporate sector. Last year
the Bicameral Task Force on Climate Change wrote to over 300 businesses
and organizations about carbon pollution and climate change. The
response was encouraging. Coca-Cola, headquartered in Georgia, wrote:
We recognize climate change is a critical challenge facing
our planet, with potential impacts on biodiversity, water
resources, public health and agriculture. Beyond the effects
on the communities we serve, we view climate change as a
potential business risk, understanding that it could likely
have direct and indirect effects on our business.
Walmart, founded and headquartered in Arkansas, wrote this: ``We're
committed to reducing our carbon footprint and we're working with our
suppliers to do the same.''
Here is what Walmart said in its 2009 sustainability report:
Climate change may not cause hurricanes, but warmer ocean
water can make them more powerful. Climate change may not
cause rainfall, but it can increase the frequency and
severity of heavy flooding. Climate change may not cause
droughts, but it can make droughts longer. Every company has
a responsibility to reduce greenhouse gases as quickly as it
can. Currently, we are investing in renewable energy,
increasing efficiency in our buildings and trucks, working
with suppliers to take carbon out of products and supporting
legislation in the U.S. to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
Serious business leaders are looking for serious answers to the
looming economic crisis of climate change. An article last month in the
Harvard Business Review entitled ``How to Survive Climate Change and
Still Run a Thriving Business'' outlines recommendations for companies
looking to strengthen their supply chains and better understand their
consumers.
Serious business leaders are also fed up with the denial apparatus
that is run by the big carbon polluters. Major utilities PG&E, the
Public Service Company of New Mexico, and Exelon all quit the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce after a chamber official called for putting climate
science on trial similar to the Scopes Monkey Trial of 1925. Large tech
companies such as Apple and Yahoo also left the chamber.
One of the companies that came in to the Bicameral Task Force was
North Carolina-based VF Corporation. You may not have heard of VF
Corporation, but you have sure heard of their major brands. They make
Lee, Wrangler, Nautica, North Face, and many other name brands. Letitia
Webster is their director of global corporate sustainability, and they
have a global perspective on climate change. Their customers around the
world are concerned about climate change, particularly their younger
customers, and VF wants to meet those customers' expectations for good
citizenship. VF also needs cotton for all their clothing and they are
worried about climate disruption to the cotton supply chain. ``Research
tells us that continued climate change will make it more and more
difficult for farmers to manage cotton crops and for companies to
manage their supply chains.''
VF also provides very high performance clothing and equipment to
high-performance outdoor athletes who train and compete in places where
climate changes are already evident. Those athletes see the same
changes as the 100 winter Olympic competitors from 10 countries who
signed a letter of warning about climate change. Letitia Webster
mentioned in particular the Khumbu Icefall which has closed Mount
Everest to climbers for the first time. She is not the only one.
John All, a climber, scientist, and professor of geography at Western
Kentucky University told the Atlantic magazine:
I am at Everest Base Camp right now and things are dire
because of climate change. . . . The ice is melting at
unprecedented rates and [that] greatly increases the risk to
climbers. You could say [that] climate change closed Mt.
Everest this year.
Tim Rippel is a climbing guide, and he blogged from Everest's base
camp:
As a professional member of the Canadian Avalanche
Association, I have my educated concerns. The mountain has
been deteriorating rapidly the past three years due [to]
global warming and the breakdown in the Khumbu Icefall is
dramatic.
Ms. Webster warned of the costs of inaction, saying, ``It's too
expensive not to take action.'' This is a North Carolina company, and I
hope its message gets through to elected officials who represent North
Carolina.
Senator Hagan has already spoken passionately about the need to act
on climate change. She gets it, but her colleagues on the other side of
the aisle remain silent.
I visited North Carolina over the recess as part of a tour of the
effects of climate change along the southeast coast. I flew out to
where sea level rise is gnawing away at North Carolina's Outer Banks.
I visited the marine science facility at Pivers Island, where
scientists from Duke University, the University of North Carolina,
North Carolina State, East Carolina University, and of course NOAA, are
studying aspects of sea level rise in North Carolina and the effects of
ocean acidification on microbes that form the basis of the food web.
These are some of the world's leading scientists. They all know that
these changes are driven by carbon pollution. There is no doubt. Unless
North Carolina's elected officials think that their own universities
are part of the big hoax some of our colleagues talk about, they had
better pay attention to what is happening on the North Carolina coast.
I met with the North Carolina Coastal Federation at their coastal
education center in Wilmington, NC. It
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was a bipartisan group joined together in concern over the exposure of
their coastal communities to the rising seas. The ``North Carolina Sea-
Level Rise Assessment Report'' prepared in 2010 by the North Carolina
Coastal Resources Commission's Science Panel on Coastal Hazards says:
The most likely scenario for 2100 AD is a rise of 0.4
meters to 1.4 meters (15 inches to 55 inches) above present.
By the way, that is what they call bathtub measures. That doesn't
take into account what 55 inches of extra sea will do when it is heaped
against the shore by a storm surge from a big tropical storm or
hurricane.
I hope their congressional delegation in Congress is listening.
The biggest power producer in North Carolina is Charlotte-based Duke
Energy. Duke worked through the U.S. Climate Action Partnership for
climate change legislation. Duke actually pulled out of the National
Association of Manufacturers because of that organization's denial of
climate change. Duke's then-chief executive officer Jim Rogers said:
We are not renewing our membership in the NAM because in
tough times, we want to invest in associations that are
pulling in the same direction we are.
He said that NAM, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and Republicans
``ought to roll up their sleeves and get to work on a climate bill. . .
. '' Duke Energy might want to also consider whether North Carolina
politicians are pulling in the same direction.
This is not complicated. Load up carbon dioxide concentrations in the
atmosphere and you load up heat in the atmosphere. We have known that
since Abraham Lincoln was President. This is not a new discovery. Load
up the heat, and the oceans warm up. That is not some theory either.
You can measure it--with thermometers. When liquid warms, it expands,
unless my colleagues want to repeal the law of thermal expansion. As
the ocean expands and ice melts, up goes the sea level. It is up 6
inches at the tide gauge in Wilmington, NC, since 1954.
If my colleagues want to deny the 6-inch increase in the tide gauge
in Wilmington, NC, let me explain to them what the North Carolina
assessment says about how you measure sea level rise:
[Sea-level rise] can be directly measured in a
straightforward way. The longest record of direct measurement
of sea level comes from tide gauges. A tide gauge is a device
built to measure water level variations due to tides and
weather, and to eliminate effects due to waves. A tide gauge
can be as simple as a long ruler nailed to a post on a dock.
More sophisticated instruments, like those used by NOAA, are
usually placed in a stilling well, or a pipe, that protects a
float connected to a recording device from waves. As tides
rise and fall, the float's motion is recorded.
It is not complicated. Good luck denying that. When you fly over the
North Carolina coast, you see lots of investment along the seashore.
There are lots of houses, lots of hotels, condominiums, restaurants--an
entire seafront economy that the larger North Carolina economy very
much depends on.
What are my colleagues from North Carolina going to tell them about
climate change: Don't worry. It is not real? Good luck with that. They
are already measuring the sea level rise.
Those small businesses in North Carolina want to protect their
storefronts from sea level rise just as VF Corporation wants to protect
its cotton supply from drought. These North Carolina companies get the
economic threat that climate change presents.
The frustrating thing here is that we can strengthen our economies
and businesses by tackling the problem of climate change and sea level
rise head-on, and we can leave things better, not worse, for the
generations that will follow us--perhaps the simplest obligation that
we hold, and one, by the way, at which we are presently failing. But if
we are going to stop failing at that obligation and tackle this problem
head-on, we have to wake up to reality. We have to put aside, once and
for all, the toxic polluter-paid politics that infect Washington.
The denial campaign that is run by these polluters is as poisonous to
our democracy as carbon pollution is to our atmosphere and oceans.
America is suffering as a result of Congress being tangled in a web of
lies and surrounded by a barricade of special interests. We have to
break through that. It is a matter of truth, it is a matter of honor,
and it is a matter of being effective at these real problems.
I yield the floor and thank the Presiding Officer, and I note the
absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Unanimous Consent Request--S. 2265
Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, it is often said that foreign aid from
America is to project American power and what America believes in.
Unfortunately, over decades, the only thing consistent about foreign
aid is that the money continues to flow regardless of the behavior of
the recipients. This is extraordinary, and we have seen this decade
after decade.
Studies will often show that 75 percent of foreign aid throughout
many continents is simply stolen, taken in graft. The Mubarak family in
Egypt is an example.
The point I would like to make today is if we are going to project
what America stands for, if we want our money to go to people who are
supporting activities that America is for, we should write that into
the law. We have made attempts at this in the past.
Several years ago Senator Leahy attached an amendment to foreign aid
that says that countries need to be evolving towards democracy or
showing an ability to go forward towards democracy. The problem is that
every time we have restrictions on foreign aid, they are evaded. We
always give an out. The President always has an out.
This week in Egypt, 683 people were condemned to death in one trial.
Yet your money still flows to Egypt without interruption.
We have another contingency that says: If a country has a military
takeover--if you have an election and then you have a military junta or
a military takeover of the government--our aid should end. It didn't
happen in Egypt when there was a military takeover.
The only consistency about foreign aid is that it flows to all
countries regardless of behavior. It is the opposite of what many of
the proponents say. Many of the proponents say that we do this so we
can modulate behavior and try to improve and make things better around
the world. Yet they steadfastly oppose restrictions on foreign aid.
I have a bill that I am going to ask--in a few minutes--for the
Senate to unanimously approve. This is a bill that should be an easy
lift for most Senators. This is a bill to support our ally Israel and
to say to the Palestinian Authority that if you wish to continue to
take American money--and many people don't realize this, but the
American taxpayer gives hundreds of millions of dollars every year to
the Palestinian Authority, and we supposedly have restrictions, but
there is always an out. Guess what. They always get their money
regardless of behavior.
What have I have been saying is, let's have some restrictions. If we
are going to give money to the Palestinian Authority, shouldn't they
agree to recognize the State of Israel? Shouldn't that be part of what
goes on with this?
We now have a problem--and the reason this has become a more
pertinent issue and something that has come to the forefront--because
Hamas, a terrorist group in Gaza, is now aligning them with Fatah, the
people who run the Palestinian Authority.
My question is: Are we now going to send money to a unity government?
Part of the charter of Hamas is not only not to recognize Israel, but
they are actually for the destruction of Israel.
This is what I would ask Americans and those who will object to the
bill--because there will be an objection to my bill: How can you object
to something that calls for the recognition of Israel as a state? How
can you object to this and how can you continue to allow the flow of
money to a group that calls for the destruction of Israel? They will
say: Well, we have contingencies for that or we will stop it if they
become part of or control the West Bank.
When I was in Israel a year ago, I asked everybody that question. I
met
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with the Prime Minister of Israel, the President of Israel, the King of
Jordan, and with the leader of the West Bank, Abbas. I met with all of
these people and asked them: Can there be a separate peace? Can there
be peace with the West Bank and peace with Gaza--a separate peace?
They all said: No, it has to be one peace.
I said to the Israeli side: If they are unified, will you negotiate
with Hamas?
They said: No. They lob missiles at us. They are at war with us. They
don't recognize our right to exist as a state. Not only that, they
openly advocate for the destruction of Israel.
Realize that in the objection you will hear today, you will hear an
objection that despite arguments to the contrary we will allow money to
go to a unity government that will include Hamas.
I am simply asking that if we are going to send good money after
bad--frankly, it is money we don't have. We have $1 trillion in debt.
We have bridges falling down in our own country, and your government is
sending hundreds of millions of dollars to the Palestinian Authority--
which is now going to be unified with Hamas, without restrictions or
with restrictions that have a hole so big you can drive a truck through
them. This always happens.
Every contingency and every limitation on foreign aid that you think
would be practical and reasonable always has an exception for the
President to overcome. The President always does it so the only thing
consistent about foreign aid is that money continues to flow.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that we pass my bill, S. 2265,
Stand With Israel. I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on
Foreign Relations be discharged from further consideration of S. 2265
and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration. I further ask
that the bill be read a third time and passed and the motion to
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
The Senator from New Jersey.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Reserving the right to object to Senator Paul's request
to discharge S. 2265 in the committee, this legislation Senator Paul
has been referring to has not been considered by the committee. It was
just introduced in the last day or so, I think.
As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and on behalf
of the Republican ranking member, Senator Corker, who had to depart to
return to Tennessee but otherwise would have joined me in making
remarks, I come to the floor to express our opposition to an effort to
circumvent the normal legislative process and deprive the members of
our committee of the opportunity to decide whether to take up this
legislation. The authorization to provide or cut U.S. assistance to the
Palestinian Authority is clearly within the purview of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, and it should have its members decide if
it is appropriate, and it should be fully and openly considered by the
committee.
This bill is a blunt-force instrument that would risk the collapse of
the Palestinian economy in the West Bank. That is not in Israel's
interests and it is not in our interests either. The bill would shift
the burden of dealing with a failed state on its borders to Israel.
That is certainly not my goal, and I hope it is not the goal of Senator
Paul either. Our goal should be to get back to a process and a
negotiation toward a two-state solution that will allow Israel to live
in peace and security.
We need to allow the parties--and particularly Mr. Abbas--the time to
steer back toward a productive path to peace. To be clear, his time is
limited. I am in agreement with Senator Paul that President Abbas must
ultimately choose between a future that envisions two States living
side by side in peace and security or a destructive unity pact with a
terrorist organization whose stated objective is to make sure there is
no two-State solution.
A unity government--not a unity announcement but a unity government--
between Fatah and Hamas has consequences that are clear under existing
U.S. law. If Mr. Abbas definitely opens the door to Hamas exercising
influence in the Palestinian Authority, I will encourage my colleagues
to stand with me in exercising the existing legal authority to halt
assistance to a government that includes parties that reject Israel's
right to exist as a Jewish state and continues to support terrorism.
For those reasons, I must object to the Senator's request.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
The Senator from Vermont.
Differences of Opinion
Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, there has been a lot of criticism waged
at the majority leader of the Senate, Harry Reid, for his discussion
about the Koch brothers. That criticism of Senator Reid is unfortunate.
I think what Senator Reid is trying to do is educate the American
people about the disastrous Citizens United Supreme Court decision and
what it has done by allowing billionaire families, such as the Koch
brothers and Sheldon Adelson and others, to pump hundreds and hundreds
of millions of dollars into the political process in order to elect
candidates in the House, in the Senate, and in the White House, who are
working overtime against the best interests of the middle class and
working families of this country and, at the same time, are working to
provide even more tax breaks to millionaires and billionaires and large
profitable corporations.
I think it is important, when we talk about the Koch brothers, not to
make this discussion personal. It is not a personal discussion. It is a
discussion about what the most powerful political family in this
country believes. If they are spending hundreds of millions of
dollars--and this is a family worth $80 billion, and they may end up
spending, in fact, billions of dollars on campaigns--what is it they
want? What do they believe? What do folks such as Sheldon Adelson
believe, when they invite potential Republican candidates for President
to come to Las Vegas for what has been called the Adelson primary,
where he will listen to them and decide who he might support and spend
hundreds of millions of dollars on in a Presidential campaign?
So I think it is important we know what the Koch brothers believe.
Here is the best information I have. In 1980, as it turns out, David
Koch, one of the two brothers, ran for Vice President of the United
States on the Libertarian Party platform. What is interesting to me is
to what degree the platform he ran on--which in 1980 got him 1 percent
of the vote on the Libertarian ticket--to what degree that extremist
set of positions has now become mainstream Republican today.
I want to take a few minutes to quote exactly what was in that 1980
platform so the American people can recognize to what degree ideas that
at one point were considered extremist are now mainstream Republican.
This is what was in the 1980 Libertarian Party platform upon which
David Koch ran for Vice President:
We urge the repeal of federal campaign finance laws, and
the immediate abolition of the despotic Federal Election
Commission.
What that means is the Koch brothers, and increasingly the Republican
Party, now believe there should be no campaign finance laws, that
Citizens United did not go far enough, and that the Koch brothers
should be able to spend millions of dollars by giving that money
directly to individual candidates. That is what the Koch brothers said
in 1980. That is what many Republicans believe today.
Let me state an exact quote from the platform:
We favor the repeal of the fraudulent, virtually bankrupt,
and increasingly oppressive Social Security system.
There are many Republicans today who not only want to see cuts in
Social Security but who ultimately want to privatize Social Security
who believe it is unconstitutional for the U.S. Government to be
involved in retirement benefits for seniors.
Libertarian Party platform, 1980:
We oppose--
Listen to this one. This is really quite incredible:
We oppose all personal and corporate income taxation,
including capital gains taxes. We support the eventual repeal
of all taxation.
Repeal of all taxation? That is the government. Basically, what they
are saying, very boldly, straightforwardly--we have to respect their
honesty--is they don't believe in government.
[[Page S2597]]
I have not heard any of my Republican colleagues say they want to
abolish all taxation. That is not what they say and that is not what
they believe. But on the other hand, it is important to note that the
Ryan budget, just passed in mid-April in the House, provides a $5
trillion tax break over a 10-year period, mainly by cutting the top
individual and corporate income tax rates significantly. In other
words, at a time when the wealthiest people are doing phenomenally well
at the same time as the middle class disappears and more and more
people live in poverty, what my Republican colleagues believe is we
should give more tax breaks to millionaires and billionaires.
The Koch brothers' position in 1980 was that they support--
Libertarian Party platform:
We support repeal of all laws which impede the ability of
any person to find employment, such as minimum wage laws.
What does that mean?
Yesterday, we had a vote on the floor of the Senate which said that a
$7.25 an hour minimum wage is a poverty wage; that people who are
working 40 hours a week and are making $7.25 an hour are living in
poverty; that they cannot bring up and raise families on those wages;
and that if we raise the minimum wage to $10.10 an hour, we could
increase the salaries of approximately 28 million Americans. On that
vote to overcome a Republican filibuster, one Republican voted with
members of the Democratic caucus, and we lost that vote.
What is interesting, it is not simply that almost every Republican
voted against raising the minimum wage; what is more significant is
that many Republicans believe we should abolish the concept of the
minimum wage.
Many of us know Senator Tom Coburn of Oklahoma to be an honest and
straightforward guy. He tells it the way he sees it. This morning on
the ``Morning Joe'' television show, this is what Senator Coburn said,
and I quote from the transcript:
I don't believe you ought to interfere in the market. If
there's to be a minimum wage--my theory is I don't believe
there ought to be a national minimum wage. That's my
position.
In other words, what Senator Coburn is saying today and, in fact,
what many Republicans agree with him about, is we should abolish the
concept of the minimum wage--something the Koch brothers were talking
about 34 years ago.
What are the implications of that if we do as Senator Coburn
suggested and just let the market work and don't have government
interfere by establishing a minimum wage American workers should
receive? What it means, quite simply, when we let the free market work,
is that if people are in a high unemployment area and there are many
workers competing for few jobs, an employer will say to a potential
employee: I am prepared to hire you, good news, and I am going to pay
$4.
The worker says: I can't live on $4 an hour. That is a starvation
wage.
The employer says: That is OK, because I have 20 other workers who
are prepared to accept that wage.
That is what happens when we abolish the concept of the minimum wage.
Many of us--and I think the vast majority of the American people--
have a very different vision of where our country should go. We don't
believe we should be abolishing the minimum wage. We don't believe we
should be cutting or privatizing Social Security or transforming
Medicare into a voucher program or making horrendous cuts to Medicaid.
What, in fact, the American people want is the Federal Government to
start standing up for working families rather than millionaires and
billionaires. In poll after poll, what the American people have said is
they want us to invest in rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure and
create millions of decent-paying jobs. That is what the American people
want. They do not want tax breaks for billionaires but the creation of
millions of jobs for rebuilding our crumbling infrastructure.
The American people, despite what Senator Coburn and others may
believe, want us to raise the minimum wage. Poll after poll suggests
the American people want us to raise the minimum wage to at least
$10.10 an hour.
The American people do not want us to cut Social Security. In fact,
more and more Americans want us to expand Social Security, to make sure
when elderly people reach retirement age, they can live and retire with
dignity.
I think there has perhaps never been a time in the modern history of
this country where the political lines have been drawn as clearly as
they are right now. If you listen to the Koch brothers, if you read the
Republican Ryan budget in the House, their positions are quite clear:
Tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires and significant cuts in
the programs that are life and death for the middle-class and working
families of this country.
That is not what the American people want, and it is time we began to
listen to the American people. It is time we took on those people,
those billionaires who are spending huge amounts of money electing
candidates who represent their interests. And it is time we listen to
the working families of this country, who are struggling to survive.
With that, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Markey). The Senator from Kansas.
Mr. ROBERTS. I thank the Presiding Officer.
Mr. President, I appreciate the remarks of my friend from Vermont,
who I know is in a hurry to leave the premises, as most Senators have
already done. Perhaps he could relax and go out and have a Coke. Bad
pun.
(The remarks of Mr. Roberts pertaining to the introduction of S. 2282
are printed in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills
and Joint Resolutions.'')
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New York.
Immigration Reform
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I rise today to point out to my
colleagues that more than 300 days have passed since we in the Senate
passed bipartisan legislation that would secure our borders, hold
employers accountable for hiring illegal workers, grow our economy, and
provide a chance for people currently here illegally to get right with
the law and earn legal status. But the House has failed to do anything
to fix our broken immigration system--more than 300 days after we in
the Senate passed bipartisan legislation.
To be clear, the problem is not that there is a difference of opinion
between a House bill and a Senate bill on immigration that cannot be
reconciled. The problem is that House Republicans have completely
abdicated their responsibility to address important issues, such as
fixing our broken immigration system.
Again, the problem is not that the House has passed laws that the
Senate disagrees with. The problem is that the House will not put any
immigration bills up for a vote, no matter what is in those bills. Now,
why is that?
It is not because our immigration system is not broken. There is no
Member of Congress who will stand and say: Our immigration system is
great. Leave it alone. What is all the fuss about?
No one is happy with the present system. Finding a Member of Congress
anywhere who will say we do not need to reform our broken immigration
system is impossible.
The reason the House has done nothing on immigration is because House
Republicans have handed the gavel of leadership on immigration to far-
right extremists such as Congressman Steve King.
Congressman King is not a mainstream Republican on this issue. You
cannot even call him a conservative on this issue. He is an extreme
outlier on the issue of immigration reform.
Every time any Republican has raised the possibility of action on
immigration reform in the House, Steve King is there, in his own words,
``manning the watchtowers 24/7'' to make sure nothing can be passed to
fix our broken immigration system.
When Republicans such as Eric Cantor, hardly a flaming liberal,
talked early in 2013 about introducing a bill called the KIDS Act which
would allow minors brought here through no fault of their own to earn
legal status if they served in the military or obtained a college
degree, King said, ``For every child who's a valedictorian, there's
another 100 out there who weigh 130 pounds and they've got calves the
size of cantaloupes because they're hauling
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75 pounds of marijuana across the desert.''
The rhetoric of Steve King is beyond the pale. I am certain that the
majority of Republicans in the House have their stomachs churn when
they see Steven King spew that kind of rhetoric. But rather than stand
up to him, they give him the keys to the kingdom of immigration reform.
Just look at what happened after King protested. There was no KIDS Act
introduced. Go look for the text of the KIDS Act on line. It does not
exist. There is no bill. Not only was the KIDS Act never introduced,
but House Republicans actually voted, nearly unanimously, to resume
deporting minor children who had committed no crimes.
Another Republican, Jeff Denham, a Republican from California, who is
also an Air Force reservist, recently proposed to let young people who
came here illegally earn status by enlisting in the military. They love
America so they would enlist in the military and risk their lives for
this country. Here is what Denham said--paraphrasing him. He said: I
know many of us do not want to vote on immigration. But we can at least
tweak the Defense authorization bill to allow young people who were
brought here illegally as minors through no fault of their own to serve
in the military when they love this country and this is the only
country they know.
To be clear, this measure is far short of comprehensive legislation
that is needed to fix our broken system. This slight tweak is not even
a drop of water in the Grand Canyon. Even for the small microscopic
measure known as the ENLIST Act, Steve King responded, saying, ``Don't
do it.'' And the Republicans did not.
Here is what King said:
As soon as they raise their hand and say I'm unlawfully
present in the U.S., we are not going to take your oath into
the military, but we're going to take your deposition and we
have a bus for you to Tijuana.
What happened when King said this? He won. The ENLIST Act was
stricken from the Defense authorization bill. So not only are
Republicans catering to the views of King and others on the far, far,
extreme right on immigration by refusing to vote on any immigration
reform, they actively promote anti-immigrant viewpoints by having
passed a bill called the ENFORCE Act. You see, Steve King and his
little group of far-right Members of Congress on immigration want to
sue the Federal Government to require them to deport minor children,
parents of U.S. citizens, and agricultural workers, rather than use all
of its resources to focus on immigrants who are criminals, terrorists,
and recent border crossers.
But Members of Congress, as most everyone knows, do not have standing
to sue the Federal Government, because under our Constitution,
Congressmen are not allowed to sue every time they disagree with a
decision of the executive branch. Instead of thinking it was probably a
good idea to focus our immigration enforcement resources on criminals,
terrorists, and border crossers, once again Steve King said: Jump. And
the Republican mainstream in the House said: How high? Republicans
overwhelmingly voted to give King and others the ability to sue the
Federal Government every single time a decision on immigration
enforcement is made with which they disagree.
There are Republican colleagues in the House who do not have the
views of Steve King. We know that. They can offer other excuses they
want for failing to do anything on immigration. For instance, they
tried to blame the President. They say the President is to blame
because he will not enforce the law. The record shows that he does
enforce the law. In fact, many of the more liberal people, many of the
immigration groups, are angry with him because they think he is
enforcing the law too much.
But let's say you believe he is not enforcing the law. So we have
said to them: Good. Pass a bill now and say it does not take effect,
all of the enforcement and any of the rest of it, until 2017. We will
have a new President. If Republicans cannot agree to pass a bill that
goes into effect after the President's term, then we know that mistrust
of the President is nothing but a straw man.
They say they really want to pass immigration legislation in their
heart, but they are only one Member and it is not up to them. They can
even have their leadership blame other Republicans for not holding a
vote. But Bill Parcells, who used to coach for both the New York Giants
and New York Jets, was famous for saying, ``You are what your record
shows you are.''
What does the record show? The record on Republican immigration
reform is clear. Steve King, a far-right, way-out-of-the-mainstream
outlier, does not just spew hatred, he calls the shots. They listen to
him. The Republican Party, the party of Abraham Lincoln and Theodore
Roosevelt and Dwight Eisenhower and Ronald Reagan and George Bush, all
of whom had much different views on immigration than Steve King, is
following Steve King on immigration.
Let me say, they are following Steve King over the cliff. Because not
only are they hurting America, but because they are so afraid to buck
this extremist--and he is extreme on immigration--they are going to
make it certain that they will lose the 2016 Presidential election,
that they will make sure that the Senate remains Democratic in 2016 and
that the House turns Democratic.
It is amazing. The Republican record on immigration reform is clear.
Steve King has three wins. The rest of the Republican Party and the
rest of America is winless. Good for him. Terrible for us. Since House
Republicans will not stand up to Steve King, King is in the driver's
seat on immigration reform. As long as he sits there, things will
continue to be stuck in a rut.
America is growing weary of Republicans talking a good game on
immigration while high-tech businesses cannot get the labor they need
to grow and create American jobs. We are growing weary of all the talk
while crops go unpicked because farmers cannot find labor. We are
growing weary while Republicans talk and immigrants continue to come
into our country illegally.
Steve King is calling the shots of the entire House Republicans on
immigration. That is a shame. That is a disgrace. That is a singular
lack of courage that we see in our dear colleagues across the way on
the Republican side of the aisle. King is not satisfied. He is warning
that his colleagues have to man the watchtowers 24/7 to make sure
nothing happens to fix our broken immigration system.
Where are the people in the Republican Party in the House of
Representatives with the courage to stand up to Steve King and the far
right? They know he is wrong. We know they know he is wrong. Where are
the people in the Republican Party to stand up to Steve King and say:
Enough is enough. We will not let our party or our country be hijacked
by extremists whose xenophobia causes them to prefer maintaining our
broken immigration system over achieving a tough, fair, and practical
long-term solution.
If Republicans continue to kowtow to Steve King and the hard right on
immigration, they will consign themselves to being the minority party
for more than a decade or they can show some courage and say the Steve
Kings in the world can say whatever they want, but they have no place
in the modern Republican Party. They can move their party into the
light by passing a bill that secures borders, holds employers
accountable, grows our economy, reduces our debt, and heals broken
families. The choice is theirs.
Speaker Boehner has occasionally said he wants to pass reform. Where
are the rank-and-file Republicans who know Steve King is wrong to
encourage Speaker Boehner? Where are they? I hope that for our sakes,
the majority of Republicans in the House Republican caucus make the
right choice.
But I will tell them this: For the country, no matter what choice
they make, the ultimate outcome is undeniable. Immigration reform will
pass this year with bipartisan support and a bipartisan imprint or it
will pass in future years with only Democratic support and Democratic
imprints, because Democrats will control the Congress and the White
House. The right thing will ultimately be done. But hopefully Winston
Churchill will not be right in saying that it will only be done after
everything else is tried.
Republicans in the House, stand up to Steve King. You know he is
wrong. You know you cringe when he says
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what he says. Do not let him dictate policy.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. REED. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call
be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. REED. The Republican-led filibuster of the minimum wage bill--
which would raise the Federal minimum wage from $7.75 per hour to
$10.10 per hour--means that an estimated 27.8 million Americans,
including 91,000 Rhode Islanders, will not get a raise. It also means,
according to estimates from the Economic Policy Institute, that our
economy will miss out on a GDP boost of $22 billion by 2016, which
would have supported over 84,000 additional full-time jobs.
Those 27.8 million workers who would have received a raise would have
spent it at local businesses, helping their local communities and
spurring economic growth. Typically, minimum wage workers are those
who, when they receive an increase in their paychecks, go out and buy
things that are necessary. They are the ones who really provide the
kind of local stimulus we need to grow the economy.
The Federal minimum wage has not been increased since 2009. Today an
individual who works 40 hours per week 52 weeks a year at the Federal
minimum wage earns $15,080 per year, and that is nearly $5,000 below
the Federal poverty level for a family of three and almost $9,000 below
the poverty level for a family of four. That means we have hard-working
Americans putting in full-time work every week for the entire year and
yet still living in poverty. That is not fair to these families who are
just looking for a fair shot.
People who work hard for a living shouldn't have to live in poverty.
That was not the case in the sixties when the minimum wage was such
that it would lift you out of poverty, and that is what we have to do
today.
When Congress last passed legislation to raise the minimum wage in
2007, it was a bipartisan undertaking, and 44 Republican Senators
joined Democrats to send President Bush a bill that raised the minimum
wage to its current level. That bipartisan effort should be emulated
today in this Senate. In fact, one could argue that the needs are more
pressing; that American workers have fallen further behind; and that
the same logic that compelled President Bush to sign this bill and a
bipartisan Congress to send it to him is even more compelling today.
Our constituents sent us here to work together to grow the economy
and create jobs. It is disappointing that this bill to provide millions
of hard-working Americans a raise--a raise they deserve through their
own efforts--has been filibustered.
I hope my colleagues on the other side would find a way to work with
us on this issue and come together to strengthen our economic recovery.
I was particularly gratified, working with my colleagues on emergency
unemployment insurance, that we did get bipartisan support to pass
sensible and fiscally responsible legislation. Unfortunately, now it is
in the House and it is not moving there. I hope it does.
But we have to do more of that, focus on what will actually help
Americans individually and collectively move and grow our economy. We
have worked together on emergency unemployment insurance and other
issues, such as immigration reform. We can work together on this issue,
and we must.
Again, I am at this point very disappointed that same bipartisan
effort has not been translated into action by the House of
Representatives when it comes to restoring emergency unemployment
insurance. Speaker Boehner could call up our bill, which is fully paid
for and which will affect, at this point, about 2.6 million Americans--
and their families, so it is many more Americans who will benefit--and
under the rules of the House could quickly have a vote within probably
24 hours. I am convinced and so is my colleague Senator Heller of
Nevada, who is my chief cosponsor, that bill would pass in the House
today on a bipartisan basis. We have had Republican Representatives who
have written to the Speaker and said: Bring it up for a vote. That
would help. It would help not only 2.6 million Americans--and that
grows each day--but it would also help our economy.
So, again, in a similar vein, we need bipartisan action on raising
the minimum wage in the Senate, emulating the bipartisan action we took
with respect to emergency unemployment insurance, and then we need that
same bipartisanship in the House of Representatives to move these
measures to the President for his signature.
Raising the minimum wage and restoring jobless benefits are the right
things to do for the American people and for the American economy. I
hope these policies, which traditionally have enjoyed strong bipartisan
support, will eventually prevail in both the Senate and the House and
be signed into law by the President of the United States.
Once again, I think it is important to emphasize that the last time
we raised the minimum wage, it was a bipartisan effort signed by a
Republican President. This is not an issue or should not be an issue of
political ideology or political posturing. This should be an issue of
what helps the American worker make his or her way through a very
difficult economy. Viewed in that logic, it is clear to me that we
should pass this legislation, not filibuster it, and that the House
should pass quickly the emergency unemployment insurance compensation
bill.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from North Dakota is recognized.
Mr. HOEVEN. I thank the Chair.
(The remarks of Mr. Hoeven pertaining to the introduction of S. 2280
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills
and Joint Resolutions.'')
Mr. HOEVEN. I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Heitkamp). The Senator from Connecticut.
Health Care
Mr. MURPHY. Madam President, I wish to tell the story of a 57-year-
old man from Boyertown, PA. His name is Dean Angstadt.
Dean is a self-employed, self-sufficient logger. He is the kind of
guy, similar to a lot of Americans out there, who has sort of grown up
to believe he could do everything for himself; that he didn't need a
lot of help from people around him in order to make a living, in order
to provide for his family, in order to keep himself healthy.
He has been uninsured since 2009, and he had some particular thoughts
about the Affordable Care Act. He knew he didn't want anything to do
with ObamaCare.
In 2011 Dean had a pacemaker and a defibrillator implanted to help
his ailing heart pump more efficiently. Not long after he got these two
implants, the 6-foot, 285-pound guy was back out in the woods, but last
summer his health worsened again. It was taking him about 10 minutes
just to catch his breath after he felled a tree, and by the fall he was
winded just traveling the 50 feet between his house and his truck. He
said:
I knew that I was really sick. I figured the doctors were
going to have to operate, so I tried to work as long as I
could to save money for the surgery. But it got to the point
where I couldn't work.
So he called his friend Bob who is a 55-year-old retired firefighter
and nurse, and talked about the fact that he was having trouble. Bob
said: Why don't you check out the Affordable Care Act? But every time
he made that suggestion, Dean refused. Dean said:
We argued about it for months. I didn't trust this
ObamaCare. One of the big reasons is it sounded too good to
be true.
January came, and Dean's health continued to get worse. His doctor
made it clear he urgently needed valve replacement surgery, and he was
facing a choice: He either had to find a way to get health care or he
was going to die. That was his choice, find a way to pay for health
care or perish.
Luckily, his friend Bob finally convinced Dean to come over and at
least
[[Page S2600]]
take a look at the Affordable Care plans available to Dean. So he came
over to his house, and in less than an hour the two of them had
finished the application. One day later Dean signed up for the Highmark
Blue Cross Silver PPO plan and paid his first monthly premium of
$26.11.
All of a sudden, I'm getting notification from Highmark,
and I got my card, and it was actually all legitimate. I
could have done backflips if I were in better shape.
His plan kicked in on March 1, just in time to get the surgery he
couldn't have afforded otherwise, that he couldn't have put off any
longer. On March 31, after his surgery, he said without that surgery:
I probably would have ended up falling over dead. Not only
did it save my life, it's going to give me a better quality
of life.
For me, this isn't about politics. I'm trying to help other
people who are like me, stubborn and bullheaded, who refused
to even look. From my own experience, the ACA is everything
it's supposed to be and, in fact, better than it's made out
to be.
Dean's story is one of 8 million stories that can be told all across
the country. Eight million people have enrolled in private health care
plans under the Affordable Care Act. Why? Because there is a simple
premise embedded at the foundation of the Affordable Care Act; that is,
that you shouldn't get sick--in Dean's case, you shouldn't face death--
simply because you don't have the money to afford surgery.
Dean was working. Dean was a logger, a salt-of-the-Earth kind of guy
who was playing by the rules, obeying the law, had a job, but he just
didn't have the money to afford that expensive surgery. He gets to live
and he gets access to health care because of the Affordable Care Act--
not because of a government handout but because of our collective
decision to give Dean a discount on private health care, 1 of 8 million
people all across the country.
That is just the number of people who have been insured on these
private exchanges. Three million young people under the age of 26 have
been able to stay on their parents' plans because the Affordable Care
Act allows for that to occur. New numbers this week suggest more than
4.8 million people have enrolled in Medicaid and CHIP plans between
October 2013 and March of 2014. Another approximately 1 million
individuals gained coverage through an early expansion of Medicaid that
happened in States before January 1, 2014.
Put that all together: Eight million people on exchanges, 3 million
young people covered through their parents' plan, 5.8 million people on
Medicaid. That is 16 million, 17 million people in this country who
have health care who didn't have it before.
In my State the numbers are even more remarkable. We had a goal of
signing up about 100,000 people, and we went out there and did
everything we could to get the word out about the Affordable Care Act.
We didn't sign up 100,000 people; we signed up 200,000 people. To be
exact, we signed up 208,301 people in Connecticut. On the last day
alone, on March 31, 5,900 people signed up in Connecticut. Connecticut
is a small State. We only have a handful of 1 million people who live
in our entire State, and we increased those who have insurance by
200,000 in a State of only a few million. That is probably why--the
fact that in States such as Connecticut 200,000 people now have
insurance, 15 million-plus across the country have insurance--the
polling is starting to fundamentally change. A Washington Post poll
from a few weeks ago showed that for the first time a majority of
Americans support the Affordable Care Act. A new poll in battleground
congressional districts shows that 52 percent of respondents want to
implement and fix the Affordable Care Act, which is about 10 percent
more than those people who want to repeal and replace the bill. That 52
percent number has increased beyond what the poll showed last December.
The 42 percent number of those who want to repeal and replace is much
less than the number from last December. People are starting to figure
out that all the Republican spin and rhetoric about the Affordable Care
Act is just that, spin and rhetoric, and the reality is that 15 million
people have access to health care. The stories such as Dean's can be
multiplied all over the country in every corner of this great Nation.
But here is the even better news: We are not only enrolling more
people but we are saving money. We are enrolling people and saving
money. Medicare spending growth is down. Medicare per capita spending
is growing at historically low rates. In April, for the fifth straight
year, CBO reduced its projections for Medicare spending over the next
10 years. This time they reduced it by another $106 billion.
This is what we always said was the problem with the American health
care system. We always said we don't insure enough people. We still
leave 30 million people without access to health care and we spend
twice as much money as our other competitor first-world nations--less
people insured, much greater cost. We all came down to the floor, the
Senate and the House, and said the Affordable Care Act will tackle both
problems, and now a few months into the full implementation of the law
that is exactly what is happening.
It is actually costing less than we thought. The projections are that
the Affordable Care Act is going to reduce the deficit by $1.7 trillion
over the next two decades. Let me say that again. The Affordable Care
Act will reduce the deficit by $1.7 trillion, meaning if you repeal the
Affordable Care Act, as so many still want to do--as the House has
tried to do 50 different times--you would increase the deficit by $1.7
trillion and the overall cost of the program is 15 percent less than
what the initial projections were.
Insurers are starting to weigh in as well. The second biggest U.S.
health insurer, WellPoint, increased its profit forecast after the ACA
enrollment numbers boosted their quarterly results. Their chief
executive officer said:
The risk pool and the product selection seem to be coming
in the manner that we hoped it would. It's very encouraging
right now.
UnitedHealthcare, which had a pretty small footprint in these
exchanges, has now changed its bias to increase the participation in
exchanges in 2015 because it said it saw a positive response from
consumers who enrolled in the plans they did offer in limited States in
greater than expected numbers. Fifteen million people, including eight
million people on private insurance plans, enrolled, saving money for
taxpayers and for insurance companies. That is the real story of the
Affordable Care Act.
Let me finish by sharing with you a couple more stories from
Connecticut, and I am going to share them through the eyes of the
enrollers because enrollers and assisters are the heroes of these last
several months.
There was an embarrassing rollout of the Affordable Care Act in the
fall of last year, a Web site that should have been working on day one
that wasn't. But the fact is that thousands of people all across this
country working in community health centers and emergency rooms, at
nonprofits, decided to make this thing work in red States and in blue
States and went out and enrolled in record numbers, shattering
expectations for people on affordable health care. I had a few of these
assisters together in Connecticut. They started telling me stories and
I will finish with two of them.
Michael, who is an assister in Danielson, CT, tells this story, and
he said: I recall a husband and wife who came into our health center
and didn't have health insurance mainly because they indicated their
employer's insurance plan was way too expensive. As I went along asking
questions during the application the husband mostly complained about
ObamaCare. He kept saying our government is making it so no one can
afford insurance and that he and his wife heard that insurance plans
were still too high, even after going through the exchange. After
completing the application and showing them the plans that were
offered, they were totally surprised by the minimal cost of the
premiums as well as the deductible rates. I also helped them understand
how certain plans were structured and what services the deductible
applied to. They left that day choosing a plan that was right for them.
Needless to say, they went home from our meeting feeling more confident
about their choice, more educated about health insurance and less
resentful of the Affordable Care Act.
Sean, who is an assister from Norwich, tells this story: I met one
middle-aged man. He hadn't had insurance for over 5 years because all
the plans were so high and unaffordable and he was
[[Page S2601]]
over the income for the State Medicaid insurance program. He had a few
prescriptions and had to pay out-of-pocket around $150 to $200 every
month. We successfully completed an ACA application and selected an
Anthem Blue Cross and Blue Shield plan with tax credits. The plan's
monthly premium was only a fraction of what he would have paid every
month for prescriptions and medical care, and the prescription drug
copay was only about $10. This man was ecstatic, and he said he would
have to go home to figure out a way to spend all of the money that he
would save every month with his new plan.
There are stories similar to his and Dean's all over the country, 8
million of them just when it comes to the people who have signed up for
private health care, but for the rest of us who have health care, the
news is good as well: $1.7 trillion off of the deficit, a program that
is costing 15 percent less than we had expected, an overall Medicare
inflation rate for taxpayers that is coming down, and for many of us
the ability to sleep a little bit better at night because we know that
the most affluent, most powerful country in the world has committed
itself to the idea that somebody like Dean--a logger, going out and
working the land--doesn't have to die simply because he doesn't have
the money to pay for surgery. In so many ways the Affordable Care Act
is working.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maine.
Campaign Spending
Mr. KING. Madam President, there is an ominous tide rising in this
country. It is not water. It is not oil. It is not any kind of
substance. It is dollars. It is cash. It is a tide of dark money that
is flowing in and threatens to dominate our political system.
Yesterday we had a very interesting hearing in the Rules Committee on
the subject of disclosure and the rise of outside money in campaigns.
We have developed a kind of parallel universe of campaign financing,
where the candidates, you and I and other Members of this body, work
hard to raise money from supporters so we can fund our campaigns. By
the way, all of that money that is raised has to be under certain
limits. There are limitations. There are disclosure requirements. If
you get a contribution, it has to be disclosed who paid it and what do
they do for a living and what is their address. All of that is public.
Yet on the other side is this parallel universe, as I mentioned,
where a multimillionaire can come into your State or my State or
anybody's State and put in an enormous amount of money, essentially
unregulated and often totally anonymous. I think this is a danger to
our country. I started the hearing off yesterday by saying I fear for
my country. I fear for our democracy.
There are several basic points I wish to make. This isn't an
evolutionary change. This isn't, OK, we are spending a few more dollars
this year than we did last year and it is a little more of the same and
it is no big deal. This is what is happening: This is nonparty outside
spending starting back in the early nineties, and we see what happened
in 2012. Now we don't have the numbers in 2012. Of course, 2012 was a
Presidential year. What we see is it started to go up, the Presidential
year in 2004, and then down. It goes up in 2008 in the Presidential
year, down--but not so much--and then way up in 2012, and this gives
the context of what is happening. This isn't evolutionary change; this
is revolutionary change. This is a fundamental change.
I asked one of our witnesses yesterday at the hearing: Is this a very
significant, great change that is going on? He said: Senator, it is an
explosion.
It is an explosion. Here is what it looks like. This is nonparty
spending, cycle to date, and the day was the day before yesterday. In
other words, it is the outside party spending, the so-called
independent expenditures comparing apples to apples as of April 29 of
each year.
So here again, 2004 Presidential year, then it drops way down in 2006
midterms, again jumps up in 2008, down in 2010, big jump for 2012. But
look where we are as of this date in 2014. Look at the comparison
between this and the last midterm year. It is almost 10 times as much.
This is a threat that is growing and it is going to overwhelm us.
Some of my colleagues have said we are bound for a scandal. Indeed,
that is what has driven campaign finance reform throughout our history.
The first major campaign finance reform was in 1907. It resulted from
the Presidential campaigns in the late 1890s and the turn of the
century, where Mark Hanna, a political operative, called the major
corporations of America and said: You will give us this--and that is
how the money was raised for those campaigns. We then passed the first
campaign finance law under the leadership of Teddy Roosevelt in 1907
because he saw a scandal coming.
So this is nonparty outside spending. This is both disclosed and
undisclosed, but look at this. This is spending by nondisclosure
groups, cycle to date. Look where we are. This is the money that nobody
knows where it comes from. If we start back in here, 2012, this is a
Presidential year to date and here we are in 2014. It is an explosion,
and nobody knows where that money is coming from. It is secret money.
What we have is the development of organizations and institutions
engaged in what I call identity laundering. I am not going to attempt
to explain this chart, but this is a chart that traces in 2012 one set
of funds. It is about $400 million from three large organizations that
go through all of these different entities and the whole purpose is to
keep the names of the donors secret. So the public doesn't know who is
trying to influence their vote. This isn't insignificant money. Fifty
million dollars this line represents to something called the American
Future Fund. They create these entities--and there is also the
wonderful nomenclature here--there are even entities entitled
``undesignated'' or ``disregarded''--and the whole purpose of this is
to hide the identity of the people who are supporting it.
I don't think that is consistent with the First Amendment. It is not
consistent with our political traditions. It is not consistent with the
whole idea of conveying information. If somebody wants to come and buy
ads in Pennsylvania or North Dakota or New York or California, that is
fine. They have a right to do that, at least under the current Supreme
Court rulings, but they also ought to tell us who they are. That is
part of the information the voters should have in assessing the
validity of the message that is being delivered to them.
In Maine you cannot go to a town meeting with a bag over your head.
If you are going to make a speech, if you are going to take your
position on an issue, you tell who you are, and people can assess the
validity of your views based upon in part who they know you are, what
your interest is, what your stake is in this process, and we are
denying the people of America the opportunity to know that.
It is important to realize in this whole area of campaign finance,
which is unbelievably complicated, that the Supreme Court has
significantly narrowed our ability in Congress or in the States to
regulate campaign finance. They have essentially said that money is
speech and that it can't be limited--at least in the aggregate, that is
the McCutcheon decision. Under the Citizens United decision, the
corporations are also people and have a right to free speech and can
spend as much money as they want.
When you go back and read those key opinions--Citizens United and
McCutcheon, which was just decided about a month ago--the Supreme Court
said: We are going to strike down these limitations because they are
limitations on free speech, but the basic reason we feel comfortable
doing so is because the public still has disclosure and they will know
who is talking, and that is our bulwark against abuse and corrosion of
our system.
The problem with that reasoning is the bulwark doesn't exist, and
clever campaign operatives have created this elaborate system which is
designed to disguise who the contributors are, and that is the problem
with our system.
The problem right now is that one party may think they are advantaged
by the current system, but 2 years from now that advantage could
disappear. Indeed, data we received just before our hearing indicates
that 2 years ago 88 percent of the outside money was conservative.
Indeed, this year--so far in 2012--it is closer to being balanced. It
[[Page S2602]]
is 60-40 conservative over more liberal messages. I submit that once it
gets to be 50-50, everybody on both sides of the aisle will say that
maybe we need to do something about it. I am suggesting we do something
about it sooner rather than later.
The Supreme Court has invited us to do something about disclosure. I
think it is the tool we know we have. There is discussion about a
constitutional amendment, which is fine, and I am a supporter. That is
a long-term solution. That could take 4, 5, 6 years, assuming the
support could be achieved in the Congress and in the States. In the
meantime, disclosure is something we could do next week, and it is
something we should do. We owe it to the American people to allow them
to know who it is that is trying to influence their vote.
Occasionally, there is an argument that people who make these kinds
of contributions will be subjected to some kind of intimidation--crank
phone calls, threats, and those kinds of things. Well, Justice Scalia--
the Supreme Court Justice whom I used to know in law school--recently
said: ``Requiring people to stand up in public for their political acts
fosters civic courage, without which democracy is doomed.''
If people are willing to spend millions of dollars attacking someone
else's character, integrity, and career, they ought to at least be
willing to stand up and say: Here am I. I am making these statements.
They should not be allowed to hide behind something created by an
army of accountants and lawyers to disguise their identity. I think
this is something--and based upon the hearing we had yesterday and the
work we did in preparing for it--we really need to attend to.
When I first got into this subject last year, I thought it was bad.
Well, what I have learned over the last several months is that it is a
lot worse than I thought. It is happening fast. It is a tidal wave, and
it is going to engulf our system. Why do we care? Because it is
corrosive and it undermines the confidence citizens have in us as their
political leaders.
In the 1970s and 1980s, people had a perception that money was
corrupting around here, even if it wasn't. But, boy, when we start to
have unidentified, outside dark money and nobody knows where it is
coming from, what could be more calculating to undermine public
confidence in their leadership than a system like that? It is
corrosive. It undermines the trust of our people. It is wrong, and I
think it is something we should attend to. It is something we can do.
We know we can do it constitutionally. We had an 8-to-1 majority vote.
McCutcheon and Citizens United invited us to do this. I think we should
be able to find a bipartisan solution to this subject because it will
benefit this whole country, and I think it will be a great benefit to
the institution of democracy itself. This is not what the Framers
envisioned, and we have it within our power to do something about it so
we can improve this situation and the flow of information--including
the source of that information--to the people of America.
I thank the Presiding Officer, and I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
UKRAINE
Mr. CARDIN. Madam President, I take this time on the floor as the
Chair of the U.S. Helsinki Commission. The Helsinki Commission is the
operating arm of the U.S. participation in the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, the OSCE. It has been in the press
recently because of the circumstances in Ukraine, which is what I am
going to talk about.
First, I will remind my colleagues that the United States, along with
all the countries of Europe and Canada, formed the commission on
security and cooperation in Europe in 1975. It was founded on the
principle that in order to have a stable country, you need to deal not
just with the direct security needs--the military needs--of a country
and not just with its economic and environmental agenda, but you also
need to deal with its human rights and its good governance, and all
three of these are related.
Commitments were made by all the signatories to the OSCE about
respecting the jurisdictions of the member states and dealing with the
rights of your neighbors and dealing with the rights of your own
citizens. The Soviet Union was a member of the OSCE, and now all of the
countries of the former Soviet Union are members, including Russia and
the countries of central Asia.
I am increasingly alarmed at the deterioration of the situation in
Eastern UKraine, particularly in the Donetsk region, where Moscow-
controlled pro-Russian separatists have seized 19 buildings and 14
cities and towns.
Late last week seven members of the German-led OSCE Vienna Document
inspection team, charged with observing unusual military activities,
along with five of their Ukrainian escorts, were kidnapped by pro-
Russian militants. One observer has been freed, and the rest continue
to be held hostage. Russia, an OSCE member, has not lifted a finger to
secure their release. There is no doubt in my mind that if Mr. Putin
gave the word, this hostage situation would cease to exist.
This hostage-taking of unarmed international monitors must continue
to be condemned in the strongest possible terms, and everything
possible must be done to secure their release.
In addition to the OSCE observers, 40 people--journalists, activists,
police officers, and politicians--are reportedly being held captive in
makeshift jails in Slovyansk.
Meanwhile, the violence in Eastern Ukraine continues. On Monday,
several thousand peaceful protesters marching in favor of Ukraine's
unity were attacked by pro-Russian thugs wielding clubs and whips,
resulting in 15 seriously injured. That same day, Gennady Kernes, the
mayor of Ukraine's second largest city, Kharkiv, was shot, underwent
emergency surgery, and remains in serious condition. He is now in
Israel for further medical treatment.
Furthermore, I am deeply dismayed at other flagrant violations of
human rights by pro-Russian militants in Eastern Ukraine and in
Russia's annexed Crimea. These include attacks and threats against
minority groups, particularly Jews and Roma as well as Crimean Tatars
and ethnic Ukrainians in Crimea. Supporters of a united Ukraine have
been targeted as well, including a local politician and university
student whose tortured bodies were found dumped in a river near
Slovyansk.
The joint statement on Ukraine signed in Geneva on April 17 by the
EU, the United States, Russia, and Ukraine calls on all sides to lay
down their arms, vacate buildings, and begin the process of dialogue
and de-escalation. That was signed just 2 weeks ago. That agreement
provided a basis for de-escalation. Yet, over the course of the last
days and weeks, we have not seen the Russians follow through on urging
separatists to stand down in Eastern Ukraine. What have we seen? Kyiv,
on the one hand, is taking concrete steps and making good-faith efforts
to live up to the Geneva agreement, including vacating buildings and
offering dialogue. Russia has done nothing. Instead of working to de-
escalate the conflict, it is doing the opposite--fueling escalation.
Russia continues to violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of Ukraine and flagrantly flaunts its commitments under the Geneva
agreement.
The Geneva agreement also calls upon the parties to refrain from any
violence, intimidation, or provocative actions and condemns and rejects
all expressions of extremism, racism, religious intolerance, including
anti-Semitism. Clearly, both the spirit and the letter of this
agreement have been breached by Russia.
In recent days we have seen troubling manifestations against ethnic
and religious minority communities. The distribution of flyers in
Donetsk calling for Jews to register their religion and property is a
chilling reminder of an especially dark period in European history.
While the perpetrators of this onerous action have not been determined,
one thing is clear: Moscow, which controls the pro-Russian separatists
in Eastern Ukraine, is using anti-Semitism as an ingredient in its
anti-Ukrainian campaign. Perhaps even worse, among the Russian special
forces and agitators operating in Ukraine are members of the neo-Nazi
and other anti-Semitic groups.
Jewish communities in parts of Eastern Ukraine are not the only ones
that have reason to be worried. In
[[Page S2603]]
Slovyansk, armed separatists have invaded Romani homes and beaten and
robbed men, women, and children. Ukrainian speakers--including
Ukrainian-speaking journalists--have reportedly experienced
intimidation in the largely Russian-speaking Donetsk area.
At the same time in Crimea, which Russia forcibly annexed, Crimean
Tatars continue to be threatened with deportation and attacked for
speaking their own language in their ancestral homeland. Moreover, the
longtime leader of the Crimean Tatar community and former Soviet
political prisoner Mustafa Dzhemilev has been banned from returning to
Crimea.
It is important to underscore that Crimea is the ancestral home of
the Crimean Tatars, who in 1944 were forcibly and brutally evicted by
Stalin to central Asia and only allowed to return to their home in the
early 1990s.
Additionally, the separatist Crimean authorities have gone after the
Ukrainian community, announcing that Ukrainian literature and history
will no longer be offered in Crimean schools.
These attacks and threats underscore the importance of the OSCE
Special Monitoring Mission and other OSCE institutions in Ukraine in
assessing the situation on the ground and helping to de-escalate
tensions. They need to be permitted to operate unhindered--and most
certainly not held hostage--in Eastern Ukraine and to be allowed access
into Crimea, which Russia continues to block.
The actions against pro-Ukrainian activists and minorities are the
direct result of Russia's unfounded and illegal aggression against
Ukraine--first in Crimea and then in Eastern Ukraine. There is no doubt
as to who pulls the strings. The Kremlin has been relentlessly
flaunting their Geneva promises and has done nothing to rein in the
militants they control. Mr. Putin needs to get Russian soldiers and
other assorted military and intelligence operatives out of Ukraine.
We must not forget Crimea. We must never recognize Russia's forcible,
illegal annexation of the Ukrainian territory, which violates every
single one of the 10 core OSCE Helsinki principles. We must build on
the punitive measures already undertaken against the Russian and
Ukrainian individuals who so blatantly violated the international
agreements in the Ukrainian and Crimean Constitutions. Violations of
another nation's territorial integrity and sovereignty must not be
tolerated. Russia's flagrant land grab of Crimea has set a horrible
precedent for those countries harboring illegal territorial ambitions
around the globe.
I welcome the President's stepping up of economic sanctions on seven
Russian officials, including members of President Putin's inner circle
and 17 companies linked to Mr. Putin. I also welcome the State
Department and Commerce Department tightening policy to deny export
license applications for any high-technology items that could
contribute to Russia's military capabilities. I am confident Russia
will feel the impact of these sanctions. These, along with the further
targeted sanctions announced by the EU earlier this week, will only
continue to have a growing impact.
Nevertheless, if the situation in eastern Ukraine continues to
deteriorate, or even should the status quo persist, the United States
needs to ratchet up these sanctions, and soon, including several
sectoral sanctions against Russia's industries such as banking, mining,
energy, and defense.
Of equal importance, we need to remain steadfast in helping Ukraine
become a stronger democratic state and foster its political and
economic stability. The millions of men, women, and children who
demonstrated for months for human rights and human dignity spoke loudly
and clearly, expressing the wishes of the vast majority of the
Ukrainian citizens. The interim government has been working hard under
exceedingly difficult circumstances to move Ukraine further on the path
of economic and political reforms. We and our international partners
need to keep making this progress our focal point. Ukraine needs a lot
of help after the devastation wreaked on their economy by the
incredibly corrupt and dysfunctional Yanukovych regime.
Ukraine has so many pressing needs. Among the most important are
stabilizing the economy and preparing for the most important May 25
Presidential elections. Others include judicial reform, reform of the
police and military, seeking justice and rehabilitation for the victims
of the violence, including those suffering now at the hands of the pro-
Russian militants, helping internally displaced people who are fleeing
Crimea, and working to recover the billions in assets stolen by the
previous regime.
I am pleased Ukraine's civil society, including Western-educated
young people, is firmly committed to the rule of law and democracy and
is playing a critical role in helping the Ukrainian Government work
toward these ends. NGOs and think tanks have worked with the Parliament
to pass a law on the independence of public broadcasting, a bill on
public procurement, and one on how judges are appointed--all critical
in fighting the scourge of corruption.
The United States is providing concrete assistance through a U.S.
crisis support package for Ukraine, which includes support for the
integrity of the May elections and constitutional reform, substantial
economic assistance, energy security technical expertise, help to
recover proceeds of corruptions stolen by the former regime, and other
anticorruption assistance, and fostering greater people-to-people
contacts. We need to be willing to provide more resources to the
Ukrainians as they actively work to fulfill their aspirations.
Ultimately, these choices will lead to a more secure, democratic, and
peaceful world, and that is something that reflects both American
interests and American values.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Warner). The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana.
Ms. LANDRIEU. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum
call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(The remarks of Ms. LANDRIEU pertaining to the introduction of S.
2280 are printed in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced
Bills and Joint Resolutions.'')
Ms. LANDRIEU. I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. REID. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call
be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, the motion to proceed to S. 2262 is now
pending?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The leader is correct.
Mr. REID. I have a cloture motion that I would ask to be reported.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The cloture motion having been presented under
XXII, the Chair directs the clerk to read the motion.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
Cloture Motion
We, the undersigned Senators, in accordance with the
provisions of rule XXII of the Standing Rules of the Senate,
hereby move to bring to a close debate on the motion to
proceed to Calendar No. 368, S. 2262, a bill to promote
energy savings in residential buildings and industry, and for
other purposes.
Harry Reid, Jeanne Shaheen, Michael F. Bennet, Richard J.
Durbin, Christopher A. Coons, Bill Nelson, Tom Harkin,
Martin Heinrich, Patrick J. Leahy, Richard Blumenthal,
Tim Kaine, Patty Murray, Tom Udall, Joe Manchin III,
Robert P. Casey, Jr., Angus S. King, Jr., Mark R.
Warner.
Mr. REID. I ask unanimous consent the mandatory quorum required under
rule XXII be waived.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________