[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 64 (Thursday, May 1, 2014)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2578-S2579]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NOMINATION OF THEODORE CHUANG
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, I am going to talk for a few minutes on
one of the nominations we have today, the nomination of Theodore Chuang
to be district judge for Maryland. This nomination was voted out of
committee on a 10-to-8 vote. I opposed the nomination in committee, and
I would urge my colleagues to do the same today. I can't support the
nomination because of the central role Mr. Chuang played in the
administration's persistent and steadfast stonewalling of the
congressional investigation into the attack on our diplomatic mission
in Benghazi on September 11, 2012. That attack resulted in the first
murder of a sitting U.S. Ambassador in over 30 years. Three other brave
Americans serving their country were killed in Benghazi as well.
As we all know too well, just hours after the fighting had ended,
this administration--in the middle of a Presidential campaign at the
time--rushed to blame the attack on an obscure Internet video. The
administration denied what was already clear: that what had happened at
Benghazi was a premeditated terrorist attack that had nothing to do
with any video. The CIA's Libya station chief and other administration
officials immediately recognized and reported that the attack was an
act of terror, not a spontaneous demonstration. The American people
demanded answers. Congress demanded answers as well. But the
administration has systematically stonewalled our ability to get those
answers. That is where this nominee's role comes into play.
Following the Benghazi attack, Mr. Chuang left his position at the
Department of Homeland Security to undertake a special detail at the
State Department. His job at the State Department was to provide legal
guidance and manage the Department's responses to the congressional
investigation into a terrorist attack.
For months the State Department ignored congressional inquiries. That
forced the House Oversight & Government Reform Committee to issue
subpoenas in August 2013. Mr. Chuang received those duly issued
subpoenas but continued the administration's policies of systematic
stonewalling.
So let me be very clear. The State Department has never asserted that
the emails, the documents or witness interviews conducted by the
Benghazi Accountability Review Board are protected by executive
privilege. The State Department has never asserted any privilege
justifying its refusal to disclose documents responsive to these
subpoenas. The State Department has never provided any legal basis
whatsoever for its continued stonewalling of this investigation.
So following Mr. Chuang's nomination hearing before our Judiciary
Committee, I asked him several questions for the record about why the
State Department refused to comply with its legal obligation to respond
to the subpoenas. Mr. Chuang, who was in charge of coordinating the
State Department's responses, couldn't come up with a legal basis.
Instead, he cited only ``institutional concerns.''
That ought not be a good enough answer for what is a legitimate role
of oversight by the Congress, trying to get answers to legitimate
questions. In other words, abstract ``institutional concerns'' does not
permit the executive branch to toss a congressional subpoena into the
garbage.
Benghazi raises questions of vital national importance that to this
very day remain unanswered. They remain unanswered because this
administration refuses to honor its legal obligations to comply with
the congressional oversight that is being done through the
extraordinary measure of subpoena. The American people deserve better
and so do we. We are members of coequal branches of the Federal
Government.
But the Benghazi scandal isn't simply going to go away. In fact, just
this week additional emails came to light demonstrating that the White
House led a coordinated messaging effort on Benghazi from the very
beginning.
This is what one of the emails said: It was the administration's goal
``to underscore that these protests are rooted in an Internet video and
not a broader failure of policy.''
That quotation is from an email sent by the administration's Deputy
National Security Advisor on September 14, 2012--2 days after the
attack. That email was sent even though officials on the ground in
Libya had reported that the attack was an act of terror.
Some have called this email the smoking gun, proving that the
administration intentionally misled the American people about the
terrorist attack, but no matter how this email is characterized, it was
clearly responsive to congressional subpoenas and does not seem to have
been produced until a government watchdog group filed a Freedom of
Information lawsuit seeking to compel the administration to comply.
So let me be clear. From what we know now, it took a Freedom of
Information Act request and an ensuing lawsuit to force the State
Department to produce documents that were obviously related to the
terror attack at Benghazi, and this is the case even though the House
committee made multiple requests for those documents and then issued
subpoenas compelling their production.
I am sure Mr. Chuang thought he was doing his duty to zealously
represent his client when he was managing the document subpoenas the
State Department received from Congress, but his role in coordinating
administrative responses was plainly unsatisfactory and unacceptable
and something that goes against the grain of an administration that on
day two of their administration--in other words, January 21, 2009--said
this was going to be the most transparent administration in the history
of the country.
We should demand more and expect more respect for congressional
oversight. For this reason I have decided to oppose this nomination, a
nomination that was reported out of committee on a 10-to-8 vote.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Booker). The Senator from Maryland.
Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise to speak on the nominations
related to the cloture vote of Theodore Chuang and George Hazel.
Senator Cardin and I are recommending these two outstanding men to
serve on the U.S. district court in Maryland. Senator Cardin and I are
proud to nominate these men because of the outstanding qualities they
will bring to the Federal bench in Maryland that has had a long and
distinguished career of absolutely fantastic judges.
We have before us two Maryland judges who will be taking a different
status--Judge Titus and Judge Williams. Judge Williams served in the
Southern District of the Maryland Federal court--and we salute those
two for
[[Page S2579]]
their outstanding service. On another day I will say what a great job
they have done.
Senator Cardin and I take our responsibilities for recommending to
the President the people of the highest caliber to serve as judges. We
believe very strongly in the concept of an independent judiciary,
people who will bring to the bench absolute integrity, judicial
competence and temperament, a commitment to the core constitutional
principles that have made our country great, and also though a history
of civic engagement in Maryland--because a judge is not how many Law
Review articles they write but can they administer equal justice and
continue to honor equal protection under the law. Mr. Chuang and Mr.
Hazel meet and exceed these standards.
Mr. Hazel comes with an incredible background. He served as an
assistant U.S. attorney to the district court of Maryland. He has been
the southern division coordinator on tough issues such as Project
Exile, a Federal-State partnership addressing gun and violent crimes in
Prince George's County and surrounding areas. He spent 5 years in
private practice at Weil, Gotshal & Manges. He is also a man of faith,
involved deeply in his church, Metropolitan Baptist Church, where he
serves as a deacon.
Most recently, he has worked with the Baltimore State's attorneys
office. The Baltimore State's attorney's office faced a lot of
challenges. It faced dated technology and difficulties in maintaining
chain of custody on evidence. He came in to work with our new State's
attorney, which is an elected position, and he is a real reformer. So
whether you were a prosecutor or you were a defendant, you knew it was
going to be one of the best well-organized offices in Maryland.
Hazel brought that kind of know-how to make sure the apparatus of
government worked because that was all part of making sure people got
equal justice: Did we have the right guy when we were a prosecutor? Did
we have the right evidence? Did the prosecutor have the right tools?
Did the public defender or their private counsel have the opportunity
to provide the defense of them? We have been able to do that. Also,
working in his church he has shown he has been available to provide all
kinds of pro bono services.
He is a graduate of a distinguished law school and he is a Morehouse
man. I think when he takes the Federal bench and takes that oath, we
are going to be proud of the service he does.
Then there is Mr. Chuang, the one who has been under dispute today.
Gosh, I wish the whole Senate could meet him as well as Mr. Hazel. This
is a new generation coming into the Maryland Federal judiciary. Mr.
Chuang's parents and his own story is that of the American dream.
Mr. Chuang's parents came with practically nothing from Taiwan
seeking the American dream and a better life for their family. He
worked very hard and then went on to some of our most distinguished
schools. He went to Harvard Law School and Harvard University. He was a
summa cum laude undergraduate and named by Time magazine as one of the
high achievers. At Harvard, he was with the Law Review. But as I said,
it is not how many Law Review articles one writes; it is, do they right
wrongs in our society.
Yes, he has served at the U.S. Department of Homeland Security; yes,
he has worked in government positions; yes, he has worked in private
practice at Wilmer Cutler; yes, he has been at the Department of
Justice; and, yes, he did provide legal counsel to the State
Department. I am going to talk about that.
First of all, I am kind of tired of this Benghazi witch hunt stuff,
but I am not going to go into that. I respect my colleagues on the
other side of the aisle. Congress has a right to oversight.
But let me make the record clear: Mr. Chuang's role during his
temporary assignment was as legal counsel providing legal advice and
representation to his client. His client was the State Department.
Although he provided legal advice related to the House Committee on
Oversight & Government Reform, he did not have decisionmaking authority
over whether to provide subpoenaed documents to the committee. That was
at higher levels. If the committee had a beef with the State
Department, they should have taken it up with the Secretary of the
State, which I know they did.
During his 6-month detail, the State Department produced a vast
majority of documents and witnesses requested by the HOGR.
In the case of the subpoena in question--which was for internal files
of the independent Accountability Review Board that conducted the
Benghazi investigation--the State Department agreed to produce most of
the documents but has to date declined to produce memoranda of
interviews of State Department personnel because disclosure of those
witness statements may chill cooperation in future ARBs. Although State
offered to discuss alternative means of serving the committee's
request, the House Committee on Oversight & Government Reform has not
actively engaged the State Department on this since the fall of 2013.
Opposition to Mr. Chuang's nomination will have no impact on whether
the State Department produces the documents, and he is not a State
Department employee.
So I respect my colleagues for wanting to have cooperation. I don't
dispute whether they have a legitimate grievance. I leave that in that
field and domain, but I would say Mr. Chuang's role was that of a civil
servant, providing advice to the leadership of the State Department on
this matter. Then the State Department's job, at its highest level, was
to negotiate with the House Committee on Oversight & Government Reform,
chaired by Mr. Issa and the ranking member, our very good colleague
Congressman Cummings of Baltimore.
So if we are going to vote against Chuang because the Secretary of
State did or did not do something, I think we have other problems.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's time has expired.
Ms. MIKULSKI. I ask for 1 additional minute to summarize.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Ms. MIKULSKI. If we continue to attack people because of the job they
did for which they had no decision about, we are going to have a
chilling effect on who comes into government.
If these two men whom I am recommending and whom the President has
nominated were in private practice, they could be making hundreds of
thousands of dollars. Because these two men are duty-driven, with
outstanding educations, backgrounds, and experience, they have chosen
public service. I hope the Senate chooses them to serve on the Federal
bench. This body is going to be very proud of them the way Senator
Cardin and I are in bringing them to the floor's attention. I urge that
we invoke cloture.
I yield the floor and ask that we follow regular order.
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