[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 58 (Wednesday, April 9, 2014)]
[House]
[Pages H3072-H3123]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2015
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 544 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the further consideration of the
concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 96.
Will the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Hastings) kindly resume the
chair.
{time} 1304
In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the further consideration of
the concurrent
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resolution (H. Con. Res. 96) establishing the budget for the United
States Government for fiscal year 2015 and setting forth appropriate
budgetary levels for fiscal years 2016 through 2024, with Mr. Hastings
in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIR. When the Committee of the Whole rose on Tuesday, April 8,
2014, 60 minutes of debate remained on the concurrent resolution.
The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ryan) and the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen) each have 30 minutes remaining.
Who yields time?
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Well, here we are, Mr. Chairman, resuming the debate we left off
yesterday. Let me try and give a summary of what this is all about.
This is all about getting our fiscal house in order. This is all
about prioritizing hardworking taxpayer dollars. This is all about
doing in our generation what we need to do to make sure that the next
generation has a secure future and a debt-free future. So that is why
we are bringing a budget to the floor, that is why we are making those
difficult decisions, and that is why we are advocating for these
important reforms.
In much of the 20th century, a lot of programs were created, and a
lot of laudable goals were established. But now in the 21st century, I
think we have learned a thing or two about how we can better accomplish
and achieve some of these goals such as health and retirement security,
because the way these programs were designed nearly a generation ago,
they are now going into bankruptcy in this generation.
If we allow that to happen, then we will pull out from underneath
those who depend on these programs for their health and retirement
security, we will renege on that social contract. More to the point, we
are going to do damage to our economy if we keep this deficit and debt
going on its current course.
We asked the Congressional Budget Office to take a look at the kind
of deficit and debt reduction that we are proposing and tell us over
the long period, over the course of this budget, what does that do for
America and for our economy? And they tell us that getting your
economic and fiscal house in order, reducing the deficit and balancing
the budget so that you can begin paying off the debt is good for
economic growth. In fact, it will increase economic output by 1.8
percentage points. That is actually a lot.
What does that mean to every person in America? About $1,100 in more
take-home pay and in higher income because we did our jobs here. But,
more importantly, what it means for the next generation is, instead of
sending our bills to them to work hard, to pay their taxes to pay off
our bills and then they have to start working for themselves, we are
going to give them a better future. Because we know right now--the CBO
tells us as much--they are going to inherit a diminished future. That
is point number one.
Point number two is that we have got to stop spending money we don't
have. We will hear all of these arguments about the draconian cuts and
the slashing and all of this. These are the same arguments we have
heard time and again. And when those arguments have prevailed, they
have brought us to where we are today: extraordinarily high deficits,
deficits going back to $1 trillion by the end of this budget period,
and a debt that is about to take off. If we don't get this under
control, then we will not have the kind of economy that the people of
this country deserve.
We don't want Washington to stand in the way of people's success. We
want Washington to play its rightful supporting role so that people can
become successful. We believe in a system of natural rights and
equality of opportunity so people can make the most of their lives. We
don't believe in a system where government thinks that they must take
this commanding role within the middle of people's lives that ends up
bankrupting this country, diminishing the future, and lowering economic
growth and prosperity. There is a big difference in approaches. We want
to tackle these challenges.
What I also want to say is that we have an important obligation to
secure this country and protect our national defense. America, like it
or not, is the superpower nation in the world and a duty that falls
upon us to take that responsibility seriously. With that responsibility
also comes the ability to chart our own course in the world, to help
preserve the peace, and to help pave the way for prosperity so that we
can have economic opportunity and so that we can advance our views and
our values and the protection of individual and human rights and
democracy.
These things are good for America. A strong America and a strong
military helps make for a peaceful America and a prosperous America.
So we need to take the needed reforms to make sure that these
critical retirement programs are there, not only intact for people in
and near retirement, but there for those of us who are younger when we
hope to retire. We need to get our spending under control so we can
balance our budget and pay off our debt. We need to enact pro-growth
economic reform like tax reform and economic development to create jobs
today.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. I yield myself an additional 15 seconds.
At the end of the day, instead of growing government spending at 5.2
percent, which is the trend, we are proposing to grow it at 3.5 percent
over the next 10 years. Hardly draconian.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Some things do not improve with age. We are here one day later, and
this Republican budget is just as bad for the country today as it was
yesterday.
Our Republican colleagues are going to have to choose: either you
claim your budget balances or you fess up to the American people that
you are keeping big parts of the Affordable Care Act, because you can't
do both. As we talked yesterday, the House Republican budget only
reaches their claim of balance in 10 years if they take the revenues
from the Affordable Care Act and all the savings from the Affordable
Care Act. And if they are going to claim that they are repealing that--
as they voted 54-plus times to do on this floor--then their budget is
automatically out of balance.
Now, all of these budgets significantly reduce the deficit as a share
of our economy in the outyears. The fundamental question is what
choices these budgets make in getting there. And the Democratic budget
that has been proposed and the President's budget, all those budgets
say we need to have shared responsibility and we need to work together
to accomplish that goal.
The Republican budget rigs the rules in the favor of the most
powerful and the most wealthy--right? So if you are a millionaire,
under the Republican budget, you get your top tax rate cut by a full
one-third, and everybody else in this budget gets walloped. So if you
are a senior on Medicare, you will immediately see your prescription
drug costs rise if you have high prescription drug costs--right?--
because they reopen the prescription drug doughnut hole. That is a
choice they make in the Republican budget for seniors today, even as
they choose to protect special interest tax breaks for the very
powerful.
They choose in this budget to say that students, while they are still
in college, will be charged interest rates on their student loans--that
saves them $40 billion--while they protect tax breaks for hedge fund
owners. We don't think that is the right choice.
I am now pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Washington State (Mr. McDermott), a member of the Budget Committee and
the Ways and Means Committee who has always focused on making the right
choice for the American people.
(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. McDERMOTT. Mr. Chairman, this budget is not a real plan to
address the urgent needs of the American people. This budget is an
announcement of a campaign for the Presidency of the United States.
This bill is intended not to stir great debate in Congress that
ultimately delivers fiercely needed solutions for Americans; instead,
this bill is written for the 2016 Republican National Convention.
[[Page H3074]]
When you listen to the chairman talk about this budget, what you are
really hearing is the inaugural address of the 45th President of the
United States, a rousing address that asks not what you can do for your
country, but proudly proclaims your country refuses to do a thing for
you: millions of seniors will be tossed off Medicare; the social safety
net will be gutted to pay for millionaire tax cuts; infrastructure
projects left to rot; denying millions of Americans health security;
and Medicaid slashed to the bone. And that is just going to be the
first 100 days.
Remember as you vote: a budget is a statement of your moral
principles of what you think ought to go on in a society. Today's vote
is the first vote. If that kind of people get elected either in the
Senate or in the Presidency in 2016, this is what you are going to see.
They are putting it right out there for everybody in America to see.
And that is why you must vote ``no.''
{time} 1315
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Wow, that is a doozy, I have got to tell you.
That is a doozy if that kind of people get elected.
Look, we just think we should balance the budget, have government
live within its means, and pay off our debt. If those kinds of people
get elected, great.
With that, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
McCarthy), our distinguished majority whip.
Mr. McCARTHY of California. Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of the
Path to Prosperity budget.
Every day, millions of Americans are competing in a race with an
economy that asks us to accept a new normal, an anemic growth, an Obama
economy.
I was recently in a high school speaking of the challenge that
America had, and a student asked me a question about it. I asked him
did he play a sport. He happened to be on the swim team. I said: Let me
give you an analogy of America competing worldwide by a swim meet.
Picture America in a swim competition with every other country. Many
times at the early years, after the 1980s, we would jump into the pool
and we would swim and we would win. We would hang those championship
banners out. In this new Obama economy, things changed, a stimulus
spending. Well, that meant we had to add a weight belt, about 20
pounds. Then the tax increases came. We had to add more weight. An
onslaught of regulation, pretty soon you are up to 100 pounds.
You know what? We jump in that pool and we don't always win. And
nobody says take the weight belt off. They just say you just don't swim
like you used to. Think about it. Since the recession, part-time
employment has increased at the expense of full-time. Over 90 million
Americans are out of the workforce all together; 46 million live in
poverty.
You know, the CBO, Congressional Budget Office, now says the new
natural rate for unemployment is 6 percent. That means 11 million
Americans not working is somehow natural in America. That is what a
weight belt will do for you. It will drown you.
Today is different. Today we are going to unshackle. We are going to
take that weight belt off. We have a budget that creates a Tax Code
that is simpler and fairer, one that let's you keep more money in your
pocket and lets you invest differently, one that balances and takes
away that debt of the weight belt, one that unshackles the energy--more
jobs, cheaper fuel, more manufacturing jobs to be able to grow. We
strengthen Medicare and Medicaid. So we take care of the current and
the future. We plan to swim for years and compete for years in the
future.
I tell you, today, there are two different directions: you can stay
with this anemic growth or you can jump into a pool with a future
brighter than we have seen before and one that we know that will hang a
new banner of championship, that America will rise once again with the
prosperity of a balanced budget, one that will take us into a future of
strength.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chair, the gentleman referenced several times the
Congressional Budget Office and the economy. I urge all our colleagues
to read the Congressional Budget Office report. It indicates that this
House Republican budget will actually slow down economic growth over
the next couple of years and slow down job growth over the next couple
years.
Yes, we need a simpler, fairer Tax Code, but this House Republican
budget would provide a huge tax break to the very wealthy and increase
the tax burden on the middle class. In fact, they cut the top rate from
39 percent to 25 percent. That is a full one-third tax cut. So
millionaires get an average of $87,000 tax break. Middle-income
taxpayers have to finance that cut for the folks at the top. That means
an increased tax burden of $2,000 for a middle class family. That is
not good, fair tax reform.
For somebody who knows a lot about the economy and doing it right, I
am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr.
Yarmuth), a member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Chair, budgets are a reflection of our values, they
are a statement of our priorities, and they are about the choices we
make to set the course for our future.
With this budget, Republicans are choosing the well-off and well-
connected over middle class families, choosing, for instance, $45
billion in tax subsidies for oil companies whose own executives say
they don't need it over veterans of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq
who are out of work.
They choose a new average tax cut of $200,000 per millionaire per
year over 170,000 of our Nation's most vulnerable children who would
lose Head Start services.
Mr. Chair, we just finished with March Madness, and I am very proud
of the University of Kentucky Wildcats. They had a great season. But
isn't one of the cruel ironies of this debate, Coach Calipari of the
University of Kentucky, who makes $5 million a year, roughly, under the
Republican budget would get an additional tax cut of $700,000 a year,
while the students who support his program would see their Pell grants
slashed nationwide by a total of $145 billion over 10 years. Isn't that
something? A man who makes $5 million coaching basketball gets a
$700,000 tax break, while the students who were suffering and working
hard to pay their way through college get slashed. This is one of the
choices the budgets are about. This is why the Republican budget is
totally out of step with American values. This is why we should reject
the Republican budget.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. I yield myself 30 seconds to say, boy, I
wonder what tax bill they are talking about, because it is not the one
that is within the Republican budget. The Ways and Means Committee
writes tax laws. We put out the outlines of tax reform that say there
is a trillion dollars a year of tax expenditures, of loopholes that can
be closed to give us a fairer, simpler Tax Code, that lowers taxes for
everybody, all families and businesses, not whatever it is they are
saying.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. I yield myself an extra 30 seconds.
What we are saying is, keep the award where it is, the maximum award,
and fully funded for the decade. That is slashing it?
That is as opposed to the President who is saying let's grow it and
then have some cliff and show no way or means of paying for it. The
President and his budget is making a promise in Pell grants that he
shows no way of keeping. We think we should make a promise and keep it;
that is why we fully fund the current award at Pell.
And, oh, by the way, we also are cognizant of the fact that a lot of
studies show us we are raising tuition. We are contributing to tuition
inflation. And we need to get to the bottom of that before we keeping
throwing more money at a system that is raising tuition.
Mr. Chair, with that, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Wenstrup).
Mr. WENSTRUP. Mr. Chair, in this House, we take the constitutional
power of the purse very seriously. We also take the future of young
Americans very seriously, and we take the notion of leaving something
better for the next generation very seriously.
Again, this year, the majority has proposed a budget that responsibly
balances our budget within 10 years. It secures our social safety net
for the most
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needy and for seniors. It repeals the uncertainty forced on Ohioans and
all Americans by ObamaCare.
The budget begins to unburden future generations from the tyranny of
the debt being left to them by today's decisionmakers. The CBO
estimates it will pay $223 billion in interest payments this year--$223
billion in interest. That is enough to build 100 new Brent Spence
bridges, which is an aging bridge that spans the Ohio River in
Cincinnati, a critical artery for our Nation's highways reaching from
Michigan to Florida.
Going back to those payments, left unchecked, they will balloon to
$880 billion within 10 years. That is about how much we are spending on
Social Security every year right now. American prosperity cannot afford
to throw our money away to interest payments.
Vice President Joe Biden is fond of saying, ``Don't tell me what you
value; show me your budget, and I will tell you what you value.'' It is
a revealing quote, Mr. Chair, especially since Senate Democrats yet
again refuse to even consider a budget. I guess according to the Vice
President, Senate Democrats don't really value anything at all.
It is disrespectful to the American people and to hardworking
Americans that this budget debate isn't happening in the Senate. As we
have seen in recent years, the Senate Majority Leader has decided not
to introduce a budget. In fact, the only time the Senate has introduced
a budget recently was when the Senators knew that they wouldn't be paid
unless they did so.
I know that Ohio families and Ohio businesses budget and plan for the
future. They should be able to expect at least as much from their
government, and the House is meeting our obligation with this budget.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chair, I just want to respond to a couple of
points the chairman made about tax reform. You know, Republican
etiology in Washington has been that of trickle-down economics. The
idea is you provide the wealthiest people in the country with a tax
break and somehow it trickles down and lifts everybody up. The problem
is that theory was proven bankrupt in the early 2000s. Under the Bush
administration, we tried that--lower tax rates at the top. The economy
did not do any better. In fact, what we got was huge deficits.
Now in this Republican budget, they are right back to the same old
veiled theory. They called for reducing the top tax rate for
millionaires from 39 percent down to 25 percent, and they claim that
they are going to do this in a deficit-neutral way. When you do the
math, what that means is you are going to have to increase the tax
burden on middle class taxpayers to finance tax breaks for folks at the
top.
Just to give our Republican colleagues an opportunity to say that
that is not what they intended, in the Budget Committee, we offered an
amendment calling it Protect the American Middle Class from Tax
Increases, saying, okay, at least tell the Ways and Means Committee
that one of your principles as you reduce tax breaks for millionaires
is not to increase the tax burden on the middle class, and every
Republican on the Budget Committee voted against that provision.
I am pleased that we have the author of that amendment with us on the
floor right now. I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from the great
State of New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).
Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Chair, this budget is fundamentally unserious. We
have heard this now for 4 years in a row. My friends on the other side
of the aisle come down to the floor with their draconian budget
claiming they are reluctantly forced to make tough decisions because
the specter of a debt crisis is right around the corner--this, despite
the fact that our deficit is falling at the fastest rate since the end
of the Second World War. We said this: we would do it, and we did it.
This supposedly looming debt crisis is going to be so incredibly bad
for this country that we need to reluctantly gut programs that help low
and moderate Americans to prevent it.
And you stand there and stand up there and talk to us about tax-and-
spend Democrats? You can't balance your budget without the Affordable
Care Act. Isn't that a honey? You have done everything to dismantle it,
over 50 votes to get rid of it. Now you are using it and the revenues
to balance your budget. Ho, ho, ho. How very convenient of you. Their
prescription to prevent this impending disaster is exactly what their
Randian world view prescribes in the first place.
Tax cuts for the wealthy paid for on the backs of those not so
wealthy. Unfortunately, it leads to only one conclusion. The Republican
Party does not care about our deficits.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I yield the gentleman from New Jersey another 15
seconds.
Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Chair, in the words of Vice President--remember
him--Dick Cheney, he proclaimed, ``Deficits don't matter.''
So, you have had a call to religion. You have come back. Your budget,
the deficit is simply an excuse to cut the social safety net. So I say,
let's vote down this phony budget and get on with the real thing, Mr.
Chair.
The CHAIR. The Chair would remind Members to direct their remarks to
the Chair.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chair, just in order to balance the time,
I think we will let the gentleman from Maryland yield to another
speaker so we can catch up.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. If I could just inquire how much time remains.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Maryland has 20\3/4\ minutes remaining,
and the gentleman from Wisconsin has 18 minutes remaining.
{time} 1330
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to
the gentleman from the great State of New York (Mr. Jeffries), a
terrific member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Chairman, I thank my distinguished friend for
yielding.
The GOP budget is a product of the same type of extreme philosophy
that gave rise to the reckless Republican shutdown last year. It is
like a heat-seeking missile aimed directly at the American people. It
is a parade of horribles too numerous to catalogue, but in the time
that I have allotted I will try to highlight the most egregious
aspects.
It will cut $125 billion from the SNAP program, making it difficult
for millions of food insecure Americans to get access to the nutrition
needed to live a healthy life. It will cut $260 billion from higher
education spending, depriving young Americans of the opportunity to get
a college education and robustly pursue the American dream. It will cut
$732 billion from the Medicaid program, making it hard for older
Americans to get access to this vital safety net program. It will turn
Medicare into a voucher program--that is a Trojan horse--effectively
ending Medicare as we know it. It will balance the budget on the backs
of working families, middle class folks, senior citizens, the poor, the
sick, and the afflicted.
The Democratic plan is designed to create progress for the greatest
number of Americans possible. The Republican plan is all about
prosperity for the few, and for that reason we should vote it down.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, yesterday, I was Dracula; now I
am conducting a parade of horribles and firing heat-seeking missiles at
the American people. I am interested to see what comes next.
With that, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlelady from Tennessee (Mrs.
Blackburn), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the chairman and the
opportunity to stand and discuss the budget that we have before us.
I find it so interesting that our constituents are watching this.
They are paying attention because they are concerned, and with good
reason.
As one of my constituents said in a town hall meeting: I have got to
tell you, I have got too much month left at the end of my money, and I
am tired of it. I am tired of what this economy has been doing to my
opportunities--wage stagnation, increases in health care costs.
The American people are over it, and they are ready to see the
Federal Government start to live within its means. Think about it like
this. This is the week when millions of Americans are sitting around
the kitchen table looking at their income tax form, filling it out,
trying to make certain that they do it right.
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Let me ask you a question: Is it fair, is it right, for the men and
women, the taxpayers, hardworking taxpayers in this country, is it
right and fair to require them to send money to Washington, money that
they don't have, money that causes them to struggle to meet their bills
and to live within their means--they are struggling every month, and
they have to send money to Washington to a government that refuses to
live within its means.
This is what we are talking about, and this is why a budget that
actually makes $5.1 trillion worth of spending cuts is important. It is
why it is important that we have a budget that says there is a pathway
to economic growth. It is because it is what the American people want
to see happen.
I think our constituents find it very interesting that our colleagues
across the aisle came to the Budget Committee room. What did they want
to do? Plus it up, spend more--$1.5 trillion in taxes. More, let's take
more from the taxpayer, let's grow the size of the government, let's
make it bigger, let's make it more bloated.
That is their solution to how to deal with what we have here in
Washington as a spending crisis. We don't have a revenue problem; we
have a spending problem, we have a priority problem, and we see this
play out regularly.
Mr. Chairman, it is why it is important for us to have a budget that
balances in 10 years. I have to tell you, as a mom and a grandmom, I
look a lot at what is happening to our children and our grandchildren.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I yield the gentlewoman an
additional minute.
Mrs. BLACKBURN. You can call it draconian, you can call it all of
these names, you can call all of us Neanderthals. But let me tell you
what this is: this is a budget that is for our children because it is
for reduced regulation, reduced taxation, reducing litigation, it is
for innovation and job creation. That is what this budget is for. It is
for fairness, because if we don't get this under control it will be my
5-year-old and my 4-year-old grandchildren that are facing draconian
taxes, draconian rates, draconian cuts in order to be able to stand and
live here in America.
So as we look at this, yes, we put the focus on right-sizing
government, flexibility for the States, accountability to the American
taxpayer, accountability to the children who are going to inherit the
consequences of the decisions we make today.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, the gentlelady used the term
``draconian'' a couple of times, and the chairman keeps referring to
comments that Democrats have made as ``overblown.'' I would just remind
the body that it was just a few days ago that the senior Republican,
the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, called the budget
we are debating on the floor of the House draconian. That is what he
called it--not a Democrat. So I think Members should keep that in mind
as we proceed.
I am now very pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlelady from
Florida (Ms. Castor), a terrific member of the Budget Committee.
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for
yielding.
The people I know and the people I meet work very hard every day.
They want an opportunity for a good job, they want good schools, safe
communities, and the promise that when they retire they can live their
years in dignity. They want a government that is fair and helps make
progress towards the American dream.
But this Republican budget is not for the hardworking people of
America. This Republican budget is crafted by the special interests for
the special interests. Republicans stack the deck against working
families and small businesses. Incomes of CEOs and the top 1 percent
are soaring, but everyone else is working harder to get by.
We need an economy that is firing on all cylinders for everybody,
creating jobs that pay enough to keep up. Yet the Republican budget
raises taxes on middle class families in order to cut taxes for people
who earn over $1 million.
Republicans ignore one of the most important ways to cut the debt and
the deficit, and that is have more Americans working. If the middle
class succeeds, then America succeeds.
Republicans refuse to find one special interest loophole in the Tax
Code. If you are incredibly rich, then you are incredibly lucky because
this budget is for you. You pay less. But if you are like the vast
majority of Americans, hold on, because you are going to pay more.
If you are a student who wants to attend college, Republicans make
that harder by cutting Pell grants and student loans.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield the gentlewoman an additional
30 seconds.
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Mr. Chairman, if you have a job in
construction at America's ports or in transportation, this Republican
budget could cost you your job and new opportunities.
If you believe America should remain the world leader in medical and
scientific research, sorry, the Republican budget slashes research at
the National Institutes of Health or in universities and research
institutions.
If you are an older American, the Republican budget asks you to pay
much more for Medicare, long-term care, and nursing care. It takes away
that secure lifeline that has been in place since Democratic Congresses
passed Medicare and Medicaid so that you will be able to live your
retirement years in dignity without the fear of poverty.
This Republican budget is a cynical, special-interest driven vision
of America. I recommend a strong ``no'' vote in opposition.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 1 minute to
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), a distinguished member of
the Foreign Affairs Committee.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Chairman, I thank my colleague.
This budget--I am not going to call somebody Dracula. I am sure it is
sincere--but it is all about cutting taxes at the public's expense. It
disinvests in America. So we disinvest in R&D, we disinvest in our
future. The gentlelady from Tennessee talked about children and the tax
burden. What about their education? What about opportunity? What about
the roads and bridges and tunnels and transit systems they won't have
because they have crumbled because we have disinvested? That is what
this budget is all about. It is absolutely on the wrong path and it is
handing over our future to foreign competition.
I urge defeat of this budget, and I urge more sensible solutions for
the future.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, when we call for ``revenue
neutral tax reform,'' that means tax reform that keeps raising the same
amount of revenue we raise today, do it through a better Tax Code so we
are not picking winners and losers, so we can grow the economy and
create jobs.
With that, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr.
Bucshon).
Mr. BUCSHON. Mr. Chairman, when I tour businesses in the Eighth
District of Indiana and meet with Hoosier families, they tell me they
are concerned about the enormous debt burdening our country.
Just like Hoosier families and businesses that have to make hard
decisions when money is tight, Washington must do the same in order to
sustain our role as the leader in the free world.
We are over $17 trillion in debt. It is clear Washington, D.C., has a
spending problem, and there are two very different pathways to address
this issue.
My colleagues on the other side of the aisle would continue us on the
failed status quo pathway of more spending, more taxes, and more debt.
Their plan does not address the long-term drivers of our debt. It
raises taxes on families who are already struggling to make ends meet
and has no intention of balancing, ever. And it does nothing to protect
and strengthen the Medicare safety net promised to our seniors. Put
simply, their plan does not implement serious reforms necessary to put
us on a path to a sustainable future.
Mr. Chairman, our budget has a different vision for America. Our
budget plan saves $5.1 trillion over the next
[[Page H3077]]
decade, pays down our debt, and encourages a growing and healthy
economy. Our plan expands opportunities for all Americans by focusing
on higher education and job training. We encourage a simpler, fairer
Tax Code that saves Americans thousands of hours spent every year on
tax compliance. Our plan protects the social safety net programs by
encouraging upward mobility and providing States with the flexibility
to meet the needs of their residents.
One of the most important aspects of our budget plan provides Social
Security and Medicare for our Nation's seniors. We preserve traditional
Medicare for those in or near retirement, while also offering options
for Medicare that strengthens this vital program so it is still around
for future generations.
For these reasons, Mr. Chairman, I support the Ryan budget plan,
which puts our country on a pathway back to prosperity.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
It does not strengthen Medicare to reopen the prescription drug
doughnut hole, which is exactly what this Republican congressional
budget does.
If you are a senior with high prescription drug costs under this
budget, it will cost you $1,200 more per year. The whole reason we
closed the prescription drug doughnut hole was to prevent seniors in
that position from having to undergo such economic hardship. But this
Republican budget reopens that doughnut hole now.
With respect to tax reform and picking winners and losers, the
reality is that this Republican budget does pick winners and losers.
The big winners are people at the very top of the income scale because
millionaires will see their top tax rate cut by a full one-third.
The result of that is that middle-income taxpayers are going to have
to finance that in order to maintain what they call the deficit
neutrality of it. That means that middle-income taxpayers with kids are
going to pay an average of $2,000 more to finance the tax cuts for
millionaires.
{time} 1345
So millionaires are the winners, and middle class taxpayers are the
losers. As I said just a moment ago, we gave our Republican colleagues
an opportunity in the committee to say no, that is not their intention,
but they voted against the amendment to protect American middle class
taxpayers.
I am now pleased to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Wisconsin (Mr. Pocan), one of our terrific members of the Budget
Committee.
Mr. POCAN. Mr. Chairman, this is the fourth year in a row that the
Republicans have introduced their roadmap for the future.
If they took over the House, the Senate, and the Presidency, what
would they do? Who would be the winners and losers?
The chairman of the Budget Committee said this is a win-win budget.
It is a win if you are in the top percentile, and it is a win if you
are in the second percentile, but the rest of us--the 98 percent--
certainly aren't winning.
We lose 1.1 million jobs in 2015 and 3 million jobs in 2016 in the
Republican budget. That is like firing every single person in the State
of Wisconsin. We lose by slashing investments in infrastructure and
science, in transportation and education, and for our seniors. The
middle class taxpayers pay for it.
We also lose on the fact that this has fuzzy math. The logic is
terrible. To say this actually balances in 10 years is to say that
Cheez Whiz is like real Wisconsin cheese. They cut the Affordable Care
Act's benefits, but they keep the revenues, and they keep the savings,
which is simply impossible.
I hope the American public realizes that, if the Republicans take
over, this is their roadmap. These are the cuts you are going to see,
so I urge a ``no'' vote on the budget.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 1\1/2\
minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), a member of the
Budget Committee and of the Ways and Means Committee.
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Chairman, this budget is too weak. It is too weak in
all the wrong places and in all the wrong ways. It is weak on
opportunity. It is weak on competitiveness. It is weak on dealing with
the tax avoidance and loopholes that would allow us to invest in
America. The House Republican budget actually grows the deficit--the
opportunity deficit.
A strong budget would help our students earn degrees without
mortgaging their futures in order to achieve their full God-given
potential, and it would enable an educated workforce that will allow us
to be competitive in the world economy.
A strong budget would invest in life-saving medical research, which
would grow our economy and would respond to the folks from San Antonio
who are here today to ask for more for Alzheimer's research, not by
taking it from AIDS or cancer research, but by investing more to get
the cures in order to save the lives and create the jobs that America
ought to be about.
A strong budget would invest in infrastructure, in roads and rails
and bridges and harbors, like the Chinese are doing to move goods and
move people and be competitive.
A strong budget would ensure seniors' dignity in retirement, not what
AARP says about this budget--that it would weaken the programs that
provide the very foundation of health and retirement security for
current and future generations.
I urge the rejection of this weak Republican budget in favor of
needed investments in our education, our infrastructure, our research,
and our retirement security.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. DOGGETT. Those investments can be made by simply asking those who
have been so privileged and who have enjoyed so many tax loopholes to
pay their fair share for the future of America. I believe it is an
investment for a stronger America, which will afford more opportunity
to every family.
I ask for the rejection of this budget in favor of a strong budget
that is strong for America, strong for our economy, and strong for
opportunity.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, apparently, a strong budget
means we need to borrow more from the Chinese to fund our government.
With that, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
Wisconsinite, Mr. Duffy, who does know the difference between real
cheese and Cheez Whiz.
Mr. DUFFY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, as I sit and listen to this debate today, there is no
doubt the Democrats' position is let's just keep the status quo, don't
change anything, let's continue on with our $17 trillion debt, let's
continue to borrow and spend and spend and borrow and never change
course.
We know that is their position by way of the amendments they offered
in the Budget Committee and by the conversation you hear on the floor
today. Mr. Chairman, we also know that, by way of the Senate budget,
when they put one out, because it never balances, and we know that
because of the President's budget that he puts out, because it never
balances.
It passes off this massive liability to the next generation, and
their policies have a real impact on the country as a whole.
We talk about seniors. The Medicare trust fund is going broke in 12
years--it is going bankrupt--and my friends across the aisle, Mr.
Chairman, don't want to change it. They want to leave our seniors today
and our future seniors in jeopardy with a trust fund that is going
broke.
It is hard to lead. It is hard to put ideas on the table and say:
listen, my friends, let's come together, let's be responsible, let's
make it sustainable, let's fix it--when the response is: don't do a
darned thing, continue on the course to a bankrupted trust fund.
That doesn't serve our seniors well. That doesn't serve our next
generation of seniors well.
Speaking of Medicare, there is only one party in this town that took
over $700 billion out of Medicare and used it for ObamaCare--they
raided it--and that is the Democrat Party, Mr. Chairman. That is
unacceptable, and to come to the floor today and tell us and the
American people that they are here to protect it just isn't true.
[[Page H3078]]
We are on the course to a fiscal calamity, and if that happens, who
are the people who are hurt the most among us? The people who are hurt
the worst are the poorest, the ones who are most in need of government
assistance.
We should look to our churches and to our communities for that help,
but there is a role for government. If you have a debt crisis, if you
have a fiscal crisis, and if you have people who have a hard time
heating their homes or putting food on their tables or who have kids
who want to go to college or if you want to build roads and bridges,
there is not money there for those projects.
If you want to be able to invest in your future, you have to make
sure you have a budget that is sustainable. When you pay $230 billion
in interest alone today, when the Fed is printing money to buy down
that interest rate and when the President says, in 10 years, interest
on the debt is going to be $880 billion--you can build a lot of roads,
bridges, feed a lot of people, and send a lot of kids to school for
almost $1 trillion a year.
Let's fix this problem. Let's work together. Let's balance our
budget. It starts right here in the House with the Budget Committee.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I hope all Members of the House will check the facts with respect to
the impact of the Affordable Care Act on Medicare. If you actually look
at what has happened since the Affordable Care Act was enacted, the per
capita rate of increase in health care costs in this country has
actually gone down.
Talk to seniors on Medicare. Anybody who is paying attention right
now, I ask them: What has their Part B premium done over the last
couple of years? It has been steadier. In fact, this year, it went down
in real terms. The value that seniors have gotten under Medicare has
actually improved significantly, in part, due to the Affordable Care
Act.
Now, unlike the Democratic budget, which used some of the savings
from getting rid of overpayments to some of the big insurance companies
in Medicare and using those savings to strengthen things like the
prescription drug benefit, the Republican budget keeps every dime of
the Medicare savings from the Affordable Care Act, but they don't use
any of it to strengthen Medicare.
In fact, they reopen the prescription drug doughnut hole. They start
charging seniors now for preventative health services. Ultimately, they
actually end the Medicare guarantee by turning Medicare into a voucher
program, so that, if you actually wanted to stay in traditional
Medicare, you would be paying a whopping high premium.
That is not the way we should go, and that is all in a budget that
continues to provide tax breaks to the very wealthy in this country.
Those are not the right priorities for America.
Now, I would like to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlelady from New
York (Ms. Velazquez), the ranking member of the Small Business
Committee and a Member who has focused on the right priorities for
America and who recognizes that small business is the engine of growth
and opportunity.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. I thank the ranking member for yielding, for fighting,
and for being a real fiscal leader for small businesses in this
country.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this budget. Far from
being a path to prosperity, it is actually a path to the poorhouse.
Sadly, just as it falls short in so many other ways, the Ryan budget
clearly fails small businesses.
Under this budget, resources that help small companies launch, grow,
and hire will be cut by nearly $11 billion. A wide range of resources
will be gutted--from contracts, to access to capital, to international
trade assistance, to job training.
This budget is not the right budget to help those businesses that are
the backbone of the American economy at a time when this economy is
still struggling.
Studies have shown that many of these small business programs
generate more than $3 in Federal revenue for every dollar spent. What
type of economic policy says that you cut programs that generate income
for the Treasury?
The CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I yield the gentlelady an additional 30 seconds.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. We just held a press conference today with so many
small business people who have benefited from these types of programs.
They are businesses that opened up in 2006. Today, we had a lady who
provides IT services to the DOD and to many Federal agencies. Her
business has grown from six people to 130 employees. These are the
types of programs that we need in place in order to grow our economy.
Republicans like to say that they are the champions of small
businesses. They oppose the ACA, claiming it will harm small firms.
They oppose Dodd-Frank, saying that it will hinder the ability of small
businesses to get lending from traditional financial services; and yet
they cut the very lending programs that provide, through the Federal
Government, access to capital for small businesses.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has again expired.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I yield the gentlelady an additional 30 seconds.
Ms. VELAZQUEZ. When we look at this budget, we know that the rhetoric
does not match the reality. Rather than paying lip service to small
businesses, we must invest in the programs that help them grow and
create jobs. That is what we need, job creation in our country. We must
do better.
Vote ``no'' on this budget.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. At this time, Mr. Chairman, I would like to
yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Rodney Davis).
Mr. RODNEY DAVIS of Illinois. I want to thank Chairman Ryan for
engaging the House in this very important process.
Mr. Chairman, we are talking about real alternatives and routes we
can take for the future of this country and for the future of our
children.
As a father to a 17-year-old daughter and twin 13-year-old boys,
writing the fiscal path of this country is the reason that I ran for
the opportunity to serve in this institution. Part of serving in this
institution is creating a vision for America's financial future. This
budget balances.
Putting a budget on the floor of the House and putting forth a vision
for America's fiscal future that balances is something that we need to
do on a regular basis.
It is sad that I had to fight for a provision to be put into this
bill called No Budget, No Pay. As we know, the Senate will not take
this budget process up, and they shouldn't be paid. I fought for that
proposal because, if Members of Congress are not willing to put in the
work to help balance our country's checkbook and fulfill their
constitutional duties, they should not be paid.
For hard-working taxpayers, this budget allows you to keep more of
your paycheck while, again, balancing our budget. Compare that with the
President's budget, which we will have a chance to vote on this week.
I would urge my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to vote
``yes'' on the President's budget if you think it is the future for
America, but that budget raises taxes by more than $1 trillion, and it
never balances.
We have got a clear choice here. For our seniors, this budget ends
ObamaCare's raid on Medicare, and it puts seniors back in charge of
their health care decisions. This budget also preserves Medicare for
our current seniors, and it ensures that this vital program is
available for all future generations.
{time} 1400
For our students, this budget guarantees Pell grants for those who
dream of going to college but need a little help. Right now, the
program is estimated to become insolvent by 2016. Every year we don't
have a plan, we risk the future of millions of students and contribute
to the rising cost of tuition. As someone who represents nine
universities and colleges and eight community colleges in my district,
having no plan is unacceptable.
For our veterans, this budget maintains advanced appropriations to
ensure veterans still receive their benefits, regardless of what
happens in Washington. Additionally, this budget would dedicate another
$400 million to veterans programs.
[[Page H3079]]
I did not come to Washington sit idly by and remain content with the
current state of our Nation. I came here to make Washington work and
provide the hardworking taxpayers of Illinois' 13th Congressional
District with a better vision for America.
This is a better vision for America, Mr. Chairman.
And the attacks will come. Don't let the attacks get in the way of
the facts.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Black), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee and the Ways and Means Committee.
Mrs. BLACK. I thank the distinguished chairman of the Budget
Committee for yielding.
Mr. Chair, our Nation is $17.4 trillion in debt and out-of-control
spending here in Washington has no end in sight. In fact, the
nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates that, on our current
trajectory, we will return to $1 trillion annual budget deficits by the
year 2022. This situation is untenable and threatens the Nation that we
leave behind for our children and grandchildren.
As I stand here and look at these young adults, they are the ones
that are going to have to pay for our lack of courage to do what we
need to do to balance this budget and get our country and our spending
under control.
The vast majority of Americans agree that the Federal Government
should live within its means and that it should balance its budget the
same way that American families do. That is why it was so disappointing
that President Obama's FY 2015 budget proposal would increase Federal
spending and never balance, despite calling for an additional $1.8
trillion in taxes from hardworking Americans. In fact, the President's
budget proposal would add an additional $8.3 trillion to the national
debt.
The American people and these children deserve better than this. That
is why I am proud that my House Republican Budget colleagues and I have
again acted where President Obama and the congressional Democrats
failed to lead.
This Path to Prosperity is our vision to control Washington spending
and to help get our economy moving again so Americans can get back to
work. This responsible budget proposal would cut spending by $5.1
trillion, balance the budget in 10 years, and put us on a path to pay
off our debt. We accomplish all of this without raising taxes on the
hardworking American people.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to join me in passing this budget
proposal.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 3 minutes to
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished Democratic
whip, who has focused on these important issues successfully for a long
time.
Mr. HOYER. I have focused on them; how successfully is an item of
debate with myself.
I thank the ranking member for yielding.
This Republican budget, as I have said before, is an exercise in how
not to achieve fiscal sustainability.
Both the Bowles-Simpson and Rivlin-Domenici bipartisan commissions
determined that the responsible approach to achieving fiscal
sustainability is through a combination of balanced deficit reduction
and strategic investments in long-term economic growth.
The Bowles-Simpson report says: ``We must invest in education,
infrastructure, and high-value research and development to help our
economy grow, keep us globally competitive, and make it easier for
business to create jobs.''
The chairman of the Budget Committee voted against Bowles-Simpson.
This budget disinvests in those priorities, which will help us create
jobs and grow our middle class. It undercuts our ability to invest in
economic competitiveness and the growth we need to secure the goal of a
sustainable fiscal future.
At the same time, the Republican budget does not follow the
bipartisan commission's framework for achieving deficit savings: a
balanced approach that combines new revenue with spending reductions.
There are no new revenues in this budget, and its spending cuts are
severe and irresponsible, cutting even deeper than the painful
sequester.
As I said yesterday, GOP Appropriations Committee Chairman Hal Rogers
called those sequester levels ``unrealistic and ill-conceived,'' to
which the chairman then rose and said: He said that last year.
He may have said it last year, but the proposals you make are
unchanged from last year, essentially; and this year, just a few days
ago, he said your cuts were draconian.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. I believe the gentleman is supposed to make
his remarks to the chairman.
Mr. HOYER. He is correct.
The CHAIR. The gentleman is reminded to address his remarks to the
Chair.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I regret the chairman was taking my remarks
personally. Of course, they were meant simply from a policy perspective
of how bad the policy is, not the chairman himself, who is a wonderful
individual.
In closing, let me say I urge every one of my colleagues who is
troubled about our deficits and debt and who is deeply concerned about
creating jobs and growing our economy to do the right thing: oppose
this budget.
The chairman of the Appropriations Committee, who has called the
numbers in this budget draconian, apparently intends to vote for it.
Mr. Chairman, I don't understand that. If I thought, as I do, that
these numbers were draconian, the only alternative I would have is to
vote ``no.''
I lament the fact that we are not addressing in a bipartisan,
comprehensive way putting America on a fiscally sustainable path. That
would be the best economic stimulus that we could do for America. What
a shame that, again, we have wasted that opportunity.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Let me just pick up where Mr. Hoyer left off and ask the question:
Why would the Republican chairman of the Appropriations Committee call
this Republican budget draconian? After all, the chairman of the Budget
Committee has said today: Don't worry. Actually, we're going to
continue to grow the government just a little more slowly.
But what that ignores is the fact that the portion of the budget that
the chairman of the Appropriations Committee has jurisdiction over is
that portion of the budget that we have used historically in this
country to make investments that help our economy grow. They are
investments in our kids' education, from early education, to K-12, to
college education.
That is the part of the budget that we have used to invest in
research and development with discoveries at places like NASA that have
had huge spinoff benefits for the rest of the country and the economy,
investments that actually helped lead to the Internet, that have been
hugely beneficial to our economy. That portion of the budget doesn't
grow a little less slowly. They cut that portion of the budget. In
fact, as a share of our economy, it is cut by 40 percent below the
lowest level since the 1950s, since we have been keeping track.
And so that is why we are saying that our global economic competitors
are going to be cheering this Republican budget. We are talking about
we would like to see a Make It In America agenda. This is a ``make it
everywhere except America'' agenda. This actually provides tax cuts for
U.S. corporations that move jobs overseas, and yet it cuts investments
in jobs and economic development right here at home. That is why it is
so misguided. That is why the Republican chairman of the Appropriations
Committee says it is draconian.
What is worse, it makes those cuts in our kids' education, basic R&D,
and makes the cut in the senior prescription drug benefit while
protecting these tax breaks for the most powerful and the very wealthy.
The chairman has referred a number of times to tax expenditures. In
fact, he mentioned the other day that, on an annual basis, tax
expenditures are over a trillion dollars, in fact, more per year than
Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. Some of those tax expenditures
have worthy policy goals, but a lot of them are there because very
powerful special interests have gotten an
[[Page H3080]]
exemption for themselves to the kind of Tax Code that everybody else
has to pay for.
What we have said is we should get rid of some of those tax breaks
for the purpose of helping to reduce our deficit so we don't have to
hit our kids' education so hard, so we don't have to disinvest from
basic R&D, so we don't have to make the kind of cuts that the
Republican chairman of the Appropriations Committee calls draconian.
But, no, Republicans don't want to do that. They say every time you
close a tax loophole, you have got to use it to reduce the tax rate for
wealthier Americans. We don't say, if you identify a spending program
that no longer makes sense, you have to go spend it somewhere else. But
when it comes to special interest tax expenditures, that is exactly the
Republican position. You can only use it to bring down tax rates for
multimillionaires.
As a result, while the winners in this Republican budget are those
folks at the very top, they sock it to everybody else. They sock it to
seniors on Medicare; they sock it to our kids' education; and they sock
it to the fundamental economic power of this country when they
disinvest in the things that have helped make us a global power, and
that is the wrong decision for America.
So I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this Washington Republican
budget, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my
time.
Let me try and translate for the viewer what is happening here.
Every time you hear the word ``invest,'' that means take from
hardworking taxpayers and spend in Washington; and then when that is
not enough, ``invest'' means borrow--nearly half of which is from other
countries--from the next generation and spend in Washington.
Just so you know, when they keep saying invest, invest, invest, or
you are not investing enough, disinvest, it means tax, borrow, and
spend here in Washington, as if we know better how people should spend
their money.
The analysis we hear about jobs lost and how this isn't going to work
and it is going to cost all these jobs is the same analysis that said
the stimulus was going to be a boon. It is the same analysis they said
that if we just borrow and spend $780 billion in Washington on shovel-
ready jobs, unemployment will never reach 10 percent and we will create
millions of new jobs. It didn't work.
It all comes down to this. Rather than prioritize our spending,
rather than holding the Federal Government accountable and more
transparent to make sure that taxpayer dollars are being spent wisely
and prudently, rather than balancing the budget and paying off debts so
the next generation has a debt-free inheritance, rather than taking on
the bloated Tax Code that is mired with special interest giveaways and
tax breaks and loopholes, rather than opening up this incredible store
of oil and gas that could give us a huge renaissance of more jobs and
lower gas and home heating prices and a better foreign policy, rather
than preserving our military and giving our troops what they need,
rather than growing our economy and creating what is estimated by the
CBO to give each person an average of $1,100 more in take-home pay
because of that faster economic growth, rather than doing any of that,
just do more of the same. Stick with the status quo.
That is what this rhetoric is. It is a straw man argument. It is
basically an argument that says let's affix certain views to our
opponents so that we can defeat these awful views that we say they have
and win the debate by default so that we can stick with the status quo
and keep doing more of the same.
{time} 1415
Mr. Chairman, here is where we are headed. This debt, this red line
is the status quo. This is where America is going. It is not a
Republican or a Democrat thing. It is a math thing.
What we are saying with this budget is, the status quo isn't working.
We can't do more of the same because we are headed in the wrong
direction. Everybody in this country knows this.
This is our plan. It is actually a plan. Pay off the debt, grow jobs,
and challenge the status quo. And that is why I urge adoption of this
budget.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
The gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady) and the gentlewoman from New
York (Mrs. Maloney) each will control 30 minutes on the subject of
economic goals and policies.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Good afternoon. The biggest challenge facing America today is a
Federal Government that simply won't live within its means.
Now, spending cuts can get us back halfway to a balanced budget. But
if we want to finish the job, we need to grow our economy so we can not
only balance this budget, but begin paying down this dangerous $17
trillion national debt.
Under the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, the Joint
Economic Committee, which I chair, provides analysis and
recommendations about the goals and policies set forth in the Economic
Report of the President to assist the House of Representatives in its
consideration of this budget resolution.
During the next few moments, the members of the Joint Economic
Committee will answer three questions:
Why has the Obama recovery been so weak and disappointing, when
compared with past recoveries?
How would a gradual reduction of Federal spending relative to the
size of our economy, as envisioned in the budget resolution, help
hardworking Americans by accelerating economic growth, accelerating job
creation, and increasing real wages?
And finally, how would the reforms envisioned in the Republican
budget help Congress to make better tax and spending decisions in the
future?
To call the current recovery a disappointment to the American people,
well, it is an understatement. The current recovery ranks either dead
last or near the bottom on virtually every economic measure when
compared to other recoveries of the past half a century. The economy's
poor performance has left the United States with an enormous growth
gap.
Real gross domestic product, our economy, our output, has grown at
slightly more than half the average of other recoveries. Not
surprisingly, given the recovery's anemic rate of economic growth,
private sector payroll employment, that is, jobs along Main Street,
have also increased by only more than half the average of other
recoveries.
If you look at the paychecks, what people have in their budget at
home after taxes, well, for middle class Americans, for middle class
people, their wages have only increased by one-third of the average of
other recoveries, and less than half of the next-worst recovery.
So the middle class is struggling. But Wall Street, it is roaring.
The S&P 500 Total Return Index, adjusted for inflation, has more than
doubled. This, Mr. Chairman, is the recovery that left Main Street and
middle class families behind.
The Joint Economic Committee has compared this recovery to the
average of other recoveries over the last 50 years and has identified
this dangerous growth gap.
And what is missing from the economy because of this disappointing
recovery?
Our economy should be $1.3 trillion larger today, over $1 trillion
larger today, if this had just been an average economic recovery,
rather than dead last.
And had the number of jobs along Main Street grown at the average
rate of others, we would have 5.7 million more Americans working today
than what they are under this disappointing recovery.
Last month, we reached a milestone. The number of jobs along Main
Street finally matched its peak from when the recession began. This
milestone would be good news, except that it comes about 4 years late.
So after all these years, now 6 years, we are just back to breaking
even on the number of jobs along Main Street.
If you look at the economy, proportionately, there are fewer adults
working today than when the recession ended. We have actually gone
backwards as an economy since the recovery supposedly began.
[[Page H3081]]
So no matter how you try to slice and dice the numbers, there is no
hiding the fact that a smaller percentage of Americans are working
today than when the recession ended.
Turning from jobs to income that hardworking families receive, this
recovery, regrettably, is even more disappointing. Since the recession
ended, real personal income per person has barely edged up. I think it
is 3.8 percent, barely noticeable. That is less than half what it
should be in an average recovery.
But what does it mean to an average family?
What it means is that the average person in America is missing over
$3,000 a year from their paycheck. And an average family of four in
America today is missing $1,086 a month from their family budget.
Imagine that.
Imagine, for every family in America having an extra $1,000 a month
to pay utilities, to save for college, for which costs are exploding,
to pay for the new health care costs under the Affordable Care Act, to
invest maybe in that new washer, dryer, repair that car.
$1,000 a month is missing from the average family because of the slow
growth policies of the White House and, regrettably, congressional
Democrats.
That is why middle class families are being left behind. That is why
we can no longer stay the course in America. Families like this are
missing too much money for Washington to continue to do the same old
things that leave them behind.
I could fill this entire hour with different statistics that make the
same point, but by every measure the recovery is so disappointing. The
question is, why? What is different about it?
Well, some blame the housing bubble, its collapse and the financial
panic, for the persistent weakness in our labor markets. Recoveries
following the collapse of a debt-financed asset price bubble like this
are typically slower than our recovery. We know that.
While the collapse of the housing bubble undoubtedly has had some
lingering effects, it is not the main factor, let alone the only factor
for this disappointing recovery.
What is unique about this recovery is the combination of the slow
growth economic policies that President Obama has pursued.
For example, looking back from 1982 to 2000, Federal spending
declined as a percentage of the economy and the private sector boomed,
creating more than 37 million jobs.
Under President Obama, the opposite happened. Federal spending
exploded to a post-World War II high of 24 percent of the economy, and
we lost jobs.
Presidents Kennedy and Reagan, they reduced the aftertax cost for new
business investment. The Joint Economic Committee has shown that there
is a strong correlation between when businesses invest in building
equipment and software and the creation of real jobs along Main Street.
In contrast, President Obama increased taxes on successful small
businesses, on capital gains, and dividends, and slowed this recovery.
Looking back, Presidents Clinton and Reagan took a balanced approach
toward environmental, health, and safety regulations. By contrast, the
Obama administration has launched a regulatory tsunami; red tape at the
highest levels the last 3 years, historically high, and that slowed job
creation along Main Street.
Presidents Kennedy, Reagan, and Clinton opened new markets for
American sales through international trade agreements. Aside from
completing the agreements left unfinished by President Bush, and
despite having a first-rate trade team in place, opening new markets,
tearing down the ``America Need Not Apply'' sign, allowing our
companies' workers to compete on a level playing field, that is now
stalled under this White House.
Presidents Kennedy, Reagan, and Clinton didn't burden a weak economy
with costly new entitlement programs. By contrast, President Obama
rammed the Affordable Care Act through Congress on party-line votes.
The controversial Affordable Care Act is heightening uncertainty,
boosting taxes by more than $1 trillion, undermining key industries
like medical devices and small businesses, and causing millions of
Americans, including families in my community, to lose access to
doctors and to health insurance plans that they liked.
Now they are paying more for a plan they didn't ask for, and are
forced to do it or pay a tax.
Notice that these past approaches to taxes and regulations,
international trade were taken by both Republican and Democrat
Presidents, approaches that both parties have recognized as good for
our economy. Yet President Obama's actions remain remarkably out of
sync with those sound policies.
He continues to stay the course, while millions of Americans, they
can't find full-time work. Millions more have just given up looking for
work. Fewer and fewer people are in the workforce.
It is not the elderly who are retiring, it is younger people, college
graduates who spent all that time and all that money, and now they are
working behind a cash register.
You have got middle class Americans, again, missing over $1,000 from
their monthly budget that could be helping them meet their needs
because of the President's economic policies.
What we do know, and what is incorporated in the Republican budget,
is an economic policy mix that would do the opposite. It would ignite a
boom in our economy through simple and well-known policy, the sound
dollar that protects families against inflation and losing their
purchasing power.
Gradual decline of Federal spending as a percentage of the economy,
that is a key one. Tax reform that lowers the aftertax cost for
business investment, grows our economy; balanced regulation and opening
new markets around the world for American companies and workers--that
is the best way to strengthen our economy, create millions of new jobs,
and get America back on the right track again.
The budget resolution proposed by Republicans in the House says no
more slow growth. No more stay the course. We will not settle for a
second-rate economy.
Our families deserve better. They deserve $1,000 more a month, and
this is the path to get us there.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself
such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, unfortunately, the budget offered by our Republican
colleagues is not, by any stretch of the imagination, the solution to
our problems.
It is the problem, because this is not a budget; it is a retreat. It
is a retreat from the high ideals, noble goals, and bold dreams that
have made this country so great.
As the author and columnist Nicholas Kristof recently pointed out, a
new ranking of livability in 132 countries shows that the United States
has fallen to 16th, fallen. But apparently, our Republican friends
think that is just a little too high.
We now rank 24th in inequality in the attainment of education. But
the Republican budget would cut Pell grants that help low-income
students afford college.
We rank 29th in life expectancy, and 24th in nutrition and basic
medical care, and the Ryan budget would cut funding for food stamps and
Medicaid, and raise the eligibility of Medicare.
{time} 1430
We rank just 70th in health, and Republicans want to repeal the
Affordable Care Act and snatch health care coverage away from millions
who just received it.
This is not a budget, Mr. Chair. This is a call to Americans to dream
small and aim low. This is an attempt to shift costs onto the shoulders
of the middle class, the young, and the elderly in a way that would
cripple our ability to compete.
I believe we are a better people than this and a greater Nation. Look
at just about any poll on the subject these days, and you can see that
Americans are most concerned about jobs and growing our American
economy. What the American people want to see from the Congress is a
plan that will help accelerate the growth of our economy and create
good jobs, but the crushing austerity of the Ryan plan would do just
the opposite.
This makes no sense because we know what actually works and what
actually grows jobs and what doesn't. We have seen it, and we have
lived it. The record speaks for itself. It shows
[[Page H3082]]
whose ideas actually work in the real world and whose don't.
Since 1961, the private sector has added a total of 66 million jobs.
Twenty-four million of them were added under Republican Presidents, and
a whopping 42 million were added under Democratic Presidents.
Let's take a look at this chart. Under President Clinton, this
country grew a whopping 22.6 million jobs, and he left office running
an annual surplus of over $128 billion projected to grow into the
trillions. Then, under the 8 years of President Bush, we added only 1.2
million jobs--what a stark difference--and the budget surplus was
turned into an annual $1.4 trillion deficit.
When President Obama took office, our economy was shedding over
800,000 jobs a month, and the Bush administration left office with the
worst job creation record in 75 years. Nevertheless, in the 5 years
since President Obama took office, we have created 4.7 million jobs,
nearly four times what was created under President Bush, and we have
more than halved the annual deficit.
The actions swiftly implemented by the President and Democratic
Congress quickly turned the economy around, and job losses diminished;
and, as this next chart shows, those actions have worked. We have been
gaining jobs for the last 49 months.
In that time, the economy has added 8.9 million private sector jobs,
regaining more than all of the jobs lost during the great recession.
This chart shows what I call the deep red Republican valley, where we
were shedding over 800,000 jobs a month. Since President Obama took
office with his economic plan, we have been growing jobs.
Democrats understand that, in order to maintain our leadership in the
world economy, America needs to continually sharpen its competitive
edge; and we understand that, while investing in the future may carry
some risk, refusing to do so carries an iron-bound certainty, the
certainty of a slow decline and crippling decay.
Instead of investing in the future and in the next generation, the
Ryan budget guts funding for education, workforce training, critical
infrastructure, scientific research, public health, clean energy,
advanced manufacturing, and public safety, all the investments needed
to make the American economy of tomorrow competitive and put us on the
cutting edge.
Instead of fully preparing the next generation for tomorrow's
economy, the Ryan budget cuts funding for early childhood education, K-
12 education, special education, and higher education. It slashes
grants and charges students more interest on their college loans.
It lets the higher education tax cut expire, saddling our young
people with even more student loan debt; and we know now that student
loan debt is now larger than credit card debt in our country. It is a
crippling concern.
Sadly, the cuts extend far beyond education. The Ryan budget proposes
draconian cuts to nutrition assistance, home heating assistance, and
rental assistance. SNAP, which provides food security for millions of
American children, is cut more than $135 billion, and 200,000 fewer
women and children would get basic nutrition through the WIC program.
We can all agree that the economic recovery has been too slow, and
yet this Republican budget cuts critical investments to create jobs and
enhance our competitiveness.
In 2015 alone, the budget cuts $52 billion from efforts to update our
crumbling transportation infrastructure. That amounts to over 1.5
million jobs. The budget cuts the National Institutes of Health and
National Science Foundation, threatening our edge in medical and
scientific innovation.
The Republican budget even eliminates funding for the arts,
humanities, and public broadcasting, which support the institutions
that enrich our lives and chronicle our cultural and artistic heritage.
Further, the Ryan budget would cut health care funding and increase
costs for seniors. It would raise the age to qualify for Medicare to 67
and bring back the dreaded doughnut hole that leaves too many seniors
to choose between their medication and putting food on the table.
After nearly a century of talking about doing it, we have finally
expanded health care to cover more Americans. Yes, there have been
bumps along the way, as there have been with the implementation of
transformational social programs, like with Medicare and Part D
prescription drugs; but the important thing is that it is working.
Already, 7 million people have signed up through the health insurance
marketplaces, and another 3 million young adults have been able to
remain on their parents' health plans until they turn 26.
Under the Ryan plan, these 10 million Americans who thought, at long
last, they had reliable and affordable health care insurance would have
it snatched away from them, but it is even worse than that.
By 2024, a staggering total of 40 million people would become
uninsured under the Ryan plan. The CBO projects that 25 million people,
who would have gained coverage under the Affordable Care Act, will,
instead, have to go without it, and there are another 14 to 20 million
people who would lose insurance as a result of the block granting and
Medicaid cutting laid out in the Ryan budget.
After 53 failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, the Ryan
budget hopes to succeed in taking us backwards to those dark days when
people with preexisting conditions couldn't get coverage, when
protections against lifetime limits didn't exist.
No-cost preventive services, like mammograms and cervical cancer
screenings, would be no more. It would take us back to a time when
women were charged more just because they were women and when the
insurance companies called the shots.
From the smallest children to the oldest seniors who rely on Medicaid
for health care and to cover long-term health bills, the Ryan Medicaid
cuts will negatively affect literally millions. Women who make up
almost 70 percent of adult Medicaid beneficiaries will especially feel
the sting. The most vulnerable will be hurt the most.
Mr. Chair, budgets are about choices, and we face a truly watershed
choice now. We can choose to continue to do things that have lifted the
hopes of millions, provided unparalleled opportunities, and made our
country the envy of the world.
We can choose to continue to help those who need it the most and
provide a measure of care to those who have the least; or we can choose
to go down a radically different road, concede the future to the bold,
defer to others, expect less, and turn our faces away from the
downtrodden and the dispossessed.
Yes, we can make that choice; but please, Mr. Chair, let's stop
referring to this as a budget and call it what it really is, a retreat,
an act of surrender. It is giving up on the America we have always
known.
This is not a blueprint. It is a black eye. We are a better people
than this and a greater Nation. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
America does not retreat.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chair, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman
from Minnesota (Mr. Paulsen), a key member of the Joint Economic
Committee, a businessman who knows that more than half of Americans
today believe we are still in a recession, that they have given up and
feel like this country is surrendering, and he knows the impact.
Mr. PAULSEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Chair, I want to just speak for a few minutes in favor of the
Republican budget resolution. This is a budget resolution that stands
in stark contrast today compared to what the President has offered in
his budget.
It is a budget that balances. It is a budget that is responsible. It
is a budget that is thoughtful. It addresses the spending side of the
ledger to be more fiscally responsible, and it also includes, Mr.
Chair, a roadmap for progrowth tax reform to create a healthier
economy.
Yes, we need to spend less, but our national debt and our budget
imbalance have grown so big that we can't fix them alone by simply
addressing spending. We have also got to grow our economy and put
people back to work to bring in more revenue.
We are suffering from a growth gap. Normally, the economy doubles
every 20 years; but because of excessive Washington spending, budget
deficits,
[[Page H3083]]
high debt, these onerous regulations that come out of Washington, and
higher taxes, the economy is now set to double every 30 years; so we
have literally added 10 years onto our growth cycle.
What does that mean? The growth gap means this, Mr. Chair: it means,
for disposable income, since the end of the recession nearly 5 years
ago, every man, woman, and child has been robbed of almost $3,200 every
year.
It means that a family of four has been robbed of about $13,000. That
is an additional average of aftertax income and disposable income. That
is real money to a family. What could you do with $13,000?
Our economy is performing way below average. We can do a lot better
than performing below average. This budget expands opportunities for
American workers by equipping them with the skills that they need to
succeed in a 21st century economy.
It lays a path to reform a broken Tax Code by simplifying and
lowering tax rates, by eliminating special interest loopholes, and by
moving us to an internationally competitive tax system, so that U.S.
employers can compete fairly in a global economy.
We need commonsense tax reform to keep American businesses
headquartered here in the U.S., so that we can sell to customers
overseas, bring the earnings back, keep our headquarter companies here,
keep the innovation here, and keep the jobs here.
This budget also cuts cronyism, corporate welfare, and waste. It ends
the Dodd-Frank bailouts of big banks. It eliminates billions in
corporate welfare, and very importantly, it protects and strengthens
important programs that our seniors rely on and ensures that these
programs will be there for future generations.
It is time to stop spending money that we don't have. We can no
longer borrow 40 cents of every dollar that we spend.
Finally, Mr. Chair, this budget not only balances by growing our
economy and making government more efficient, it also puts the country
back on a path to actually paying down the national debt because the
longer we wait to address the drivers of our debt, the harder our
choices will be later.
This is a budget proposal and a blueprint that puts the country back
on track for a balanced and responsible path. I would ask my colleagues
to join me in supporting the passage of the Republican budget.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chair, I now yield 7 minutes
to the gentleman from the great State of Maryland (Mr. Cummings), who
is a champion of working families.
Mr. CUMMINGS. I thank the gentlelady for yielding.
Mr. Chair, since February of 2010, more than 8 million jobs have been
create in the our Nation. Over the last year, the unemployment rate has
fallen by four-fifths of a percentage point.
These numbers demonstrate the significant progress we have made in
growing our economy and putting Americans back to work after the worst
economic crisis since the Great Depression.
However, there is still far more we can do to strengthen our economy
and begin to reduce the growing income inequality in our great Nation.
{time} 1445
Sadly, instead of proposing a budget that would help us expand the
middle class, Republicans have, again, offered a budget that seeks to
help the wealthy at the expense of the many. Just as in the years past,
the 2015 Ryan budget would slash nondefense discretionary spending
without regard for the devastating consequences these cuts would have
on the lives of Main Street Americans.
This year's Ryan budget would cut an additional $791 billion from the
postsequester funding caps from fiscal year 2006 through fiscal year
2024. As in the past, the budget also offers an ideological wish list
of policies that will increase the unemployment rate, hurt low-income
families, and harm our seniors--all to protect the interests of the
wealthiest among us.
The Ryan budget does not extend emergency unemployment benefits, even
though these benefits would help our broader economy, as well as the
millions of families that have suffered the devastating consequences of
long-term unemployment.
Never before has Congress failed to provide Federal unemployment
insurance when the unemployment rate--especially for the long-term
unemployed--is as high as it is today.
This budget would also hit middle class families with thousands of
dollars in additional taxes every year, while lowering the top tax rate
for the rich.
The Ryan budget would repeal the Affordable Care Act, taking health
care from millions of middle-income Americans. It would gut Medicaid,
taking health care from millions of our poorest families, and it would
destroy the commitments we have made to our Nation's seniors by turning
Medicare into a voucher program.
This budget would also be devastating for our Federal workforce, the
people who care for our veterans, who protect our homeland, who ensure
the food we eat is safe, and who conduct the research on which we are
relying to find new treatments for cancer and other devastating
diseases.
Let me remind my colleagues that the Republicans have been attacking
our Federal employees for years, treating them as if they were the
piggybank for deficit reduction.
Federal workers have already sacrificed $140 billion towards reducing
this Nation's deficit through a 3-year pay freeze and retirement
contribution increases. Now, House Republicans want to squeeze another
$125 billion out of these middle class workers. How will they do this?
The Ryan budget would increase Federal employee pension contributions
to 6.53 percent, an increase of more than 5.5 percentage points for
many current Federal workers, but it would not increase any benefits
provided to these same workers.
Of course, proposals for increasing the contributions Federal
employees make to their pension funds are not new. This year's budget
also includes a provision prohibiting new Federal employees from
enrolling in the retirement system that has served Federal employees
since the 1920s.
Let me make this clear. Under the Ryan budget, one leg of the so-
called three-legged stool on which Federal employees have relied for
security in their retirement would be ripped out from under them. New
Federal employees would be left to rely solely on the savings they
accumulate in their Thrift Savings Plan and on Social Security.
As if that wasn't enough, the Ryan budget would also eliminate the
student loan repayment program for Federal workers, even though this is
a vital recruitment and retention incentive used to attract the best
and brightest to serve the American people.
The budget also proposes to cut the Federal workforce by 10 percent.
Contrary to the claims of some that our government is growing out of
control, the Federal Government has actually cut 85,000 jobs in the
last 12 months.
An additional arbitrary workforce reduction isn't likely to yield the
savings the Republicans expect because much of the current work of the
government would simply be shifted to more expensive contractors. Such
a reduction would, however, impede the government's ability to provide
needed services to the American people in a timely manner.
I agree that Congress must act to put our fiscal house in order, but
we must do this in a balanced manner that increases economic stability
and certainty in the marketplace. We must not do this on the backs of
our neediest citizens, and we must not do this on the backs of the
Federal employees who make government work for our Nation every day.
Republicans fail to understand that we simply cannot cut our way to
prosperity. Expanding opportunity and investing in America today will
increase government revenues in the years to come and put our economy
back on the path to prosperity.
For the good of our Nation, I urge my colleagues to reject the Ryan
budget.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, we hear all the votes and the claims from our Democrat
friends about how great the economy is going and what great leadership
they have shown from the White House to get people back to work. They
claim millions and millions and millions of jobs, but Americans don't
feel that way and for good reason.
[[Page H3084]]
Let's put all this job surge in perspective. Now, here is the average
economy recoveries--because America does face tough times from time to
time. We normally bounce back pretty strongly, but not this time and
not under this President.
If you look at job creation in the last 4 years, this is the average
of the other recoveries. This is the Reagan average. That was real
economic growth, and as you can tell, only twice in the last 4 years or
more has the Obama recovery even met average.
Only 2 months out of more than 4 years has this recovery even been
merely average, and it has never reached the real strong growth of the
Reagan recovery because unemployment, by the way, reached higher points
in this recession.
So, clearly, by underperforming, by being so disappointing, what this
chart really shows is the millions of Americans--middle class
Americans--who have been left behind by this disappointing recovery.
You look at this and you wonder: Well, so what does this mean to the
economy?
In the next chart, I will show you what is missing. People back home
and people all across America are saying that you have got to get this
economy going, it is just hurting us so badly; but because, again, this
President and our Democratic friends choose to slow the growth of
America, we are now missing, gosh, almost $4 trillion--$3.7 trillion,
to be exact, is missing from our economy.
That should be in our Main Street businesses. It ought to be in our
small businesses. It ought to be driving our economy, instead of
trailing China. Instead of being lectured by the rest of the world,
America should have a strong economy by now. This is a disappointing
recovery.
The Republican budget actually starts to restrain spending and has
tax reform to grow the economy. While you have heard some claim that
trillions of dollars of cuts will devastate the Federal safety net, the
truth is that the Republican budget over the next 10 years grows by
about 3 percent a year. That is because America's population is growing
as well.
Only in Washington is growth and spending a cut. What it does is it
cuts the waste, fraud, and abuse in this big, flat, bloated government,
and it makes smart investments, though, in defense, in Medicare, and in
infrastructure.
Our Democrat friends are crying today for more emergency unemployment
benefits, but those benefits are for when the unemployment rate is
going up and getting higher, but, today, in all 50 States, that rate is
going down and going lower. What we should be focusing on is getting
people back to work, not a check, but a good-paying job.
Instead, the White House has obstinately blocked the Keystone XL
pipeline and those thousands of jobs. They have obsessively pushed the
Affordable Care Act on our small businesses who are cutting hours,
cutting workers, cutting wages, and hurting the economy--and then all
the new regulation.
The Republican budget preserves Medicare and Medicaid, and for
Medicaid, which is our health care for the poor, the budget grows for
them, but it does an important thing. It gives back to the States the
ability to tailor health care for their States to meet their patients
in their communities and in their regions. That is the way it ought to
be done.
The Democrats hollow out our defense, hollow out our intelligence
system, and ignore our veterans. The Republican budget restores our
military strength to the presequester levels. We focus on our veterans
in America. They deserve no less.
The Republican budget saves Medicare both for those who are in or
near retirement, but, more importantly, for those who wonder if
Medicare will be there for them. It offers options for younger workers,
including just staying in traditional Medicare or tailoring a plan that
is right for them and their families.
The Democrats ignore the challenges facing America. They ignore this
disappointing recovery. They say: just stay the course, the country is
doing fine.
But the country isn't doing fine. Our families, they aren't doing
fine at all, and they are missing $1,000 a month from their paychecks
because this White House and this Democrat Senate continue to stay the
course.
Let's change the course for America.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. May I inquire, Mr. Chairman, how
much time is remaining on this side?
The CHAIR. The gentlewoman from New York has 12 minutes remaining.
The gentleman from Texas has 11\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I yield myself 1 minute.
Now, my good friend from Texas pointed out that the recovery has been
slow, but at least it is a recovery. It is not a loss of jobs, as we
see in this chart, the long, red valley of job loss, shedding over
800,000 jobs a month when President Obama took office, and we have job
growth.
I would like to see it stronger and better, too, but at least it is
job growth. The former President Bush left us with a $1.4 trillion
deficit when he inherited a surplus and the worst job growth record in
75 years.
I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from the great State of Maryland
(Mr. Delaney). He is a former CEO of a public company which has brought
great expertise to the Joint Economic Committee.
Mr. DELANEY. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlelady from New
York for yielding me this time to stand up, rise, and speak out against
Mr. Ryan's budget.
While I have many significant policy objections that are embedded in
Mr. Ryan's budget, my main objection is based on the fact that the
budget is built upon a fundamentally flawed analytical framework. I
think it is important to focus on that when we think about budgets, Mr.
Chairman.
The fundamental driver--or the goal of the Ryan budget is to have our
deficits at zero in 10 years. I believe Mr. Ryan does this because he
thinks it is good political optics, and it sounds good. The problem
with this goal is it is fundamentally, economically and fiscally, the
wrong goal. It is unnecessary, and it is unrealistic.
It is unrealistic based on the fact of the demographics the country
is facing. We are somewhere through the midway of this aging of the
population that we like to talk about, Mr. Chairman, where the
population of people over 65--our citizens over 65 will double from
1980 to 2020 to 2030. This puts tremendous burdens on the Federal
Government.
But it is also an unnecessary goal. A zero deficit is an unnecessary
goal if you think about the basic math of deficits and debt. The reason
our debt has grown to such a significant level in this country is
because, for the last several years, our deficits, as expressed as a
percentage of the economy, have exceeded the economic growth on an
annual basis for the economy. The math of that results in a growing
debt, which is problematic.
Unless we change the direction of our debt, we will have very limited
financial flexibility in the future, particularly if interest rates go
up; but, in fact, if we get our deficits to a rate below the rate of
growth in the economy, then definitionally, the debt in this country
will go down.
Most experts agree that we should be targeting deficits of 1 to 2
percent and economic growth of at least 2 to 3 percent. That will cause
our debt to go down to historical levels and give this country the
financial flexibility that it needs.
So if you seek an unrealistic goal or if you seek the wrong goal in
budgeting and forecasting, you are forced to overcorrect. There are two
ways to overcorrect in budgets--or at least in the Federal budget. The
first way you can overcorrect is to raise taxes to an excessive level.
The second way you can overcorrect is to cut spending to unrealistic
levels.
Mr. Ryan, obviously, doesn't choose to raise taxes. In fact, he cuts
taxes which, again, is an unusual and puzzling conclusion, particularly
based on the fact that our tax revenues as a percentage of the economy
across the last several years have been lower than the historical 50-
year average for this country.
So to think that we should be cutting taxes against that backdrop,
again, is a puzzling decision, but since he chooses to cut taxes, he is
then forced to overcorrect on the spending side.
[[Page H3085]]
To put this into perspective, in very, very simple perspective, the
Ryan budget takes discretionary spending, things like education,
infrastructure, and investments in basic medical research, to 1.7
percent of our economy.
{time} 1500
This is in the context of a historical average for these same
investments of 3 percent. We can't really talk about growing or
shrinking numbers in absolute dollars; we always have to talk about
these numbers, if we want any kind of budget integrity, in terms of a
percentage of the economy.
He effectively cuts in half our investments in infrastructure,
education, and basic medical research as a percentage of the economy as
compared to the 50-year average. That is the overcorrection he does
because he is trying to achieve a goal that is both unrealistic and
unnecessary.
It is not clear to me, Mr. Chairman, someone who has spent his whole
career in the private sector building companies, how anyone with
reasonable cognitive abilities would think, in light of the challenges
this country faces to create jobs, as we have discussed, to compete in
a global economy and to transfer our economy based on what is happening
with technology, that it is the right answer--that it is the right
answer to cut our investments in research, in infrastructure and
education by half.
That is the fundamental flaw in the analytical framework that is
embedded behind Mr. Ryan's budget, which only reinforces my conclusion
that this is a political document; this is not a substantive document.
This is not a document that was created by looking at the facts,
thinking about economics, understanding how deficits and debt
interrelate and what we need to actually make this country competitive,
create jobs, and put ourselves on a long-term fiscally sound
trajectory.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. May I inquire as to the time remaining?
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Texas has 11\1/2\ minutes remaining.
The gentlewoman from New York has 6 minutes remaining.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 4 minutes.
Amid all the predictions of doom and gloom, the truth is the
Republican budget grows by 3 percent a year over the next decade. It
doesn't shrink; it grows. The population grows, and so that makes
sense.
It does cut wasteful spending, and there is a lot of wasteful
spending to cut. More importantly, it grows the economy and tackles the
biggest challenge America has, which is a broken Tax Code. This
resolution begins to rein in the IRS.
This budget begins to save Social Security and Medicare for families
and younger generations so they can count on them, and it makes sure
that we don't hollow out our defense. This is the only budget that
balances. More importantly, it is the only budget that says that is not
enough. It begins to pay down the national debt, and it says our goal
in America will be to have a debt-free America. Think about that. After
all these years of dangerous deficits, America could be debt free,
economically the strongest in the world, and financially the strongest
in the world.
But today, if we don't change course, look what happens. Today, a
baby born in Woodlands, Texas, their share of the debt is almost
$50,000. A new baby owes Uncle Sam a Lexus. If we don't change our
ways, by the time that child is 13, that child will owe Uncle Sam a
second Lexus. By the time that child is 22, finishing college and
beginning to start their life and live their dreams, they will owe
Uncle Sam another Lexus.
Now, the good news is young people don't actually buy luxury sedans
for the Federal Government, but they pay the price in a very different
way. All that debt slows the economy, so there will be fewer jobs for
them to compete for; and all of that debt means higher taxes and higher
interest rates, so there will be fewer jobs to compete for, and they
will have less money in their paycheck as a result.
Our Democrat friends say: that is fine, let's stay the course; let's
not change anything; the economy is great; our deficits are fantastic,
and our country is going the right direction.
But that is not the truth in America today. We need to spend less as
a government in a smart way. We need to grow the economy in a strong
way. We can't ignore the challenges facing us. We have to save Medicare
and Social Security. This is the budget that grows America's future and
doesn't shrink it. This is the budget that America needs. We can't
afford to stay the course.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1
minute.
The gentleman from the great State of Texas says that the Republicans
have been cutting the deficit, but the facts are different.
Under President Clinton, we created a stunning 22 million jobs, and
he left this country with a surplus. Under George Bush, in 8 years, he
only created 1.2 million jobs and left us with a $1.4 trillion deficit.
And in the 5 years that President Obama has been in office, he has
created 4.7 million jobs, which is 5 times more than his predecessor
did, and cut the deficit in half. So the record of cutting deficits is
on the side of the Democratic administrations and policies.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
Cardenas), a newly elected Member and a member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. CARDENAS. Mr. Chairman, I have owned a business and know what it
is like to be a job creator in this country, and I am very proud of it.
This week, House Democrats introduced our budget alternative, a
budget dedicated to the priorities of the American people: creating
jobs, raising new ladders of opportunity, and building an economy that
works for everyone. It is in stark contrast to the broken priorities of
the Ryan budget. The Ryan budget will take $2,000 more in taxes away
from American families--that is working class families--without closing
one tax loophole for the corporate rich.
The Ryan budget is an attack on seniors, students, workers, and
middle class families, all for the sake of protecting loopholes for the
wealthy and special interests. The budget will have a devastating
impact on jobs. Republicans would lay waste to our commitments to
education, lifesaving medical research, clean energy, modern
infrastructure, and high-tech manufacturing. The Ryan budget will
cripple our growth and surrender the future jobs of American kids to
other nations like China, India, and Russia. The Ryan budget devastates
our middle class.
The Ryan budget even rejects comprehensive immigration reform. The
Ryan budget denies people the important bipartisan legislation that
would create 120,000 American jobs each year for the first 10 years
should that legislation be passed and empower small businesses, spur
innovation, supercharge the economy, and reduce the deficit by over
$900 billion.
The Ryan budget is nothing less than a job-killing recipe. Democrats
are strengthening the middle class, embracing economic growth, and we
want responsible deficit reduction. Comprehensive immigration reform is
investing in the future and creating jobs for our future, creating jobs
for Americans.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute.
I might point out that President Bush did not leave this country with
a deficit; Speaker Nancy Pelosi and her Democrat colleagues left this
Nation with a deficit. And it continued to grow. The first year of
their governance, the deficit doubled. The second year, it tripled.
Then it went to a trillion dollars, trillion dollars, and trillion
dollars. And only under a Republican House have we started to cut the
growth in the deficit today.
The truth is, on immigration reform, Democrats held the Presidency,
the House and the Senate, and they did nothing. When it comes to
reducing the deficit, they held the House, the Senate, and the White
House, and they did nothing. When it comes time to grow the economy and
give the middle class a fighting chance, they held the House and the
Senate and the Presidency and did nothing.
Let's not stay the course, because that has got us going the wrong
direction. We need to change it. The Republican budget does that.
I reserve the balance of my time.
[[Page H3086]]
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. May I inquire how much time
remains?
The CHAIR. The gentlewoman from New York has 3\1/2\ minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Texas has 8 minutes remaining.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished Democratic whip.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chair, I was sitting in my office downstairs, and I
heard Mr. Brady make the extraordinary claim that it was the Pelosi
leadership that led to the doubling of deficits.
I would remind the gentleman, as he ought to know and I am sure he
does know, not a single economic plan was passed in 2007 or 2008 that
changed the Bush economic plan, not a single bill. And to make the
assertion that the deepest recession he and I have experienced, Mr.
Chairman, in our lifetimes, which occurred under the Bush
administration with Bush economic policies was somehow the
responsibility of a Pelosi-led Congress is absolutely absurd,
incorrect, and the gentleman ought to know better.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
You know, I know the facts hurt. I know they hurt, Mr. Whip. The
deficit doubled the first year under Speaker Pelosi and your
leadership.
Mr. HOYER. Does the gentleman refer to 2007?
Mr. BRADY of Texas. The deficit tripled under your leadership.
The CHAIR. The gentleman will suspend.
The gentleman from Texas has the time. The gentleman from Texas is
recognized.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. I know the facts hurt. I know these deficits hurt
real people. And I know the Democrats now want to revise history: they
didn't create the deficits; they didn't create this slow economic
recovery; everything is going great. But it is not.
You created record deficits. You took what was turning into lower and
lower deficits and a trend toward a balanced budget and you exploded
it, and our American families are hurting today. Millions more can't
find a job. Young people with college degrees are working behind a cash
register. The deficits are frightening and scaring America. It came
under Democrat leadership and it has continued under this Democrat
Presidency. I know the facts hurt, but those are the facts.
I reserve the balance of my time.
The CHAIR. Members are reminded to direct their remarks to the Chair.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I yield myself 30 seconds.
The facts speak for themselves. George Bush's administration left us
with a $1.4 trillion deficit. They cut taxes, led us into two wars, and
they blew the deficit.
Look at the Democratic deficit. We had a surplus from Bill Clinton,
and President Obama halved the deficit.
I yield 30 seconds to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Hoyer).
Mr. HOYER. I tell the gentleman from Texas, I do know the statistics:
800,000 jobs lost in the last month of the Bush administration; 800,000
jobs in 1 month, the worst job production since Herbert Hoover under
the Bush administration.
Yes, this administration has had tough times because we inherited
such a struggling, devastated economy from the Bush administration. The
gentleman knows those figures are accurate, and he ought to admit those
facts.
The budget deficit went up 87 percent under George Bush when he
inherited a balanced budget. He inherited a balanced budget. The
gentleman ought to be truthful with the American people, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
The President doesn't allocate funding. He doesn't spend one dime
Congress doesn't give him. A Republican Congress balanced the budget
for President Clinton. And under President Bush, a Democrat Congress
doubled and tripled and then went to trillion-dollar deficits. This
Congress, your legislative branch, you passed a nearly trillion-dollar
stimulus without one Republican vote. You passed trillions of dollars
with the Affordable Care Act that has continued to destroy the economy
and drive deficits even higher. That is the truth. Those are the facts.
I know they hurt, but we are not revising history today. We are talking
about changing the course of this country away from deficits, away from
this second-rate economy toward a country that actually can grow, and
grow stronger.
I reserve the balance of my time.
The CHAIR. The Chair again reminds Members to direct their remarks to
the Chair.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I yield 30 seconds to the
distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, unfortunately, we don't have the time, but I
would like to take the time at some point in time to discuss the facts
with the gentleman from Texas, and I will take a Special Order out to
do exactly that, to discuss the economic success of Democratic
administrations and Republican administrations and bringing down the
deficit.
And let me say further, I will repeat to the gentleman, no change in
the Bush economic program was affected in 2007 and 2008 because George
Bush was the President and would have vetoed anything we passed. So the
representation to the contrary, Mr. Chairman, is inaccurate.
{time} 1515
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 30 seconds.
Mr. Whip, I am your huckleberry. I will be glad to have the debate
with you in a Special Order or anywhere else. The fact is this country
is struggling. Your leadership has failed us as a Democrat governance
in this White House. It is time to change course.
The CHAIR. Again, the Chair would remind Members to direct their
remarks to the Chair.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to my friend from
Ohio (Mr. Jordan).
Mr. JORDAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I would just say: When do you stop blaming the former President? For
goodness' sake, we are in the fifth year of the Obama Presidency. Here
is the problem. The first year of Ronald Reagan's second term, the
growth rate, the economic growth rate, was 7\1/2\ percent. For
goodness' sake. Ronald Reagan was able to turn things around that
quickly. We are meandering along, bouncing along at a pathetic 2
percent growth rate. We could be so much better if we had the right
policies in place and pass the right kind of budget and the right kind
of vision for the country. That is the point the gentleman is making.
Quit blaming George Bush. We are in the fifth year of the Obama
Presidency. If you want to look to a comparison: the fifth year of
Ronald Reagan's Presidency, a 7\1/2\ percent growth rate.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as
to how much is remaining.
The CHAIR. The gentlewoman from New York has 1 minute remaining. The
gentleman from Texas has 4\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself
such time as I may consume.
Our economy is recovering from the depths of the Great Recession, but
too many Americans are still left behind. This budget kicks them even
further back with draconian cuts. We were sent here to create jobs, not
eliminate them.
According to the Congressional Budget Office, the Ryan austerity plan
would slow our economy and cost us jobs over the next 3 years.
Mr. Chairman, the Republican budget would make life harder for the
vulnerable Americans from cradle to grave. It represents a choice to be
less competitive and less compassionate.
Voting for this budget is voting to slow our recovery, lower our
hopes, and dim our dreams. It is not a budget; it is a retreat, and
Americans deserve better.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this draconian Republican
budget, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. I would inquire of the gentlelady if you would
like to make your concluding remarks, or have you done so?
Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. I have made mine within the
timeframe we had.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. I will close out as well, and I yield myself the
balance of my time.
[[Page H3087]]
Mr. Chairman, if you like the direction the country is going, I guess
there is no reason to change. If we want young people who don't believe
they will ever earn as much or have a standard of living as their
parents do, let's just stay the course. If we want a Nation with a
second-rate economy where millions of people have given up looking for
work, where the average family is missing over $1,000 every month from
their paycheck, let's just stay the course. If we want a Nation that
continues that debt and debt and debt and debt--we are now becoming
financially weaker each year rather than financially stronger--well
then let's stay the course. If you want a Medicare and Social Security
that a lot of younger people have given up hope will be there for them
and many seniors are worried won't last for them either, well then
let's just stay the course. And if we want a President who will hollow
out our defense and our intelligence, who will continue to waste money
the taxpayers have earned, then let's just stay that course.
Or we can take a different direction for this Nation. We can impose
smart spending cuts that actually get us back toward a balanced budget.
We can grow the economy through tax reform and balanced regulation that
actually gets Main Street pumping again, gives people hope again.
We believe there is a brighter future for America, but first it
starts with living within our means, it begins with growing this
economy, and it concludes with increasing the wages of women and men
and fathers and sons and young people and women and minorities who now
today have given up hope.
The Republican budget is about opportunity. It is about not giving up
on America, it is about not settling for a second-rate economy in a
financially strapped Nation that can no longer compete against China,
Brazil, Europe, and our other competitors around the world. It really
is about changing the direction of this Nation in a way that gives
power to people, that gives power to Main Street, gives power to middle
class families rather than taking it all for Washington.
We know the path we are on isn't working. We can no longer stay the
course. It is time to change so the Republican budget spends less,
grows the economy, solves the biggest challenges in America, and gives
us hope that America can continue to be the strongest economy in the
world through the next 100 years.
That is the goal America should be setting, that is the direction the
Republican budget puts in place. It uses two smart, I think,
revolutionary ideas: dynamic scoring, so we know the real-life effect
of this budget and our growth; it focuses on controllable spending as a
percentage of the economy, that is the right way to measure how we are
doing as a Nation; and it uses a number of innovative approaches,
again, to grow the economy, to shrink the deficit, and what I like most
of all, it doesn't merely balance the budget, it puts us on a path to a
debt-free America. That is something that can give us hope, that can
give us opportunity, that is the direction that we ought to go.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIR. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the concurrent resolution shall be considered
for amendment under the 5-minute rule and is considered read.
The text of the concurrent resolution is as follows:
H. Con. Res. 96
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring),
SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL
YEAR 2015.
(a) Declaration.--The Congress determines and declares that
this concurrent resolution establishes the budget for fiscal
year 2015 and sets forth appropriate budgetary levels for
fiscal years 2016 through 2024.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this
concurrent resolution is as follows:
Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2015.
TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS
Sec. 101. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 102. Major functional categories.
TITLE II--RECOMMENDED LONG-TERM LEVELS
Sec. 201. Long-term budgeting.
TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS
Sec. 301. Reserve fund for the repeal of the 2010 health care laws.
Sec. 302. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for the reform of the 2010
health care laws.
Sec. 303. Deficit-neutral reserve fund related to the Medicare
provisions of the 2010 health care laws.
Sec. 304. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for the sustainable growth rate
of the Medicare program.
Sec. 305. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for reforming the tax code.
Sec. 306. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for trade agreements.
Sec. 307. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for revenue measures.
Sec. 308. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for rural counties and schools.
Sec. 309. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for transportation.
Sec. 310. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to reduce poverty and increase
opportunity and upward mobility.
TITLE IV--ESTIMATES OF DIRECT SPENDING
Sec. 401. Direct spending.
TITLE V--BUDGET ENFORCEMENT
Sec. 501. Limitation on advance appropriations.
Sec. 502. Concepts and definitions.
Sec. 503. Adjustments of aggregates, allocations, and appropriate
budgetary levels.
Sec. 504. Limitation on long-term spending.
Sec. 505. Budgetary treatment of certain transactions.
Sec. 506. Application and effect of changes in allocations and
aggregates.
Sec. 507. Congressional Budget Office estimates.
Sec. 508. Transfers from the general fund of the Treasury to the
Highway Trust Fund that increase public indebtedness.
Sec. 509. Separate allocation for overseas contingency operations/
global war on terrorism.
Sec. 510. Exercise of rulemaking powers.
TITLE VI--POLICY STATEMENTS
Sec. 601. Policy statement on economic growth and job creation.
Sec. 602. Policy statement on tax reform.
Sec. 603. Policy statement on replacing the President's health care
law.
Sec. 604. Policy statement on Medicare.
Sec. 605. Policy statement on Social Security.
Sec. 606. Policy statement on higher education and workforce
development opportunity.
Sec. 607. Policy statement on deficit reduction through the
cancellation of unobligated balances.
Sec. 608. Policy statement on responsible stewardship of taxpayer
dollars.
Sec. 609. Policy statement on deficit reduction through the reduction
of unnecessary and wasteful spending.
Sec. 610. Policy statement on unauthorized spending.
Sec. 611. Policy statement on Federal regulatory policy.
Sec. 612. Policy statement on trade.
Sec. 613. No budget, no pay.
TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS
SEC. 101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.
The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of
fiscal years 2015 through 2024:
(1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this concurrent resolution:
(A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $2,533,841,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $2,676,038,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $2,789,423,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $2,890,308,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,014,685,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,148,637,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,294,650,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,456,346,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,626,518,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $3,807,452,000,000.
(B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal
revenues should be changed are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $0.
Fiscal year 2016: $0.
Fiscal year 2017: $0.
Fiscal year 2018: $0.
Fiscal year 2019: $0.
Fiscal year 2020: $0.
Fiscal year 2021: $0.
Fiscal year 2022: $0.
Fiscal year 2023: $0.
Fiscal year 2024: $0.
(2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement
of this concurrent resolution, the appropriate levels of
total new budget authority are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $2,842,226,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $2,858,059,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $2,957,321,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,059,410,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,210,987,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,360,435,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,460,524,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,587,380,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,660,151,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $3,706,695,000,000.
(3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this concurrent resolution, the appropriate levels of total
budget outlays are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $2,920,026,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $2,889,484,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $2,949,261,000,000.
[[Page H3088]]
Fiscal year 2018: $3,034,773,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,185,472,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,320,927,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,433,392,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,577,963,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,632,642,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $3,676,374,000,000.
(4) Deficits (on-budget).--For purposes of the enforcement
of this concurrent resolution, the amounts of the deficits
(on-budget) are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: -$386,186,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: -$213,446,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: -$159,838,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: -$144,466,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: -$170,787,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: -$172,290,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: -$138,741,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: -$121,617,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: -$6,124,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $131,078,000,000.
(5) Debt subject to limit.--The appropriate levels of the
public debt are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $18,304,357,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $18,627,533,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $19,172,590,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $19,411,553,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $19,773,917,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $20,227,349,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $20,449,374,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $20,822,448,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $20,981,807,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $21,089,365,000,000.
(6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of
debt held by the public are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $13,213,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $13,419,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $13,800,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $13,860,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $14,080,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $14,427,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $14,579,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $14,940,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $15,080,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $15,176,000,000,000.
SEC. 102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.
The Congress determines and declares that the appropriate
levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years
2015 through 2024 for each major functional category are:
(1) National Defense (050):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $528,927,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $566,503,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $573,792,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $573,064,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $597,895,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $584,252,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $611,146,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $593,795,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $624,416,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $611,902,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $638,697,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $626,175,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $653,001,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $640,499,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $669,967,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $661,181,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $687,393,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $672,922,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $706,218,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $685,796,000,000.
(2) International Affairs (150):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $38,695,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,029,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $39,734,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,976,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $40,642,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,229,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $41,589,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,822,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $42,513,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,553,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $43,497,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,114,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $44,004,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,701,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $45,271,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,749,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $46,287,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,667,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $47,349,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,624,000,000.
(3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $27,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,927,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $28,493,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,240,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $29,113,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,750,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $29,764,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,350,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $30,413,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,938,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $31,096,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,589,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $31,782,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,174,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $32,493,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,870,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $33,210,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,576,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $33,955,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,304,000,000.
(4) Energy (270):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $4,228,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,751,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $3,820,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,416,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $2,048,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,400,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $1,762,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,192,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $1,788,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,278,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $1,851,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,384,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$16,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$346,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$1,018,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$1,283,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$1,914,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$2,188,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$6,113,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$6,699,000,000.
(5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $34,289,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,311,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $34,491,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,747,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $35,077,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,204,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $33,047,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,316,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $36,859,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,779,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $38,169,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,877,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $36,428,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,379,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $38,979,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,749,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $39,927,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,733,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $40,592,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,752,000,000.
(6) Agriculture (350):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $19,042,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,556,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $22,506,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,313,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $20,527,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,992,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $18,506,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,883,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $18,654,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,970,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $19,008,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,440,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $19,263,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,763,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $19,764,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,249,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $20,017,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,516,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $20,635,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,131,000,000.
(7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$3,239,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$14,762,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$4,518,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$18,633,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$7,672,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$23,217,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$7,385,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$24,136,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$6,658,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$28,258,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$3,937,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$26,052,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$4,034,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$20,982,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
[[Page H3089]]
(A) New budget authority, -$4,794,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$23,197,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$5,073,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$24,597,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$5,118,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$25,793,000,000.
(8) Transportation (400):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $34,713,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $80,659,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $68,529,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,907,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $74,454,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $75,199,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $75,978,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $77,558,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $77,501,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $78,163,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $78,373,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $79,056,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $79,369,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $80,231,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $80,529,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $81,409,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $81,829,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $82,872,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $83,353,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $84,024,000,000.
(9) Community and Regional Development (450):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $14,556,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $23,608,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $15,303,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,425,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $15,269,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,292,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $15,414,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,840,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $15,387,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $16,841,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $15,283,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $16,008,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $15,421,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $14,679,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $15,658,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,408,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $15,954,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,490,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $16,302,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,910,000,000.
(10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services
(500):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $73,908,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $91,759,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $82,372,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $84,521,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $86,699,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $87,137,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $89,536,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $89,808,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $85,278,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $86,074,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $86,555,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $87,130,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $87,749,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $88,403,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $89,167,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $89,839,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $90,661,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $91,360,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $92,094,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $92,926,000,000.
(11) Health (550):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $419,799,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $416,573,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $367,238,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $370,205,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $377,752,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $375,839,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $376,732,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $377,346,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $390,437,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $390,404,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $415,814,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $405,309,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $419,124,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $418,298,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $433,512,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $432,149,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $449,181,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $447,991,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $472,300,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $471,312,000,000.
(12) Medicare (570):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $519,196,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $519,407,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $558,895,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $558,964,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $570,144,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $570,341,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $590,695,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $591,117,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $651,579,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $651,878,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $692,307,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $692,644,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $737,455,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $738,042,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $815,257,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $817,195,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $836,296,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $837,883,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $859,011,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $866,262,000,000.
(13) Income Security (600):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $505,729,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $505,032,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $487,645,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $490,122,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $489,766,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $487,105,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $492,129,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $484,280,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $493,996,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $490,014,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $512,717,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $508,689,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $520,016,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $515,475,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $529,438,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $529,111,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $530,839,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $525,624,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $525,701,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $515,225,000,000.
(14) Social Security (650):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $31,442,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,517,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $34,245,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,283,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $37,133,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,133,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $40,138,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,138,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $43,383,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,383,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $46,747,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,747,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $50,255,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,255,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $53,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $53,941,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $57,800,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $57,800,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $58,441,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $58,441,000,000.
(15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $153,027,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $152,978,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $164,961,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $164,807,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $163,858,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $163,269,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $162,388,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $161,646,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $174,305,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $173,499,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $179,269,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $178,380,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $183,571,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $182,676,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $195,680,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $194,719,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $192,458,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $191,491,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $189,292,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $188,262,000,000.
(16) Administration of Justice (750):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $54,011,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $54,250,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $56,932,000,000.
[[Page H3090]]
(B) Outlays, $56,298,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $56,770,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $58,319,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $58,405,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $59,095,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $60,239,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $60,501,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $62,146,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $61,649,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $64,263,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $63,734,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $66,967,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,411,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $69,031,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $68,455,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $71,166,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $70,568,000,000.
(17) General Government (800):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $23,710,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $23,618,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $23,064,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,826,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $21,587,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,674,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $23,269,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,973,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $24,040,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $23,582,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $24,759,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,331,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $25,556,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,139,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $26,353,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,939,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $27,097,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,691,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $27,912,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,491,000,000.
(18) Net Interest (900):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $365,987,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $365,987,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $416,238,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $416,238,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $482,228,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $482,228,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $553,820,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $553,820,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $611,852,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $611,852,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $659,310,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $659,310,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $693,159,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $693,159,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $723,805,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $723,805,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $751,215,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $751,215,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $770,124,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $770,124,000,000.
(19) Allowances (920):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$36,364,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$22,676,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$47,825,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$36,706,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$51,416,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$45,014,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$54,566,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$49,571,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$56,672,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$53,542,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$61,825,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$58,102,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$64,552,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$61,040,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$66,871,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$63,946,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$68,992,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$66,322,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$65,972,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$64,338,000,000.
(20) Government-wide savings (930):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $25,904,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,052,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$14,151,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$1,701,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$30,525,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$17,482,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$38,302,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$27,789,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$46,446,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$35,547,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$55,559,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$44,608,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$63,060,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$53,317,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$75,189,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$64,007,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$87,334,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$75,209,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$117,125,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$96,353,000,000.
(21) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$78,632,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$78,632,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,652,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,652,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,974,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,974,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$84,602,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$84,602,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$91,824,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$91,824,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$93,787,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$93,787,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$98,176,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$98,176,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$101,529,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$101,529,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$105,731,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$105,731,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$113,422,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$113,422,000,000.
(22) Overseas Contingency Operations/Global War on
Terrorism (970):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $85,357,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $52,580,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $29,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,823,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $29,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,585,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $29,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,893,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $29,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,032,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $29,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,647,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $29,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,647,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $11,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $4,402,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $1,827,000,000.
TITLE II--RECOMMENDED LONG-TERM LEVELS
SEC. 201. LONG-TERM BUDGETING.
The following are the recommended revenue, spending, and
deficit levels for each of fiscal years 2030, 2035, and 2040
as a percent of the gross domestic product of the United
States:
(1) Federal revenues.--The appropriate levels of Federal
revenues are as follows:
Fiscal year 2030: 18.8 percent.
Fiscal year 2035: 19.0 percent.
Fiscal year 2040: 19.0 percent.
(2) Budget outlays.--The appropriate levels of total budget
outlays are not to exceed:
Fiscal year 2030: 18.5 percent.
Fiscal year 2035: 17.9 percent.
Fiscal year 2040: 17.2 percent.
(3) Deficits.--The appropriate levels of deficits are not
to exceed:
Fiscal year 2030: -0.3 percent.
Fiscal year 2035: -1.1 percent.
Fiscal year 2040: -1.8 percent.
(4) Debt.--The appropriate levels of debt held by the
public are not to exceed:
Fiscal year 2030: 43.0 percent.
Fiscal year 2035: 31.0 percent.
Fiscal year 2040: 18.0 percent.
TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS
SEC. 301. RESERVE FUND FOR THE REPEAL OF THE 2010 HEALTH CARE
LAWS.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto
or conference report thereon, that only consists of a full
repeal the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and the
health care-related provisions of the Health Care and
Education Reconciliation Act of 2010.
SEC. 302. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR THE REFORM OF THE
2010 HEALTH CARE LAWS.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto
or conference report
[[Page H3091]]
thereon, that reforms or replaces the Patient Protection and
Affordable Care Act or the Health Care and Education
Reconciliation Act of 2010, if such measure would not
increase the deficit for the period of fiscal years 2015
through 2024.
SEC. 303. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATED TO THE
MEDICARE PROVISIONS OF THE 2010 HEALTH CARE
LAWS.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto
or conference report thereon, that repeals all or part of the
decreases in Medicare spending included in the Patient
Protection and Affordable Care Act or the Health Care and
Education Reconciliation Act of 2010, if such measure would
not increase the deficit for the period of fiscal years 2015
through 2024.
SEC. 304. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR THE SUSTAINABLE
GROWTH RATE OF THE MEDICARE PROGRAM.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto
or conference report thereon, that includes provisions
amending or superseding the system for updating payments
under section 1848 of the Social Security Act, if such
measure would not increase the deficit for the period of
fiscal years 2015 through 2024.
SEC. 305. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR REFORMING THE TAX
CODE.
In the House, if the Committee on Ways and Means reports a
bill or joint resolution that reforms the Internal Revenue
Code of 1986, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any such bill or joint resolution, or amendment
thereto or conference report thereon, if such measure would
not increase the deficit for the period of fiscal years 2015
through 2024.
SEC. 306. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR TRADE AGREEMENTS.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution reported by the
Committee on Ways and Means, or amendment thereto or
conference report thereon, that implements a trade agreement,
but only if such measure would not increase the deficit for
the period of fiscal years 2015 through 2024.
SEC. 307. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR REVENUE MEASURES.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this concurrent resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution reported by the
Committee on Ways and Means, or amendment thereto or
conference report thereon, that decreases revenue, but only
if such measure would not increase the deficit for the period
of fiscal years 2015 through 2024.
SEC. 308. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR RURAL COUNTIES AND
SCHOOLS.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels and limits in this resolution for the budgetary
effects of any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto
or conference report thereon, that makes changes to or
provides for the reauthorization of the Secure Rural Schools
and Community Self Determination Act of 2000 (Public Law 106-
393) by the amounts provided by that legislation for those
purposes, if such legislation requires sustained yield timber
harvests obviating the need for funding under Public Law 106-
393 in the future and would not increase the deficit or
direct spending for the period of fiscal years 2015 through
2019, or the period of fiscal years 2015 through 2024.
SEC. 309. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR TRANSPORTATION.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this resolution for any bill or joint resolution,
or amendment thereto or conference report thereon, if such
measure maintains the solvency of the Highway Trust Fund, but
only if such measure would not increase the deficit over the
period of fiscal years 2015 through 2024.
SEC. 310. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO REDUCE POVERTY AND
INCREASE OPPORTUNITY AND UPWARD MOBILITY.
In the House, the chair of the Committee on the Budget may
revise the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this resolution for any bill or joint resolution,
or amendment thereto or conference report thereon, if such
measure reforms policies and programs to reduce poverty and
increase opportunity and upward mobility, but only if such
measure would neither adversely impact job creation nor
increase the deficit over the period of fiscal years 2015
through 2024.
TITLE IV--ESTIMATES OF DIRECT SPENDING
SEC. 401. DIRECT SPENDING.
(a) Means-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For means-tested direct spending, the average rate of
growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 6.8 percent.
(2) For means-tested direct spending, the estimated average
rate of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-
year period beginning with fiscal year 2015 is 5.4 percent
under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for means-tested direct spending:
(A) In 1996, a Republican Congress and a Democratic
president reformed welfare by limiting the duration of
benefits, giving States more control over the program, and
helping recipients find work. In the five years following
passage, child-poverty rates fell, welfare caseloads fell,
and workers' wages increased. This budget applies the lessons
of welfare reform to both the Supplemental Nutrition
Assistance Program and Medicaid.
(B) For Medicaid, this budget assumes the conversion of the
Federal share of Medicaid spending into a flexible State
allotment tailored to meet each State's needs, indexed for
inflation and population growth. Such a reform would end the
misguided one-size-fits-all approach that has tied the hands
of State governments. Instead, each State would have the
freedom and flexibility to tailor a Medicaid program that
fits the needs of its unique population. Moreover, this
budget assumes the repeal of the Medicaid expansions in the
President's health care law, relieving State governments of
its crippling one-size-fits-all enrollment mandates.
(C) For the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, this
budget assumes the conversion of the program into a flexible
State allotment tailored to meet each State's needs. The
allotment would increase based on the Department of
Agriculture Thrifty Food Plan index and beneficiary growth.
Such a reform would provide incentives for States to ensure
dollars will go towards those who need them most.
Additionally, it requires that more stringent work
requirements and time limits apply under the program.
(b) Nonmeans-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For nonmeans-tested direct spending, the average rate
of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 5.7 percent.
(2) For nonmeans-tested direct spending, the estimated
average rate of growth in the total level of outlays during
the 10-year period beginning with fiscal year 2015 is 5.4
percent under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for nonmeans-tested direct spending:
(A) For Medicare, this budget advances policies to put
seniors, not the Federal Government, in control of their
health care decisions. Those in or near retirement will see
no changes, while future retirees would be given a choice of
private plans competing alongside the traditional fee-for-
service Medicare program. Medicare would provide a premium-
support payment either to pay for or offset the premium of
the plan chosen by the senior, depending on the plan's cost.
The Medicare premium-support payment would be adjusted so
that the sick would receive higher payments if their
conditions worsened; lower-income seniors would receive
additional assistance to help cover out-of-pocket costs; and
wealthier seniors would assume responsibility for a greater
share of their premiums. Putting seniors in charge of how
their health care dollars are spent will force providers to
compete against each other on price and quality. This market
competition will act as a real check on widespread waste and
skyrocketing health care costs.
(B) In keeping with a recommendation from the National
Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, this budget
calls for Federal employees--including Members of Congress
and congressional staff--to make greater contributions toward
their own retirement.
TITLE V--BUDGET ENFORCEMENT
SEC. 501. LIMITATION ON ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS.
(a) In General.--In the House, except as provided for in
subsection (b), any bill or joint resolution, or amendment
thereto or conference report thereon, making a general
appropriation or continuing appropriation may not provide for
advance appropriations.
(b) Exceptions.--An advance appropriation may be provided
for programs, projects, activities, or accounts referred to
in subsection (c)(1) or identified in the report to accompany
this concurrent resolution or the joint explanatory statement
of managers to accompany this concurrent resolution under the
heading ``Accounts Identified for Advance Appropriations''.
(c) Limitations.--For fiscal year 2016, the aggregate level
of advance appropriations shall not exceed--
(1) $58,662,202,000 for the following programs in the
Department of Veterans Affairs--
(A) Medical Services;
(B) Medical Support and Compliance; and
(C) Medical Facilities accounts of the Veterans Health
Administration; and
(2) $28,781,000,000 in new budget authority for all
programs identified pursuant to subsection (b).
(d) Definition.--In this section, the term ``advance
appropriation'' means any new discretionary budget authority
provided in a bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto
or conference report thereon, making general appropriations
or any new discretionary
[[Page H3092]]
budget authority provided in a bill or joint resolution
making continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2016.
SEC. 502. CONCEPTS AND DEFINITIONS.
Upon the enactment of any bill or joint resolution
providing for a change in budgetary concepts or definitions,
the chair of the Committee on the Budget may adjust any
allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this
concurrent resolution accordingly.
SEC. 503. ADJUSTMENTS OF AGGREGATES, ALLOCATIONS, AND
APPROPRIATE BUDGETARY LEVELS.
(a) Adjustments of Discretionary and Direct Spending
Levels.--If a committee (other than the Committee on
Appropriations) reports a bill or joint resolution, or
amendment thereto or conference report thereon, providing for
a decrease in direct spending (budget authority and outlays
flowing therefrom) for any fiscal year and also provides for
an authorization of appropriations for the same purpose, upon
the enactment of such measure, the chair of the Committee on
the Budget may decrease the allocation to such committee and
increase the allocation of discretionary spending (budget
authority and outlays flowing therefrom) to the Committee on
Appropriations for fiscal year 2015 by an amount equal to the
new budget authority (and outlays flowing therefrom) provided
for in a bill or joint resolution making appropriations for
the same purpose.
(b) Adjustments to Fund Overseas Contingency Operations/
Global War on Terrorism.--In order to take into account any
new information included in the budget submission by the
President for fiscal year 2015, the chair of the Committee on
the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates, and other
appropriate budgetary levels for Overseas Contingency
Operations/Global War on Terrorism or the section 302(a)
allocation to the Committee on Appropriations set forth in
the report of this concurrent resolution to conform with
section 251(c) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985 (as adjusted by section 251A of such
Act).
(c) Revised Congressional Budget Office Baseline.--The
chair of the Committee on the Budget may adjust the
allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate budgetary
levels to reflect changes resulting from technical and
economic assumptions in the most recent baseline published by
the Congressional Budget Office.
(d) Determinations.--For the purpose of enforcing this
concurrent resolution on the budget in the House, the
allocations and aggregate levels of new budget authority,
outlays, direct spending, new entitlement authority,
revenues, deficits, and surpluses for fiscal year 2015 and
the period of fiscal years 2015 through fiscal year 2024
shall be determined on the basis of estimates made by the
chair of the Committee on the Budget and such chair may
adjust such applicable levels of this concurrent resolution.
SEC. 504. LIMITATION ON LONG-TERM SPENDING.
(a) In General.--In the House, it shall not be in order to
consider a bill or joint resolution reported by a committee
(other than the Committee on Appropriations), or an amendment
thereto or a conference report thereon, if the provisions of
such measure have the net effect of increasing direct
spending in excess of $5,000,000,000 for any period described
in subsection (b).
(b) Time Periods.--The applicable periods for purposes of
this section are any of the four consecutive ten fiscal-year
periods beginning with fiscal year 2025.
SEC. 505. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF CERTAIN TRANSACTIONS.
(a) In General.--Notwithstanding section 302(a)(1) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, section 13301 of the Budget
Enforcement Act of 1990, and section 4001 of the Omnibus
Budget Reconciliation Act of 1989, the report accompanying
this concurrent resolution on the budget or the joint
explanatory statement accompanying the conference report on
any concurrent resolution on the budget shall include in its
allocation under section 302(a) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 to the Committee on Appropriations amounts for
the discretionary administrative expenses of the Social
Security Administration and the United States Postal Service.
(b) Special Rule.--For purposes of applying sections 302(f)
and 311 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, estimates of
the level of total new budget authority and total outlays
provided by a measure shall include any off-budget
discretionary amounts.
(c) Adjustments.--The chair of the Committee on the Budget
may adjust the allocations, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels for legislation reported by the Committee on Oversight
and Government Reform that reforms the Federal retirement
system, if such adjustments do not cause a net increase in
the deficit for fiscal year 2015 and the period of fiscal
years 2015 through 2024.
SEC. 506. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS
AND AGGREGATES.
(a) Application.--Any adjustments of the allocations,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels made pursuant to
this concurrent resolution shall--
(1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
(2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
(3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as
practicable.
(b) Effect of Changed Allocations and Aggregates.--Revised
allocations and aggregates resulting from these adjustments
shall be considered for the purposes of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 as allocations and aggregates included in
this concurrent resolution.
(c) Budget Compliance.--The consideration of any bill or
joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, for which the chair of the Committee on the Budget
makes adjustments or revisions in the allocations,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels of this concurrent
resolution shall not be subject to the points of order set
forth in clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House of
Representatives or section 504.
SEC. 507. CONGRESSIONAL BUDGET OFFICE ESTIMATES.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) Costs of Federal housing loans and loan guarantees are
treated unequally in the budget. The Congressional Budget
Office uses fair-value accounting to measure the costs of
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, but determines the cost of other
Federal loan and loan-guarantee programs on the basis of the
Federal Credit Reform Act of 1990 (``FCRA'').
(2) The fair-value accounting method uses discount rates
which incorporate the risk inherent to the type of liability
being estimated in addition to Treasury discount rates of the
proper maturity length. In contrast, FCRA accounting solely
uses the discount rates of the Treasury, failing to
incorporate all of the risks attendant to these credit
activities.
(3) The Congressional Budget Office estimates that if fair-
value were used to estimate the cost of all new credit
activity in 2014, the deficit would be approximately $50
billion higher than under the current methodology.
(b) Fair Value Estimates.--Upon the request of the chair or
ranking member of the Committee on the Budget, any estimate
prepared by the Director of the Congressional Budget Office
for a measure under the terms of title V of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974, ``credit reform'', as a supplement to
such estimate shall, to the extent practicable, also provide
an estimate of the current actual or estimated market values
representing the ``fair value'' of assets and liabilities
affected by such measure.
(c) Fair Value Estimates for Housing Programs.--Whenever
the Director of the Congressional Budget Office prepares an
estimate pursuant to section 402 of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 of the costs which would be incurred in carrying
out any bill or joint resolution and if the Director
determines that such bill or joint resolution has a cost
related to a housing or residential mortgage program under
the FCRA, then the Director shall also provide an estimate of
the current actual or estimated market values representing
the ``fair value'' of assets and liabilities affected by the
provisions of such bill or joint resolution that result in
such cost.
(d) Enforcement.--If the Director of the Congressional
Budget Office provides an estimate pursuant to subsection (b)
or (c), the chair of the Committee on the Budget may use such
estimate to determine compliance with the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 and other budgetary enforcement controls.
SEC. 508. TRANSFERS FROM THE GENERAL FUND OF THE TREASURY TO
THE HIGHWAY TRUST FUND THAT INCREASE PUBLIC
INDEBTEDNESS.
For purposes of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the
Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, or
the rules or orders of the House of Representatives, a bill
or joint resolution, or an amendment thereto or conference
report thereon, that transfers funds from the general fund of
the Treasury to the Highway Trust Fund shall be counted as
new budget authority and outlays equal to the amount of the
transfer in the fiscal year the transfer occurs.
SEC. 509. SEPARATE ALLOCATION FOR OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY
OPERATIONS/GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM.
(a) Allocation.--In the House, there shall be a separate
allocation to the Committee on Appropriations for overseas
contingency operations/global war on terrorism. For purposes
of enforcing such separate allocation under section 302(f) of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the ``first fiscal
year'' and the ``total of fiscal years'' shall be deemed to
refer to fiscal year 2015. Such separate allocation shall be
the exclusive allocation for overseas contingency operations/
global war on terrorism under section 302(a) of such Act.
Section 302(c) of such Act shall not apply to such separate
allocation. The Committee on Appropriations may provide
suballocations of such separate allocation under section
302(b) of such Act. Spending that counts toward the
allocation established by this section shall be designated
pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(A)(ii) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.
(b) Adjustment.--In the House, for purposes of subsection
(a) for fiscal year 2015, no adjustment shall be made under
section 314(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 if any
adjustment would be made under section 251(b)(2)(A)(ii) of
the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of
1985.
SEC. 510. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.
The House adopts the provisions of this title--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the House of
Representatives and as such they shall be considered as part
of the rules of the House of Representatives, and these
[[Page H3093]]
rules shall supersede other rules only to the extent that
they are inconsistent with other such rules; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
the House of Representatives to change those rules at any
time, in the same manner, and to the same extent as in the
case of any other rule of the House of Representatives.
TITLE VI--POLICY STATEMENTS
SEC. 601. POLICY STATEMENT ON ECONOMIC GROWTH AND JOB
CREATION.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) Although the United States economy technically emerged
from recession nearly five years ago, the subsequent recovery
has felt more like a malaise than a rebound. Real gross
domestic product (GDP) growth over the past four years has
averaged just over 2 percent, well below the 3 percent trend
rate of growth in the United States.
(2) The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) did a study in
late 2012 examining why the United States economy was growing
so slowly after the recession. They found, among other
things, that United States economic output was growing at
less than half of the typical rate exhibited during other
recoveries since World War II. CBO said that about two-thirds
of this ``growth gap'' was due to a pronounced sluggishness
in the growth of potential GDP--particularly in potential
employment levels (such as people leaving the labor force)
and the growth in productivity (which is in turn related to
lower capital investment).
(3) The prolonged economic sluggishness is particularly
troubling given the amount of fiscal and monetary policy
actions taken in recent years to cushion the depth of the
downturn and to spark higher rates of growth and employment.
In addition to the large stimulus package passed in early
2009, many other initiatives have been taken to boost growth,
such as the new homebuyer tax credit and the ``cash for
clunkers'' program. These stimulus efforts may have led to
various short term ``pops'' in activity but the economy and
job market has since reverted back to a sub-par trend.
(4) The unemployment rate has declined in recent years,
from a peak of nearly 10 percent in 2009-2010 to 6.7 percent
in the latest month. However, a significant chunk of this
decline has been due to people leaving the labor force (and
therefore no longer being counted as ``unemployed'') and not
from a surge in employment. The slow decline in the
unemployment rate in recent years has occurred alongside a
steep decline in the economy's labor force participation
rate. The participation rate stands at 63.0 percent, close to
the lowest level since 1978. The flipside of this is that
over 90 million Americans are now ``on the sidelines'' and
not in the labor force, representing a 10 million increase
since early 2009.
(5) Real median household income declined for the fifth
consecutive year in 2012 (latest data available) and, at just
over $51,000, is currently at its lowest level since 1995.
Weak wage and income growth as a result of a subpar labor
market not only means lower tax revenue coming in to the
Treasury, it also means higher government spending on income
support programs.
(6) A stronger economy is vital to lowering deficit levels
and eventually balancing the budget. According to CBO, if
annual real GDP growth is just 0.1 percentage point higher
over the budget window, deficits would be reduced by $311
billion.
(7) This budget resolution therefore embraces pro-growth
policies, such as fundamental tax reform, that will help
foster a stronger economy and more job creation.
(8) Reining in government spending and lowering budget
deficits has a positive long-term impact on the economy and
the budget. According to CBO, a significant deficit reduction
package (i.e. $4 trillion), would boost longer-term economic
output by 1.7 percent. Their analysis concludes that deficit
reduction creates long-term economic benefits because it
increases the pool of national savings and boosts investment,
thereby raising economic growth and job creation.
(9) The greater economic output that stems from a large
deficit reduction package would have a sizeable impact on the
Federal budget. For instance, higher output would lead to
greater revenues through the increase in taxable incomes.
Lower interest rates, and a reduction in the stock of debt,
would lead to lower government spending on net interest
expenses. According to CBO, this dynamic would reduce unified
budget deficits by an amount sufficient to produce a surplus
in fiscal year 2024.
(b) Policy on Economic Growth and Job Creation.--It is the
policy of this resolution to promote faster economic growth
and job creation. By putting the budget on a sustainable
path, this resolution ends the debt-fueled uncertainty
holding back job creators. Reforms to the tax code to put
American businesses and workers in a better position to
compete and thrive in the 21st century global economy. This
resolution targets the regulatory red tape and cronyism that
stack the deck in favor of special interests. All of the
reforms in this resolution serve as means to the larger end
of growing the economy and expanding opportunity for all
Americans.
SEC. 602. POLICY STATEMENT ON TAX REFORM.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) A world-class tax system should be simple, fair, and
promote (rather than impede) economic growth. The United
States tax code fails on all three counts - it is notoriously
complex, patently unfair, and highly inefficient. The tax
code's complexity distorts decisions to work, save, and
invest, which leads to slower economic growth, lower wages,
and less job creation.
(2) Over the past decade alone, there have been more than
4,400 changes to the tax code, more than one per day. Many of
the major changes over the years have involved carving out
special preferences, exclusions, or deductions for various
activities or groups. These loopholes add up to more than $1
trillion per year and make the code unfair, inefficient, and
highly complex.
(3) In addition, these tax preferences are
disproportionately used by upper-income individuals.
(4) The large amount of tax preferences that pervade the
code end up narrowing the tax base. A narrow tax base, in
turn, requires much higher tax rates to raise a given amount
of revenue.
(5) It is estimated that American taxpayers end up spending
$160 billion and roughly 6 billion hours a year complying
with the tax code - a waste of time and resources that could
be used in more productive activities.
(6) Standard economic theory shows that high marginal tax
rates dampen the incentives to work, save, and invest, which
reduces economic output and job creation. Lower economic
output, in turn, mutes the intended revenue gain from higher
marginal tax rates.
(7) Roughly half of United States active business income
and half of private sector employment are derived from
business entities (such as partnerships, S corporations, and
sole proprietorships) that are taxed on a ``pass-through''
basis, meaning the income flows through to the tax returns of
the individual owners and is taxed at the individual rate
structure rather than at the corporate rate. Small
businesses, in particular, tend to choose this form for
Federal tax purposes, and the top Federal rate on such small
business income reaches 44.6 percent. For these reasons,
sound economic policy requires lowering marginal rates on
these pass-through entities.
(8) The United States corporate income tax rate (including
Federal, State, and local taxes) sums to just over 39
percent, the highest rate in the industrialized world. Tax
rates this high suppress wages and discourage investment and
job creation, distort business activity, and put American
businesses at a competitive disadvantage with foreign
competitors.
(9) By deterring potential investment, the United States
corporate tax restrains economic growth and job creation. The
United States tax rate differential with other countries also
fosters a variety of complicated multinational corporate
behaviors intended to avoid the tax, which have the effect of
moving the tax base offshore, destroying American jobs, and
decreasing corporate revenue.
(10) The ``worldwide'' structure of United States
international taxation essentially taxes earnings of United
States firms twice, putting them at a significant competitive
disadvantage with competitors with more competitive
international tax systems.
(11) Reforming the United States tax code to a more
competitive international system would boost the
competitiveness of United States companies operating abroad
and it would also greatly reduce tax avoidance.
(12) The tax code imposes costs on American workers through
lower wages, on consumers in higher prices, and on investors
in diminished returns.
(13) Revenues have averaged about 17.5 percent of the
economy throughout modern American history. Revenues rise
above this level under current law to 18.4 percent of the
economy by the end of the 10-year budget window.
(14) Attempting to raise revenue through tax increases to
meet out-of-control spending would damage the economy.
(15) This resolution also rejects the idea of instituting a
carbon tax in the United States, which some have offered as a
``new'' source of revenue. Such a plan would damage the
economy, cost jobs, and raise prices on American consumers.
(16) Closing tax loopholes to fund spending does not
constitute fundamental tax reform.
(17) The goal of tax reform should be to curb or eliminate
loopholes and use those savings to lower tax rates across the
board--not to fund more wasteful Government spending. Tax
reform should be revenue-neutral and should not be an excuse
to raise taxes on the American people. Washington has a
spending problem, not a revenue problem.
(b) Policy on Tax Reform.--It is the policy of this
resolution that Congress should enact legislation that
provides for a comprehensive reform of the United States tax
code to promote economic growth, create American jobs,
increase wages, and benefit American consumers, investors,
and workers through revenue-neutral fundamental tax reform
that--
(1) simplifies the tax code to make it fairer to American
families and businesses and reduces the amount of time and
resources necessary to comply with tax laws;
(2) substantially lowers tax rates for individuals, with a
goal of achieving a top individual rate of 25 percent and
consolidating the current seven individual income tax
brackets into two brackets with a first bracket of 10
percent;
[[Page H3094]]
(3) repeals the Alternative Minimum Tax;
(4) reduces the corporate tax rate to 25 percent; and
(5) transitions the tax code to a more competitive system
of international taxation.
SEC. 603. POLICY STATEMENT ON REPLACING THE PRESIDENT'S
HEALTH CARE LAW.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) The President's health care law has failed to reduce
health care premiums as promised. Health care premiums were
supposed to decline by $2,500. Instead, according to the 2013
Employer Health Benefits Survey, health care premiums have
increased by 5 percent for individual plans and 4 percent for
family since 2012. Moreover, according to a report from the
Energy and Commerce Committee, premiums for individual market
plans may go up as much as 50 percent because of the law.
(2) The President pledged that Americans would be able to
keep their health care plan if they liked it. But the non-
partisan Congressional Budget Office now estimates 2 million
Americans with employment-based health coverage will lose
those plans.
(3) Then-Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, said that the
President's health care law would create 4 million jobs over
the life of the law and almost 400,000 jobs immediately.
Instead, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that the
law will reduce full-time equivalent employment by about 2.0
million hours in 2017 and 2.5 million hours in 2024,
``compared with what would have occurred in the absence of
the ACA.''.
(4) The implementation of the law has been a failure. The
main website that Americans were supposed to use in
purchasing new coverage was broken for over a month. Since
the President's health care law was signed into law, the
Administration has announced 23 delays. The President has
also failed to submit any nominees to sit on the Independent
Payment Advisory Board, a panel of bureaucrats that will cut
Medicare by an additional $12.1 billion over the next ten
years, according to the President's own budget.
(5) The President's health care law should be repealed and
replaced with reforms that make affordable and quality health
care coverage available to all Americans.
(b) Policy on Replacing the President's Health Care Law.--
It is the policy of this resolution that the President's
health care law must not only be repealed, but also replaced,
for the following reasons:
(1) The President's health care law is a government-run
system driving up health care costs and forcing Americans to
lose their health care coverage and should be replaced with a
reformed health care system that gives patients and their
doctors more choice and control over their health care.
(2) Instead of a complex structure of subsidies,
``firewalls,'' mandates, and penalties, a reformed health
care system should make health care coverage portable.
(3) Instead of stifling innovation in health care
technologies, treatments, and medications through Federal
mandates, taxes, and price controls, a reformed health care
system should encourage research and development.
(4) Instead of instituting one-size-fits-all directives
from Federal bureaucracies such as the Internal Revenue
Service, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the
Independent Payment Advisory Board, individuals and families
should be free to secure the health care coverage that best
meets their needs.
(5) Instead of allowing fraudulent lawsuits, which are
driving up health care costs, the medical liability system
should be reformed while at the same time reaffirming that
States should be free to implement the policies that best
suit their needs.
(6) Instead of using Federal taxes, mandates, and
bureaucracies to address those who have trouble securing
health care coverage, high risk pools should be established.
(7) Instead of more than doubling spending on Medicaid,
which is driving up Federal debt and will eventually bankrupt
State budgets, Medicaid spending should be brought under
control and States should be given more flexibility to
provide quality, affordable care to those who are eligible.
(8) Instead of driving up health care costs and reducing
employment, a reformed health care system should lower health
care costs, which will increase economic growth an employment
by lowering health care inflation.
SEC. 604. POLICY STATEMENT ON MEDICARE.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) More than 50 million Americans depend on Medicare for
their health security.
(2) The Medicare Trustees Report has repeatedly recommended
that Medicare's long-term financial challenges be addressed
soon. Each year without reform, the financial condition of
Medicare becomes more precarious and the threat to those in
or near retirement becomes more pronounced. According to the
Congressional Budget Office--
(A) the Hospital Insurance Trust Fund will be exhausted in
2026 and unable to pay scheduled benefits; and
(B) Medicare spending is growing faster than the economy
and Medicare outlays are currently rising at a rate of 6
percent per year over the next ten years, and according to
the Congressional Budget Office's 2013 Long-Term Budget
Outlook, spending on Medicare is projected to reach 5 percent
of gross domestic product (GDP) by 2040 and 9.4 percent of
GDP by 2088.
(3) The President's health care law created a new Federal
agency called the Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB)
empowered with unilateral authority to cut Medicare spending.
As a result of that law--
(A) IPAB will be tasked with keeping the Medicare per
capita growth below a Medicare per capita target growth rate.
Prior to 2018, the target growth rate is based on the five-
year average of overall inflation and medical inflation.
Beginning in 2018, the target growth rate will be the five-
year average increase in the nominal GDP plus one percentage
point, which the President has twice proposed to reduce to
GDP plus one-half percentage point;
(B) the fifteen unelected, unaccountable bureaucrats of
IPAB will make decisions that will reduce seniors access to
care;
(C) the nonpartisan Office of the Medicare Chief Actuary
estimates that the provider cuts already contained in the
Affordable Care Act will force 15 percent of hospitals,
skilled nursing facilities, and home health agencies to
become unprofitable in 2019; and
(D) additional cuts from the IPAB board will force even
more health care providers to close their doors, and the
Board should be repealed.
(4) Failing to address this problem will leave millions of
American seniors without adequate health security and younger
generations burdened with enormous debt to pay for spending
levels that cannot be sustained.
(b) Policy on Medicare Reform.--It is the policy of this
resolution to protect those in or near retirement from any
disruptions to their Medicare benefits and offer future
beneficiaries the same health care options available to
Members of Congress.
(c) Assumptions.--This resolution assumes reform of the
Medicare program such that:
(1) Current Medicare benefits are preserved for those in or
near retirement.
(2) For future generations, when they reach eligibility,
Medicare is reformed to provide a premium support payment and
a selection of guaranteed health coverage options from which
recipients can choose a plan that best suits their needs.
(3) Medicare will maintain traditional fee-for-service as
an option.
(4) Medicare will provide additional assistance for lower-
income beneficiaries and those with greater health risks.
(5) Medicare spending is put on a sustainable path and the
Medicare program becomes solvent over the long-term.
SEC. 605. POLICY STATEMENT ON SOCIAL SECURITY.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) More than 55 million retirees, individuals with
disabilities, and survivors depend on Social Security. Since
enactment, Social Security has served as a vital leg on the
``three-legged stool'' of retirement security, which includes
employer provided pensions as well as personal savings.
(2) The Social Security Trustees Report has repeatedly
recommended that Social Security's long-term financial
challenges be addressed soon. Each year without reform, the
financial condition of Social Security becomes more
precarious and the threat to seniors and those receiving
Social Security disability benefits becomes more pronounced:
(A) In 2016, the Disability Insurance Trust Fund will be
exhausted and program revenues will be unable to pay
scheduled benefits.
(B) In 2033, the combined Old-Age and Survivors and
Disability Trust Funds will be exhausted, and program
revenues will be unable to pay scheduled benefits.
(C) With the exhaustion of the Trust Funds in 2033,
benefits will be cut nearly 25 percent across the board,
devastating those currently in or near retirement and those
who rely on Social Security the most.
(3) The recession and continued low economic growth have
exacerbated the looming fiscal crisis facing Social Security.
The most recent CBO projections find that Social Security
will run cash deficits of $1.7 trillion over the next 10
years.
(4) Lower-income Americans rely on Social Security for a
larger proportion of their retirement income. Therefore,
reforms should take into consideration the need to protect
lower-income Americans' retirement security.
(5) The Disability Insurance program provides an essential
income safety net for those with disabilities and their
families. According to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO),
between 1970 and 2012, the number of people receiving
disability benefits (both disabled workers and their
dependent family members) has increased by over 300 percent
from 2.7 million to over 10.9 million. This increase is not
due strictly to population growth or decreases in health.
David Autor and Mark Duggan have found that the increase in
individuals on disability does not reflect a decrease in
self-reported health. CBO attributes program growth to
changes in demographics, changes in the composition of the
labor force and compensation, as well as Federal policies.
(6) If this program is not reformed, families who rely on
the lifeline that disability benefits provide will face
benefit cuts of up to 25 percent in 2016, devastating
individuals who need assistance the most.
(7) In the past, Social Security has been reformed on a
bipartisan basis, most notably by the ``Greenspan
Commission'' which helped to address Social Security
shortfalls for over a generation.
(8) Americans deserve action by the President, the House,
and the Senate to preserve
[[Page H3095]]
and strengthen Social Security. It is critical that
bipartisan action be taken to address the looming insolvency
of Social Security. In this spirit, this resolution creates a
bipartisan opportunity to find solutions by requiring
policymakers to ensure that Social Security remains a
critical part of the safety net.
(b) Policy on Social Security.--It is the policy of this
resolution that Congress should work on a bipartisan basis to
make Social Security sustainably solvent. This resolution
assumes reform of a current law trigger, such that:
(1) If in any year the Board of Trustees of the Federal
Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund and the Federal
Disability Insurance Trust Fund annual Trustees Report
determines that the 75-year actuarial balance of the Social
Security Trust Funds is in deficit, and the annual balance of
the Social Security Trust Funds in the 75th year is in
deficit, the Board of Trustees shall, no later than September
30 of the same calendar year, submit to the President
recommendations for statutory reforms necessary to achieve a
positive 75-year actuarial balance and a positive annual
balance in the 75th-year. Recommendations provided to the
President must be agreed upon by both Public Trustees of the
Board of Trustees.
(2) Not later than December 1 of the same calendar year in
which the Board of Trustees submit their recommendations, the
President shall promptly submit implementing legislation to
both Houses of Congress including his recommendations
necessary to achieve a positive 75-year actuarial balance and
a positive annual balance in the 75th year. The Majority
Leader of the Senate and the Majority Leader of the House
shall introduce the President's legislation upon receipt.
(3) Within 60 days of the President submitting legislation,
the committees of jurisdiction to which the legislation has
been referred shall report the bill which shall be considered
by the full House or Senate under expedited procedures.
(4) Legislation submitted by the President shall--
(A) protect those in or near retirement;
(B) preserve the safety net for those who count on Social
Security the most, including those with disabilities and
survivors;
(C) improve fairness for participants;
(D) reduce the burden on, and provide certainty for, future
generations; and
(E) secure the future of the Disability Insurance program
while addressing the needs of those with disabilities today
and improving the determination process.
(c) Policy on Disability Insurance.--It is the policy of
this resolution that Congress and the President should enact
legislation on a bipartisan basis to reform the Disability
Insurance program prior to its insolvency in 2016 and should
not raid the Social Security retirement system without
reforms to the Disability Insurance system.
SEC. 606. POLICY STATEMENT ON HIGHER EDUCATION AND WORKFORCE
DEVELOPMENT OPPORTUNITY.
(a) Findings on Higher Education.--The House finds the
following:
(1) A well-educated workforce is critical to economic, job,
and wage growth.
(2) 19.5 million students are enrolled in American colleges
and universities.
(3) Over the last decade, tuition and fees have been
growing at an unsustainable rate. Between the 2002-2003
Academic Year and the 2012-2013 Academic Year--
(A) published tuition and fees for in-State students at
public four-year colleges and universities increased at an
average rate of 5.2 percent per year beyond the rate of
general inflation;
(B) published tuition and fees for in-State students at
public two-year colleges and universities increased at an
average rate of 3.9 percent per year beyond the rate of
general inflation; and
(C) published tuition and fees for in-State students at
private four-year colleges and universities increased at an
average rate of 2.4 percent per year beyond the rate of
general inflation.
(4) Over that same period, Federal financial aid has
increased 105 percent.
(5) This spending has failed to make college more
affordable.
(6) In his 2012 State of the Union Address, President Obama
noted that, ``We can't just keep subsidizing skyrocketing
tuition; we'll run out of money.''.
(7) American students are chasing ever-increasing tuition
with ever-increasing debt. According to the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York, student debt more than quadrupled between
2003 and 2013, and now stands at nearly $1.1 trillion.
Student debt now has the second largest balance after
mortgage debt.
(8) Students are carrying large debt loads and too many
fail to complete college or end up defaulting on these loans
due to their debt burden and a weak economy and job market.
(9) Based on estimates from the Congressional Budget
Office, the Pell Grant Program will face a fiscal shortfall
beginning in fiscal year 2016 and continuing in each
subsequent year in the current budget window.
(10) Failing to address these problems will jeopardize
access and affordability to higher education for America's
young people.
(b) Policy on Higher Education Affordability.--It is the
policy of this resolution to address the root drivers of
tuition inflation, by--
(1) targeting Federal financial aid to those most in need;
(2) streamlining programs that provide aid to make them
more effective;
(3) maintaining the maximum Pell grant award level at
$5,730 in each year of the budget window; and
(4) removing regulatory barriers in higher education that
act to restrict flexibility and innovative teaching,
particularly as it relates to non-traditional models such as
online coursework and competency-based learning.
(c) Findings on Workforce Development.--The House finds the
following:
(1) Over ten million Americans are currently unemployed.
(2) Despite billions of dollars in spending, those looking
for work are stymied by a broken workforce development system
that fails to connect workers with assistance and employers
with trained personnel.
(4) According to a 2011 Government Accountability Office
(GAO) report, in fiscal year 2009, the Federal Government
spent $18 billion across 9 agencies to administer 47 Federal
job training programs, almost all of which overlapped with
another program in terms of offered services and targeted
population.
(5) Since the release of that GAO report, the Education and
Workforce Committee, which has done extensive work in this
area, has identified more than 50 programs.
(3) Without changes, this flawed system will continue to
fail those looking for work or to improve their skills, and
jeopardize economic growth.
(d) Policy on Workforce Development.--It is the policy of
this resolution to address the failings in the current
workforce development system, by--
(1) streamlining and consolidating Federal job training
programs as advanced by the House-passed Supporting Knowledge
and Investing in Lifelong Skills Act (SKILLS Act); and
(2) empowering states with the flexibility to tailor
funding and programs to the specific needs of their
workforce, including the development of career scholarships.
SEC. 607. POLICY STATEMENT ON DEFICIT REDUCTION THROUGH THE
CANCELLATION OF UNOBLIGATED BALANCES.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) According to the most recent estimate from the Office
of Management and Budget, Federal agencies were expected to
hold $739 billion in unobligated balances at the close of
fiscal year 2014.
(2) These funds represent direct and discretionary spending
made available by Congress that remains available for
expenditure beyond the fiscal year for which they are
provided.
(3) In some cases, agencies are granted funding and it
remains available for obligation indefinitely.
(4) The Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of
1974 requires the Office of Management and Budget to make
funds available to agencies for obligation and prohibits the
Administration from withholding or cancelling unobligated
funds unless approved by an act of Congress.
(5) Greater congressional oversight is required to review
and identify potential savings from unneeded balances of
funds.
(b) Policy on Deficit Reduction Through the Cancellation of
Unobligated Balances.--Congressional committees shall through
their oversight activities identify and achieve savings
through the cancellation or rescission of unobligated
balances that neither abrogate contractual obligations of the
Government nor reduce or disrupt Federal commitments under
programs such as Social Security, veterans' affairs, national
security, and Treasury authority to finance the national
debt.
(c) Deficit Reduction.--Congress, with the assistance of
the Government Accountability Office, the Inspectors General,
and other appropriate agencies should continue to make it a
high priority to review unobligated balances and identify
savings for deficit reduction.
SEC. 608. POLICY STATEMENT ON RESPONSIBLE STEWARDSHIP OF
TAXPAYER DOLLARS.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) The budget for the House of Representatives is $188
million less than it was when Republicans became the majority
in 2011.
(2) The House of Representatives has achieved significant
savings by consolidating operations and renegotiating
contracts.
(b) Policy on Responsible Stewardship of Taxpayer
Dollars.--It is the policy of this resolution that:
(1) The House of Representatives must be a model for the
responsible stewardship of taxpayer resources and therefore
must identify any savings that can be achieved through
greater productivity and efficiency gains in the operation
and maintenance of House services and resources like
printing, conferences, utilities, telecommunications,
furniture, grounds maintenance, postage, and rent. This
should include a review of policies and procedures for
acquisition of goods and services to eliminate any
unnecessary spending. The Committee on House Administration
should review the policies pertaining to the services
provided to Members and committees of the House, and should
identify ways to reduce any subsidies paid for the operation
of the House gym, barber shop, salon, and the House dining
room.
(2) No taxpayer funds may be used to purchase first class
airfare or to lease corporate jets for Members of Congress.
[[Page H3096]]
(3) Retirement benefits for Members of Congress should not
include free, taxpayer-funded health care for life.
SEC. 609. POLICY STATEMENT ON DEFICIT REDUCTION THROUGH THE
REDUCTION OF UNNECESSARY AND WASTEFUL SPENDING.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) The Government Accountability Office (``GAO'') is
required by law to identify examples of waste, duplication,
and overlap in Federal programs, and has so identified dozens
of such examples.
(2) In testimony before the Committee on Oversight and
Government Reform, the Comptroller General has stated that
addressing the identified waste, duplication, and overlap in
Federal programs ``could potentially save tens of billions of
dollars.''
(3) In 2011, 2012, and 2013 the Government Accountability
Office issued reports showing excessive duplication and
redundancy in Federal programs including--
(A) 209 Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics
education programs in 13 different Federal agencies at a cost
of $3 billion annually;
(B) 200 separate Department of Justice crime prevention and
victim services grant programs with an annual cost of $3.9
billion in 2010;
(C) 20 different Federal entities administer 160 housing
programs and other forms of Federal assistance for housing
with a total cost of $170 billion in 2010;
(D) 17 separate Homeland Security preparedness grant
programs that spent $37 billion between fiscal year 2011 and
2012;
(E) 14 grant and loan programs, and 3 tax benefits to
reduce diesel emissions;
(F) 94 different initiatives run by 11 different agencies
to encourage ``green building'' in the private sector; and
(G) 23 agencies implemented approximately 670 renewable
energy initiatives in fiscal year 2010 at a cost of nearly
$15 billion.
(4) The Federal Government spends about $80 billion each
year for approximately 800 information technology
investments. GAO has identified broad acquisition failures,
waste, and unnecessary duplication in the Government's
information technology infrastructure. Experts have estimated
that eliminating these problems could save 25 percent - or
$20 billion - of the Government's annual information
technology budget.
(5) GAO has identified strategic sourcing as a potential
source of spending reductions. In 2011 GAO estimated that
saving 10 percent of the total or all Federal procurement
could generate over $50 billion in savings annually.
(6) Federal agencies reported an estimated $108 billion in
improper payments in fiscal year 2012.
(7) Under clause 2 of Rule XI of the Rules of the House of
Representatives, each standing committee must hold at least
one hearing during each 120 day period following its
establishment on waste, fraud, abuse, or mismanagement in
Government programs.
(8) According to the Congressional Budget Office, by fiscal
year 2015, 32 laws will expire, possibly resulting in $693
billion in unauthorized appropriations. Timely
reauthorizations of these laws would ensure assessments of
program justification and effectiveness.
(9) The findings resulting from congressional oversight of
Federal Government programs should result in programmatic
changes in both authorizing statutes and program funding
levels.
(b) Policy on Deficit Reduction Through the Reduction of
Unnecessary and Wasteful Spending.--Each authorizing
committee annually shall include in its Views and Estimates
letter required under section 301(d) of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 recommendations to the Committee on the
Budget of programs within the jurisdiction of such committee
whose funding should be reduced or eliminated.
SEC. 610. POLICY STATEMENT ON UNAUTHORIZED SPENDING.
It is the policy of this resolution that the committees of
jurisdiction should review all unauthorized programs funded
through annual appropriations to determine if the programs
are operating efficiently and effectively. Committees should
reauthorize those programs that in the committees' judgment
should continue to receive funding.
SEC. 611. POLICY STATEMENT ON FEDERAL REGULATORY POLICY.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) Excessive regulation at the Federal level has hurt job
creation and dampened the economy, slowing our recovery from
the economic recession.
(2) In the first two months of 2014 alone, the
Administration issued 13,166 pages of regulations imposing
more than $13 billion in compliance costs on job creators and
adding more than 16 million hours of compliance paperwork.
(3) The Small Business Administration estimates that the
total cost of regulations is as high as $1.75 trillion per
year. Since 2009, the White House has generated over $494
billion in regulatory activity, with an additional $87.6
billion in regulatory costs currently pending.
(4) The Dodd-Frank financial services legislation (Public
Law 111-203) resulted in more than $17 billion in compliance
costs and saddled job creators with more than 58 million
hours of compliance paperwork.
(5) Implementation of the Affordable Care Act to date has
added 132.9 million annual hours of compliance paperwork,
imposing $24.3 billion of compliance costs on the private
sector and an $8 billion cost burden on the states.
(6) The highest regulatory costs come from rules issued by
the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA); these regulations
are primarily targeted at the coal industry. In September
2013, the EPA proposed a rule regulating greenhouse gas
emissions from new coal-fired power plants. The proposed
standards are unachievable with current commercially
available technology, resulting in a de-facto ban on new
coal-fired power plants. Additional regulations for existing
coal plants are expected in the summer of 2014.
(7) Coal-fired power plants provide roughly forty percent
of the United States electricity at a low cost. Unfairly
targeting the coal industry with costly and unachievable
regulations will increase energy prices, disproportionately
disadvantaging energy-intensive industries like manufacturing
and construction, and will make life more difficult for
millions of low-income and middle class families already
struggling to pay their bills.
(8) Three hundred and thirty coal units are being retired
or converted as a result of EPA regulations. Combined with
the de-facto prohibition on new plants, these retirements and
conversions may further increase the cost of electricity.
(9) A recent study by Purdue University estimates that
electricity prices in Indiana will rise 32 percent by 2023,
due in part to EPA regulations.
(10) The Heritage Foundation recently found that a phase
out of coal would cost 600,000 jobs by the end of 2023,
resulting in an aggregate gross domestic product decrease of
$2.23 trillion over the entire period and reducing the income
of a family of four by $1200 per year. Of these jobs, 330,000
will come from the manufacturing sector, with California,
Texas, Ohio, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Michigan, New York,
Indiana, North Carolina, Wisconsin, and Georgia seeing the
highest job losses.
(b) Policy on Federal Regulation.--It is the policy of this
resolution that Congress should, in consultation with the
public burdened by excessive regulation, enact legislation
that--
(1) seeks to promote economic growth and job creation by
eliminating unnecessary red tape and streamlining and
simplifying Federal regulations;
(2) pursues a cost-effective approach to regulation,
without sacrificing environmental, health, safety benefits or
other benefits, rejecting the premise that economic growth
and environmental protection create an either/or proposition;
(3) ensures that regulations do not disproportionately
disadvantage low-income Americans through a more rigorous
cost-benefit analysis, which also considers who will be most
affected by regulations and whether the harm caused is
outweighed by the potential harm prevented;
(4) ensures that regulations are subject to an open and
transparent process, rely on sound and publicly available
scientific data, and that the data relied upon for any
particular regulation is provided to Congress immediately
upon request;
(5) frees the many commonsense energy and water projects
currently trapped in complicated bureaucratic approval
processes;
(6) maintains the benefits of landmark environmental,
health safety, and other statutes while scaling back this
administration's heavy-handed approach to regulation, which
has added $494 billion in mostly ideological regulatory
activity since 2009, much of which flies in the face of these
statutes' intended purposes; and
(7) seeks to promote a limited government, which will
unshackle our economy and create millions of new jobs,
providing our Nation with a strong and prosperous future and
expanding opportunities for the generations to come.
SEC. 612. POLICY STATEMENT ON TRADE.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following:
(1) Opening foreign markets to American exports is vital to
the United States economy and beneficial to American workers
and consumers. The Commerce Department estimates that every
$1 billion of United States exports supports more than 5,000
jobs here at home.
(2) A modern and competitive international tax system would
facilitate global commerce for United States multinational
companies and would encourage foreign business investment and
job creation in the United States
(3) The United States currently has an antiquated system of
international taxation whereby United States multinationals
operating abroad pay both the foreign-country tax and United
States corporate taxes. They are essentially taxed twice.
This puts them at an obvious competitive disadvantage.
(4) The ability to defer United States taxes on their
foreign operations, which some erroneously refer to as a
``tax loophole,'' cushions this disadvantage to a certain
extent. Eliminating or restricting this provision (and others
like it) would harm United States competitiveness.
(5) This budget resolution advocates fundamental tax reform
that would lower the United States corporate rate, now the
highest in the industrialized world, and switch to a more
competitive system of international taxation. This would make
the United States a much more attractive place to invest and
station business activity and would chip away at the
incentives for United States
[[Page H3097]]
companies to keep their profits overseas (because the United
States corporate rate is so high).
(6) The status quo of the current tax code undermines the
competitiveness of United States businesses and costs the
United States economy investment and jobs.
(7) Global trade and commerce is not a zero-sum game. The
idea that global expansion tends to ``hollow out'' United
States operations is incorrect. Foreign-affiliate activity
tends to complement, not substitute for, key parent
activities in the United States such as employment, worker
compensation, and capital investment. When United States
headquartered multinationals invest and expand operations
abroad it often leads to more jobs and economic growth at
home.
(8) American businesses and workers have shown that, on a
level playing field, they can excel and surpass the
international competition.
(b) Policy on Trade.--It is the policy of this resolution
to pursue international trade, global commerce, and a modern
and competitive United States international tax system in
order to promote job creation in the United States.
SEC. 613. NO BUDGET, NO PAY.
It is the policy of this resolution that Congress should
agree to a concurrent resolution on the budget every year
pursuant to section 301 of the Congressional Budget Act of
1974. If by April 15, a House of Congress has not agreed to a
concurrent resolution on the budget, the payroll
administrator of that House should carry out this policy in
the same manner as the provisions of Public Law 113-3, the No
Budget, No Pay Act of 2013, and place in an escrow account
all compensation otherwise required to be made for Members of
that House of Congress. Withheld compensation should be
released to Members of that House of Congress the earlier of
the day on which that House of Congress agrees to a
concurrent resolution on the budget, pursuant to section 301
of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, or the last day of
that Congress.
The CHAIR. No amendment shall be in order except those printed in
House Report 113-405.
Each amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the
report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the report, shall
be considered as read, and shall be debatable for the time specified in
the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent. The adoption of an amendment in the nature of a substitute
shall constitute the conclusion of consideration of the concurrent
resolution for amendment.
After conclusion of consideration of the concurrent resolution for
amendment, there shall be a final period of general debate which shall
not exceed 10 minutes, equally divided and controlled by the chair and
ranking minority member of the Committee on the Budget.
Amendment No. 1 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Mr. Mulvaney
The CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1 printed in
House Report 113-405.
Mr. MULVANEY. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
The CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:
SEC. 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR
2015.
(a) Declaration.--The Congress determines and declares that
this concurrent resolution establishes the budget for fiscal
year 2015 and sets forth appropriate budgetary levels for
fiscal years 2016 through 2024.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this
concurrent resolution is as follows:
Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year
2015.
TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS
Sec. 101. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 102. Major functional categories.
TITLE II--DIRECT SPENDING
Sec. 201. Direct spending.
TITLE III--POLICY STATEMENT
Sec. 301. Policy statement on Presidential data and
policies.
TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS
SEC. 101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.
The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of
fiscal years 2015 through 2024:
(1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this concurrent resolution:
(A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $2,579,425,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $2,756,952,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $2,960,779,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,131,856,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,281,119,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,465,278,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,663,729,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,860,286,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,069,085,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,283,190,000,000.
(B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal
revenues should be changed are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $84,425,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $107,952,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $152,779,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $175,856,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $158,119,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $171,278,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $190,729,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $207,286,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $231,085,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $249,190,000,000.
(2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement
of this concurrent resolution, the appropriate levels of
total new budget authority are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $3,207,329,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,269,270,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,415,383,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,577,619,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,782,980,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,978,461,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $4,151,262,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,341,912,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,509,701,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,671,785,000,000.
(3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this concurrent resolution, the appropriate levels of total
budget outlays are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $3,143,368,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,291,521,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,409,079,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,527,332,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,752,609,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,923,372,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $4,103,804,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,309,637,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,443,476,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,580,858,000,000.
(4) Deficits (on-budget).--For purposes of the enforcement
of this concurrent resolution, the amounts of the deficits
(on-budget) are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: -$563,943,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: -$534,569,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: -$448,300,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: -$395,476,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: -$471,490,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: -$458,094,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: -$440,075,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: -$449,351,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: -$374,391,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: -$297,668,000,000.
(5) Debt subject to limit.--The appropriate levels of the
public debt are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $18,686,049,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $19,486,596,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $20,239,159,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $20,940,631,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $21,652,866,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $22,361,537,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $23,052,216,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $23,737,820,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $24,380,608,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $24,980,565,000,000.
(6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of
debt held by the public are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $13,591,802,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $14,256,587,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $14,843,459,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $15,370,490,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $15,981,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $16,602,649,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $17,213,324,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $17,849,633,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $18,440,724,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $18,986,039,000,000.
SEC. 102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.
The Congress determines and declares that the appropriate
levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years
2015 through 2024 for each major functional category are:
(1) National Defense (050):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $636,642,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $631,280,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $569,176,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $592,448,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $577,059,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $578,212,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $586,290,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $578,662,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $594,400,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $585,786,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $603,536,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $591,358,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $612,309,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $601,232,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $622,294,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $610,434,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $637,407,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $623,036,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $654,543,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $638,219,000,000.
(2) International Affairs (150):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $38,992,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,086,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $35,823,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,886,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $38,001,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,463,000,000.
[[Page H3098]]
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $40,630,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,938,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $44,175,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,842,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $46,619,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,245,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $47,691,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,372,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $49,552,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,482,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $52,257,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,661,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $53,605,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,735,000,000.
(3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $29,307,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,839,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $29,872,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,098,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $30,517,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,296,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $31,190,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,797,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $31,886,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,268,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $32,590,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,032,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $33,287,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,119,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $34,110,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,829,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $34,963,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,516,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $35,824,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,174,000,000.
(4) Energy (270):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $7,276,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $8,620,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $5,493,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,232,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $4,362,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,540,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $4,039,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,634,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $3,848,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,838,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $4,139,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,149,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $4,689,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,557,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $4,599,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,711,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $2,046,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,134,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $4,218,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,274,000,000.
(5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $37,224,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,349,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $39,041,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,809,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $40,483,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,070,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $40,921,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,775,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $41,844,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,713,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $43,070,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,728,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $43,865,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,241,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $44,866,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,120,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $46,030,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,209,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $46,831,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,031,000,000.
(6) Agriculture (350):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $16,805,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $16,953,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $22,774,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,937,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $26,050,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,883,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $24,721,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,482,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $18,284,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,017,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $18,460,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,045,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $18,265,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,791,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $18,019,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,719,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $18,297,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,775,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $18,363,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,773,000,000.
(7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$5,597,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$30,472,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$2,488,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$31,493,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$5,541,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$32,398,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$5,966,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$34,779,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $649,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$26,473,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $9,876,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$23,010,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $4,504,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$19,255,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $5,518,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$24,415,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $7,237,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$26,709,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $8,411,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$28,684,000,000.
(8) Transportation (400):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $103,036,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $97,825,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $104,006,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $102,309,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $105,507,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $105,642,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $107,134,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $105,375,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $90,760,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $104,156,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $92,607,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $100,883,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $94,486,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $99,026,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $96,516,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $98,836,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $98,600,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $99,558,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $102,274,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $102,224,000,000.
(9) Community and Regional Development (450):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $43,452,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,865,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $11,931,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,755,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $11,975,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,398,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $12,834,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,147,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $13,110,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $14,197,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $13,374,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,958,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $13,767,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $14,394,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $14,079,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,981,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $14,408,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,946,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $14,598,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,897,000,000.
(10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services
(500):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $119,387,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $117,350,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $112,886,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $113,357,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $118,248,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $114,847,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $123,214,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $120,107,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $126,460,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $124,328,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $129,820,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $127,679,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $132,667,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $130,395,000,000.
[[Page H3099]]
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $135,231,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $133,499,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $136,338,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $135,037,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $136,157,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $135,733,000,000.
(11) Health (550):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $522,827,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $512,193,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $547,922,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $549,421,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $571,302,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $578,542,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $596,443,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $597,459,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $626,796,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $627,997,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $668,279,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $657,048,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $690,729,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $689,115,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $727,139,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $724,669,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $765,608,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $763,167,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $804,072,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $802,627,000,000.
(12) Medicare (570):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $532,454,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $532,324,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $574,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $574,888,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $581,535,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $581,436,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $595,126,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $594,983,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $654,304,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $654,127,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $696,643,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $696,478,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $743,885,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $743,717,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $824,172,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $823,992,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $850,147,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $849,958,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $870,141,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $869,945,000,000.
(13) Income Security (600):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $537,399,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $535,963,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $546,350,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $549,292,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $551,622,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $548,598,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $558,261,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $547,955,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $577,957,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $570,240,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $590,235,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $582,713,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $603,845,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $595,615,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $622,482,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $619,967,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $631,837,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $623,391,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $639,900,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $625,245,000,000.
(14) Social Security (650):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $32,246,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,388,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $35,273,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,274,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $38,811,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,811,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $42,391,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,391,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $46,076,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,076,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $49,867,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,867,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $53,720,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $53,720,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $57,794,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $57,794,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $62,181,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,181,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $66,591,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,591,000,000.
(15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $161,189,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $158,524,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $169,322,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $174,653,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $175,705,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $174,046,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $184,423,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $174,971,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $192,648,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $190,186,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $201,063,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $198,298,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $209,647,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $206,741,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $218,987,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $224,679,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $228,415,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $225,132,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $238,094,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $224,121,000,000.
(16) Administration of Justice (750):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $54,036,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $55,843,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $56,559,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $55,934,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $59,250,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $59,223,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $58,535,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $58,192,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $59,776,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $59,331,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $60,986,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,208,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $62,190,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $61,734,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $63,635,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $63,109,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $65,118,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,549,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $69,616,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,171,000,000.
(17) General Government (800):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $26,563,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,706,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $27,247,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,464,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $29,181,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,610,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $31,550,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,139,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $34,077,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,798,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $36,392,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,459,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $38,843,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,679,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $41,472,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,316,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $44,131,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,007,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $46,638,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,944,000,000.
(18) Net Interest (900):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $348,074,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $348,074,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $410,576,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $410,576,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $483,679,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $483,679,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $565,227,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $565,227,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $641,890,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $641,890,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $705,785,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $705,785,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $759,722,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $759,722,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $807,961,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $807,961,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $855,812,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $855,812,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $894,074,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $894,074,000,000.
(19) Allowances (920):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $45,644,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,285,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $60,200,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,315,000,000.
[[Page H3100]]
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $64,251,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $61,795,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $66,398,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,619,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $66,843,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $68,095,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $58,284,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,613,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $68,761,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $68,499,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $41,563,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $55,051,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $49,470,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $52,717,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $60,662,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $60,591,000,000.
(20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$79,627,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$79,627,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$87,634,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$87,634,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$86,614,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$86,614,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$85,742,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$85,742,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$82,803,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$82,803,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,164,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,164,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$85,610,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$85,610,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$88,097,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$88,097,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$90,601,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$90,601,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$92,827,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$92,827,000,000.
TITLE II--DIRECT SPENDING
SEC. 201. DIRECT SPENDING.
(a) Means-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For means-tested direct spending, the average rate of
growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 6.8 percent.
(2) For means-tested direct spending, the estimate average
rate of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-
year period beginning with fiscal year 2015 is 5.4 percent
under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for means-tested direct spending:
(A) Earned Income Tax Credit Reforms:
(i) Expand EITC for workers without qualifying children.
(ii) Conform treatment of State and local government EITC
and child tax credit (CTC) for SSI.
(B) Health-Related:
(i) Align Medicare drug payment policies with Medicaid
policies for low income beneficiaries.
(ii) Increase income-related premium under Medicare Parts B
and D.
(iii) Modify Part B deductible for new enrollees.
(iv) Introduce home health co-payments for new
beneficiaries.
(v) Introduce a Part B premium surcharge for new
beneficiaries who purchase near first-dollar Medigap
coverage.
(vi) Encourage the use of generic drugs by low-income
beneficiaries.
(vii) Limit Medicaid reimbursement of durable medical
equipment based on Medicare rates.
(viii) Rebase future Medicaid Disproportionate Share
Hospital (DSH) allotments.
(ix) Reduce fraud, waste, and abuse in Medicaid.
(x) Strengthen the Medicaid drug rebate program.
(xi) Exclude brand-name and authorized generic drug prices
from Medicaid Federal upper limit (FUL).
(xii) Improve and extend the Money Follows the Person
Rebalancing Demonstration through 2020.
(xiii) Provide home and community-based services to
children eligible for psychiatric residential treatment
facilities.
(xiv) Create demonstration to address over-prescription of
psychotropic medications for children in foster care.
(xv) Permanently extend Express Lane Eligibility (ELE)
option for children.
(xvi) Expand State flexibility to provide benchmark benefit
packages.
(xvii) Extend the Qualified Individuals (QI) program
through CY2015.
(xviii) Extend the Transitional Medical Assistance (TMA)
program through CY2015.
(xix) Prohibit brand and generic drug companies from
delaying the availability of new generic drugs and biologics.
(xx) Modify length of exclusivity to facilitate faster
development of generic biologics.
(xxi) Ensure retroactive Part D coverage of newly-eligible
low-income beneficiaries.
(xxii) Establish integrated appeals process for Medicare-
Medicaid enrollees.
(xxiii) Create pilot to expand PACE eligibility to
individuals between ages 21 and 55.
(xxiv) Accelerate the issuance of State innovation waivers.
(b) Nonmeans-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For nonmeans-tested direct spending, the average rate
of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 5.7 percent.
(2) For nonmeans-test direct spending, the estimated
average rate of growth in the total level of outlays during
the 10-year period beginning with fiscal year 2015 is 5.4
percent under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for nonmeans-tested direct spending:
(A) Opportunity, Growth, and Security Initiative:
(i) Reduce subsidies for crop insurance companies and
farmer premiums.
(ii) Reform the aviation passenger security user fee to
more accurately reflect the costs of aviation security.
(iii) Offset Disability Insurance (DI) benefits for period
of concurrent Unemployment Insurance (UI) receipt.
(iv) Enact Spectrum License User Fee and allow the FCC to
auction predominantly domestic satellite services.
(v) Limit the total accrual of tax-favored retirement
benefits.
(B) Surface Transportation Reauthorization:
(i) Invest in surface transportation reauthorization.
(C) Early Childhood Investments:
(i) Support Preschool for All.
(ii) Extend and expand voluntary home visiting.
(D) Agriculture:
(i) Reauthorize Secure Rural Schools.
(ii) Enact Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS) fee.
(iii) Enact bio based labeling fee.
(iv) Enact Grain Inspection, Packers, and Stockyards
Administration (GIPSA) fee.
(v) Enact Animal Plant and Health Inspection Service
(APHIS) fee Education.
(E) Education:
(i) Recognize Educational Success, Professional Excellence,
and Collaborative Teaching (RESPECT).
(ii) Reform and expand Perkins loan program.
(iii) Provide mandatory appropriation to sustain recent
Pell Grant increases.
(iv) Expand and reform student loan income-based repayment.
(v) Implement College Opportunity and Graduation Bonus
Program.
(vi) Establish State Higher Education Performance Fund.
(F) Energy:
(i) Reauthorize special assessment from domestic nuclear
utilities.
(ii) Establish Energy Security Trust Fund Enact nuclear
waste management program.
(iii) Enact nuclear waste management program.
(G) Health and Human Services:
(i) Reduce Medicare coverage of bad debts.
(ii) Better align graduate medical education payments with
patient care costs.
(iii) Reduce Critical Access Hospital (CAH) payments from
101 percent of reasonable costs to 100 percent of reasonable
costs.
(iv) Prohibit CAH designation for facilities that are less
than miles from the nearest hospital.
(v) Reduce fraud, waste, and abuse in Medicare.
(vi) Accelerate manufacturer discounts for brand drugs to
provide relief to Medicare beneficiaries in the coverage gap.
(vii) Suspend coverage and payment for questionable Part D
prescriptions and incomplete clinical information.
(viii) Establish quality bonus payments for high-performing
Part D plans.
(ix) Adjust payment updates for certain post-acute care
providers.
(x) Equalize payments for certain conditions commonly
treated in inpatient rehabilitation facilities (IRFs) and
skilled nursing facilities (SNFs).
(xi) Encourage appropriate use of inpatient rehabilitation
hospitals by requiring that 75 percent of IRF patients
require intensive rehabilitation services.
(xii) Adjust SNF payments to reduce hospital readmissions.
(xiii) Implement bundled payment for post-acute care.
(xiv) Exclude certain services from the in office ancillary
services exception.
(xv) Modify the documentation requirement for face-to-face
encounters for durable medical equipment, prosthetics,
orthotics, and supplies (DMEPOS) claims.
(xvi) Modify reimbursement of Part B drugs.
(xvii) Modernize payments for clinical laboratory services.
(xviii) Expand sharing Medicare data with qualified
entities.
(xix) Clarify the Medicare Fraction in the Medicare DHS
statue.
(xx) Implement Value-Based Purchasing for SNFs, Home Health
Agencies (HHAs), Ambulatory Surgical Centers (ASCs), and
Hospital Outpatient Departments (HOPDs).
(xxi) Strengthen the Independent Payment Advisory Board
(IPAB) to reduce long-term drivers of Medicare cost growth.
(xxii) Enact survey and certification revisit fees.
(xxiii) Invest in CMS Quality Measurement.
(xxiv) Increase the minimum MA coding intensity adjustment.
(xxv) Align employer group waiver plan payments with
average MA plan bids.
[[Page H3101]]
(xxvi) Allow CMS to reinvest civil monetary penalties
recovered from home health agencies.
(xxvii) Allow CMS to assess a fee on Medicare providers for
payments subject to the Federal Payment Levy Program.
(xxviii) Extend special diabetes program at the National
Institutes of Health and Indian Health Services.
(xxix) Permit HIS/Tribal/Urban Indian Health programs to
pay Medicare like rates for outpatient services funded
through the Purchased and Referred Care program.
(xxx) Extend Health Centers.
(xxxi) Create a competitive, value-based graduate medical
education grant program funded through the Medicare Hospital
Insurance Trust Fund.
(xxxii) Extend the Medicaid primary care payment increase
through CY2015 with modifications to expand provider
eligibility and better target primary care services.
(xxxiii) Invest in the National Health Services Corps.
(xxxiv) Program management implementation funding.
(xxxv) Provide dedicated, mandatory funding for Health Care
Fraud and Abuse Control Program (HCFAC) program integrity.
(xxxvi) Continue funding for the Personal Responsibility
Education Program and Health Profession Opportunity Grants.
(xxxvii) Repurpose Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
(TANF) Contingency Fund to support Pathways to Jobs
initiative.
(xxxviii) Establish hold harmless for Federal poverty
guidelines.
(xxxix) Expand access to quality child care.
(xl) Modernize child support.
(xli) Provide funding for Aging and Disability Resource
Centers.
(xlii) Reauthorize Family Connection Grants.
(xliii) Support demonstration to address over-prescription
of psychothropic medications for children in foster care
(funding in Adminstration for Children and Families).
(H) Homeland Security:
(i) Permanently extend and reallocate the travel promotion
surcharge.
(I) Housing and Urban Development:
(i) Provide funding for Project Rebuild.
(ii) Provide funding for the Affordable Housing Trust Fund.
(J) Interior:
(i) Establish dedicated funding for Land and Water
Conservation Fund (LWCF) programs.
(ii) Provide funding for a National Park Service Centennial
Initiative.
(iii) Extend funding for Payments in Lieu of Taxes (PILT).
(iv) Enact Federal oil and gas management reforms.
(v) Reform hard rock mining on public lands.
(vi) Repeal geothermal payments to counties.
(vii) Terminate Abandoned Mine Lands (AML) payments to
certified States.
(viii) Establish an AML hard rock reclamation fund.
(ix) Increase coal AML fee to pre-2006 levels.
(x) Reauthorize the Federal Land Transaction Facilitation
Act of 2000 (FLTFA).
(xi) Permanently reauthorize the Federal Lands Recreation
Enhancement Act (FLREA).
(xii) Increase duck stamp fees.
(xiii) Extend the Palau Compact of Free Association.
(K) Labor:
(i) Create Back to Work Partnerships for the long term
unemployed.
(ii) Establish a New Career Pathways program for displaced
workers.
(iii) Establish Summer Jobs Plus program for youth.
(iv) Support Bridge Work and other work-based UI program
reforms.
(v) Enhance UI program integrity.
(vi) Extend Emergency Unemployment Compensation.
(vii) Implement cap adjustments for UI program integrity
activities.
(viii) Strengthen UI system solvency.
(ix) Improve Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation (PBGC)
solvency.
(x) Provide the Secretary of the Treasury authority to
access and disclose prisoner data to prevent and identify
improper payments.
(xi) Reform the Federal Employees' Compensation Act (FECA).
(L) Transportation:
(i) Establish a mandatory surcharge for air traffic
services.
(ii) Establish a co-insurance program for aviation war risk
insurance.
(M) Treasury:
(i) Establish a Pay for Success Incentive Fund.
(ii) Reauthorize and reform the Terrorism Risk Insurance
Program.
(iii) Authorize Treasury to locate and recover assets of
the United States and to retain a portion of amounts
collected to pay for the costs of recovery.
(iv) Increase delinquent Federal non-tax debt collections
by authorizing administrative bank garnishment for non-tax
debts.
(v) Increase levy authority for payments to Medicare
providers with delinquent tax debt.
(vi) Allow offset of Federal income tax refunds to collect
delinquent State income taxes for out-of-State residents.
(vii) Reduce costs for States collecting delinquent income
tax obligations.
(viii) Implement tax enforcement program integrity cap
adjustment.
(ix) Provide authority to contact delinquent debtors via
their cellphones.
(x) Reauthorize the State Small Business Credit Initiative.
(N) Veterans Affairs:
(i) Establish Veterans Job Corps.
(ii) Extend round-down of cost of living adjustments
(compensation).
(iii) Extend round-down of cost of living adjustments
(education).
(iv) Provide burial receptacles for certain new casketed
gravesites.
(v) Make permanent the pilot for certain work study
activities.
(vi) Increase cap on vocational rehabilitation contract
counseling.
(vii) Increase annual limitation on new Independent Living
cases.
(viii) Improve housing grant program.
(ix) Extend supplemental service disabled veterans
insurance coverage.
(O) Corps of Engineers:
(i) Reform inland waterways funding.
(P) Environmental Protection Agency:
(i) Enact pre-manufacture notice fee.
(ii) Establish Confidential Business Information management
fee.
(Q) International Assistance Programs:
(i) Mandatory effects of discretionary proposal to
implement 2010 International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreement
(non-scoreable).
(R) Other Defense--Civil Programs:
(i) Increase TRICARE pharmacy copayments.
(ii) Increase annual premiums for TRICARE-For- Life (TFL)
enrollment.
(iii) Increase TRICARE pharmacy copayments.
(iv) Increase annual premiums for TFL enrollment.
(S) Office of Personnel Management:
(i) Streamline FEHBP pharmacy benefit contracting.
(ii) Provide FEHBP benefits to domestic partners.
(iii) Expand FEHBP plan types.
(iv) Adjust FEHBP premiums for wellness.
(T) Social Security Administration:
(i) Provide dedicated, mandatory funding for program
integrity (benefit savings).
(ii) Allow SSA to electronically certify certain RRB
payments.
(iii) Eliminate aggressive Social Security claiming
strategies.
(iv) Establish Workers Compensation Information Reporting.
(v) Extend SSI time limits for qualified refugees.
(vi) Improve collection of pension information from States
and localities.
(vii) Lower electronic wage reporting threshold to 25
employees.
(viii) Move from annual to quarterly wage reporting.
(ix) Reauthorize and expand demonstration authority for DI
and SSI.
(x) Terminate step-child benefits in the same month as
step-parent.
(xi) Use the Death Master File to prevent Federal improper
payments.
(U) Other Independent Agencies:
(i) Dispose of unneeded real property.
(ii) Create infrastructure bank.
(iii) Enact Postal Service financial relief and reform.
(W) Multi-Agency:
(i) Enact immigration reform.
(ii) Auction or assign via fee 1675-1680 megahertz.
(iii) Reconcile OPM/SSA retroactive disability payments.
(iv) Establish a consolidated TRICARE program (mandatory
effects in Coast Guard, Public Health Service, and National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration).
(v) Special Immigrant Visa extension.
(c) In General.--
(1) This section is required by section 3(e) of H. Res. 5
(113th Congress), which requires information related to
Means-Tested and Nonmeans-Tested programs and is required to
be included in a proposed concurrent resolution on the
budget.
(2) The reforms of programs listed herein are derived from
Table S-9 (page 177) included in the Budget Volume of the
President's Budget Submission for Fiscal Year 2015.
(3) All the reforms of both Means-Tested and Nonmeans-
Tested programs are hereby incorporated into this section by
reference as they are detailed in the President's Budget
Submission for Fiscal Year 2015.
TITLE III--POLICY STATEMENT
SEC. 1. POLICY STATEMENT ON PRESIDENTIAL DATA AND POLICIES.
The budgetary assumptions underlying this concurrent
resolution are based on the data and policies contained in
the ``Fiscal Year 2015 Budget of the U.S. Government'',
prepared by the Office of Management and Budget on behalf of
the President and submitted to Congress on March 4 and March
10, 2014, pursuant to section 1105(a) of title 31, United
States Code. This concurrent resolution adopts and
incorporates by reference all data, policy provisions and
information contained therein.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 544, the gentleman from South
Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney) and a Member opposed each will control 10
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. MULVANEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
It is good to be back this year to once again offer the President's
budget
[[Page H3102]]
as an amendment to the Republican budget. That is right; it is the
President's budget that I will be offering again this year.
You may recall, Mr. Chairman, that I did this two years ago in an
effort to try and drive a debate over what I thought was a misguided
document, a document that the President had offered us that I thought
offered bad ideas for the future of this country. I came in and offered
an amendment--as none of my Democratic colleagues saw fit to do so--and
for various reasons failed to get a single vote on that particular
amendment.
My colleagues at that time, Mr. Chairman, took the position that my
amendment really was not the President's budget. In hindsight, there
were things that we could have tightened up, and we did. We tightened
up all the loose ends. There is no question now we specifically
reference the President's budget in this amendment. This is the
President's budget.
Last year, I tried to come and do it again. Last year, I came in with
a blank piece of paper. Last year I came in with a blank piece of paper
because the President had not offered his budget in a timely fashion,
as required by law. Perhaps rightly so, I was ruled out of order, and
we did not have a chance to have a vote on that particular amendment
last year.
The President has solved that problem for us this year. Still a
little late, but at least we have the President's budget now in time to
debate it here on the floor during budget week, and I am looking
forward to doing that. I am looking forward to doing that, Mr.
Chairman, because this budget does a lot of things that I disagree
with. It does a lot of things that folks on the other side may agree
with. But I think it merits a debate. Any time the President of the
United States takes the time and the energy to produce a budget, I
think it at least merits 20 minutes of debate on the floor of the House
of Representatives.
I look forward to doing that today, and I look forward to having my
friends defend a budget that does things such as continuing the
Affordable Care Act, adopting immigration reform, supporting common
core, creating a new infrastructure bank, creating a $1 billion climate
fund, increasing airport fees on passengers, making Pell grants a
mandatory spending program, creating a preschool program for everybody,
increasing duck stamp fees, extending emergency unemployment
compensation, increasing costs for TRICARE on our veterans, and
extending the Federal health benefit programs to same sex partners.
I think it is a valid discussion that we should have every year. I
was very glad to learn, by the way, that I am not the first person to
do this. I was talking to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), who
did this with President Reagan's budget back in the 1980s. I would like
to see it become a regular feature in this House, and look forward to
the debate as we go forward today.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the gentleman's
amendment.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Maryland is recognized for 10 minutes.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, some things never change. As the
gentleman from South Carolina said, he offered this political stunt 2
years ago, and it is no less of a political stunt today than it was 2
years ago.
Mr. Chairman, I am a strong supporter of the President's budget and
of the President's policies. This is not a vote on the President's
budget and his policies.
Do you know what I wish it were? I wish the Speaker of this House
would bring up the President's proposal to shut down those tax
incentives that actually encourage multinational corporations to ship
American jobs overseas and instead use some of those savings to invest
in jobs here at home. I wish the Speaker of this House would let us
vote on that President's policy. I wish the Speaker of this House would
bring up the bipartisan immigration bill. One has already passed the
Senate. We have a version over here in the House. Mr. Chairman, let's
vote on that President's policy. I wish the Speaker of the House would
let us vote on the President's minimum wage proposal, to make sure that
more people would be able to prosper in our economy. We haven't had a
vote on that. Mr. Chairman, I wish that we could have a vote on the
President's proposal to extend emergency unemployment compensation. The
Senate has passed that. Let's have a vote over here.
This is a political stunt, just like it was before and, by the way,
the White House sees it as a political stunt again this year, just as
they were right to call it that the other year.
This is, in fact, the President's budget right here, right here. This
is it, Mr. Chairman.
It is interesting to hear our Republican colleagues who claim to be
in favor of transparency, accountability, saying that this is the
President's budget and then allocating 10 minutes per side. I thought
we didn't even want to take up thousand-plus page bills, we don't even
want to take those up. Yet, now supposedly we are going to debate and
vote on something that is over 2,000 pages, less time on the
President's budget than on any of the other proposals before the House.
Give me a break.
If this was serious, it would be a total abuse of process. In fact,
the Congressional Budget Office hasn't even had a chance, Mr. Chairman,
to evaluate and score the President's budget yet. So you have got the
House Republican budget, and you have got the Democratic party, all
those are written to CBO, but CBO hasn't had a chance to go through
that this quickly. I am surprised to hear the gentleman thinks the
House can go through this in 20 minutes. So let's not play games.
The White House has made clear if you want to support the President's
priorities and the framework of the President's budget going forward,
you should support the Democratic alternative, which I will offer
tomorrow.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MULVANEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Louisiana (Mr. Scalise).
Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my colleague from South
Carolina for bringing this budget forward. In fact, this is President
Obama's budget.
I wouldn't be surprised if President Obama referred to his budget as
a ``political stunt.'' If you look at the history of President Obama's
budget, which he is legally required to file every year, he is in the
sixth year of his Presidency. Do you know that 5 of those 6 years
President Obama failed to meet the legal deadline to file his budget?
During that 5 out of 6-year period, every single year of those 6
years, President Obama made time to fill out his Final Four brackets.
{time} 1530
Now, if his Final Four brackets do about as good as his budget does
for the country--because if you look at the President's budget, which
we're here debating, and I am speaking against, as my colleague from
South Carolina is, the President's budget shows his priorities for the
country, just like we are lying about our priorities for the country to
get our budget back into balance, to get our economy moving again.
What does President Obama do? President Obama raises over $1 trillion
in new taxes, job-crushing taxes, that will pull our economy even
further back than he has already brought it, but you would think, if
you listen to liberal orthodoxy that that $1 trillion is going to get
us to a balanced budget, right?
They always say they need more money and former taxes to balance the
budget. Look what happens, Mr. Chair, the President's budget never,
ever gets to balance, with over $1 trillion in new taxes that he takes
out of this economy, killing jobs across America, never gets to
balance.
Our budgets that we are bringing forward do not raise a dime in new
taxes and, in fact, gets to balance within the 10-year window, which
underscores the difference in our visions for the country. We show
through real policy that actually controlling the spending in
Washington, forcing Washington to live within its means, is what gets
our economy moving again and what gets us to balance.
President Obama proves with his own budget that, with over $1
trillion in new job-crushing taxes he never, ever
[[Page H3103]]
gets to balance; but, again, 5 out of the President's 6 years in
office, only one time has he actually met the legal deadline to file
his budget.
He always met the deadline to make his Final Four picks. I think he's
shown what his priorities are. We are showing ours.
I urge a ``no'' vote on President Obama's budget.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chair, the gentleman referred to the House
Republican budget a couple times. Just to remind my colleagues that the
House Republican budget claims to balance in 10 years. It also claims
to get rid of all the Affordable Care Act, all of ObamaCare, but the
reality is it has over $2 trillion in revenues and savings from the
Affordable Care Act.
Here is what The Heritage Foundation had to say about the budget:
Perhaps the biggest shortcoming of this budget is that it
keeps the tax increases associated with ObamaCare.
So our Republican colleagues keep saying their budget balances in 10
years, then they keep saying they are repealing all of Affordable Care
Act. Both things cannot be true.
Now, what is true about the House Republican budget is the priorities
it reflects, and, once again, it protects and rigs special interests
tax breaks for very powerful groups at the expense of the rest of the
country.
Yes, as I indicated earlier, the President has proposed that we get
rid of some of the tax breaks that actually have a perverse incentive
for companies to ship jobs overseas, to close those tax breaks, use
that revenue to invest in our infrastructure and help power our economy
right here at home.
From a Republican colleague's perspective, oh, no, you can't cut one
special interest tax break, not for hedge fund owners, not for Big Oil
companies. No, no, you can't do that.
But you know what you can do? You can come after the senior
prescription drug benefit by reopening the doughnut hole, costing
seniors another $1,200 a month. You can come after our kid's education.
You can charge college students higher interest to raise about $40
billion, higher interest while they are still in school, before they
get a job.
You can do all that, but, hey, hands off the big special interests.
So I am glad that the previous speaker reminded us exactly what this
Republican budget does
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MULVANEY. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr.
Jordan).
Mr. JORDAN. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition, like I assume everyone
who speaks on this amendment is going to do today. It is amazing the
other party--everyone is opposed to it.
Here is what it does simply: you cut to the chase, it hollows out
national defense, it raises trillions in new taxes over the next 10
years, add about $8 trillion to the national debt--from $17 trillion to
approximately $25 trillion--it does all that, never, ever, ever getting
to balance.
Sometimes, we talk about numbers. Here is why it matters. In the end,
you think about what makes the country special, moms and dads making
sacrifices, so their kids can have a life better than they did, that
they can get to their goals.
With this kind of vision and this kind of budget, this kind of plan
for where we are going to go, it will make it that much tougher for
young people to get the opportunities they need to experience the
American Dream.
That is why it is so important. All those policies that the ranking
member mentioned in his opening statement, they are in this budget.
This is not a political stunt. This is just putting up what the
President says is actually going to make the country better. We know it
is going to make the country worse. We are offering a chance for the
Democrats to stand up and defend this, and they won't.
So I would urge a ``no'' vote on this. It is same old, same old; cut
national defense, raise taxes, add to the debt, never ever balance, and
continue to create this environment that is not conducive to economic
growth.
Again, as I said to the minority whip in an earlier debate, in the
fifth year of Ronald Reagan's Presidency, we were growing at 7\1/2\
percent. Here, we are in the fifth year of the Obama Presidency,
meandering along, bumping along at 2 percent growth rate, that is the
problem.
This budget will continue that same poor economic performance, and
that is why we should vote against it.
I thank the gentleman for bringing it to the floor.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MULVANEY. Mr. Chair, we are finished with our speakers and
reserve the balance and right to close.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Maryland has the right to close.
Mr. MULVANEY. Then I will yield myself the balance of the time.
Mr. Chair, my friend from Maryland made a couple of different points.
He said that he wishes he could vote for the things in the President's
budget. I will say to him again here, I'll say it to you, I will say to
anyone listening the same thing I said to the Rules Committee, the same
thing I have said the last 3 years: I keep waiting for one of my
colleagues across the aisle to do exactly that.
You think I want to be here offering the President's budget? If my
colleagues across the aisle would like the opportunity to vote on the
President's budget and the items that are contained in it, they have
the ability to do so by simply offering this particular amendment.
Failing that, they will have an opportunity to hear today because, if
you look at our amendment, it specifically says that the budgetary
assumptions underlying this current resolution are based on the data
and the policies in the President's budget.
It goes on to say that the concurrent resolution adopts and
incorporates by references all data, policy provisions, and information
contained therein.
Everything that is in the President's budget is in this amendment.
They have plenty of opportunity to vote on this. They can do it
themselves. They can vote for what I have offered here today.
Lastly, I will address the point, and my good friend makes a point
every single year that this is a political stunt. I want to tell a
story as to why it is not this year. It is a real story. It happened to
me. It happened to you. It happened to everybody here who represents
folks back home.
I get a letter, Mr. Chairman, from the Social Security
Administration, telling me that they were closing the field offices in
my district.
By the way, they closed field offices in everybody's district. In the
letter, they said they did that because we had cut their budget by $1
billion for 3 years in a row.
I am no longer on the Budget Committee, but as Mr. Van Hollen knows,
I used to serve on that committee, and I don't remember us cutting the
Social Security Administration by $1 billion each of the last 3 years.
So I wrote them a letter and said: you said you are closing the field
offices in my district because we cut your budget. Would you please
provide me with evidence of that?
What they wrote back is a letter that said: we got $1 billion less
from Congress than the President asked for in his budget.
They got more than they did the year the year before and more than
they did the year before that. The actual money they had to spend went
up, but because they didn't get what the President asked for in his
budget, they closed the offices in our districts that serve our
constituents.
This is a very important document. Clearly, the Social Security
Administration thinks it is an important document. It is at least
important enough for us to vote on in the House of Representatives.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Maryland has 5 minutes remaining.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. Chair, I yield myself the balance of my time.
The gentleman just mentioned Social Security Administration funds for
operations. Let me tell you, if you vote for the House Republican
budget today, you are going to be decimating the funds available for
those kind of ongoing operations because they cut that part of the
budget that allows for the administration of the Social Security
Administration and cut it big time.
So it is interesting to hear my colleague talk about the President's
budget in that regard, but I would suggest he look at the impact from
the House Republican budget.
[[Page H3104]]
Let me just say, Mr. Chair, I indicated earlier that we with like to
vote on the President's policies. We have been waiting a very long time
to vote on comprehensive immigration reform. In fact, we filed a
discharge petition to do it.
We would like to vote on increasing the minimum wage. We filed a
discharge petition to do it. We would like to vote on emergency
unemployment insurance. We filed a discharge petition on that.
The Speaker of the House has refused to allow democracy to work. Now,
we have what is clearly a stunt. As I said, I am a supporter of the
President's budget; I support the President's policy. I think it is a
stunt. The White House recognizes it as a stunt. We will have,
tomorrow, the Democratic alternative that has the support of the White
House.
I still find it incredulous that our colleagues are telling us that
they really are giving 10 minutes per side of debate to what they claim
is before us, which is 2,000 pages, right?
These are our colleagues that went around the country calling for
transparency and accountability. They really want Members to vote on
something that the Congressional Budget Office has not had a chance to
score?
Apparently, they are going to do it next week because they are in the
process of looking through the President's budget. So even if this were
on the level, which it is not, you can't compare apples to apples
without the Congressional Budget Office analysis.
So I am so glad our Republican colleagues were able to speed-read
through this thing in 10 minutes and make judgments. The good news for
them is that is not the President's budget either.
So let's not play games. Let's recognize that, as we debate these
budgets, we are debating the country's priorities. We are debating very
different priorities. Once again, the House Republican budget chooses
to double down on rigging the rules for very powerful special
interests.
If you are a millionaire, you are going to get a one-third cut in
your tax rate under the House Republican budget. You know who is going
to pay for it? Middle-income taxpayers will have to pay more to finance
that tax break for the wealthy--in fact, $2,000 for a family with kids,
on average.
You know who else is going to have to pay for that? Our kids'
education, Early Head Start, Head Start, K-12, college kids.
You know what else is going to pay? Our competitiveness as a country
because we are not going to make the investments that, historically,
have helped power this country forward in the area of transportation
and infrastructure.
Republican budget, you know when the trust fund goes insolvent? This
summer. Nothing in there, nothing in the Republican budget to address
that issue, just swoosh, down the tubes insolvent.
Hopefully, we will have an opportunity to actually vote on the
President's proposal, as I said, to eliminate some of the special
interests tax breaks that encourage companies to move jobs overseas,
close those down, so we can invest in our transportation right here at
home.
So let's not fall for this political stunt. I mean, I have to believe
that if my colleagues seriously wanted a debate a 2,000-page document,
that even they would agree that it merits more than 10 minutes, even
they would agree that we should have the benefit of the Congressional
Budget Office's analysis before we ask this body to take on that
responsibility.
So let's not fall for sham. Let's reject the amendment by Mr.
Mulvaney; and then, tomorrow, let's vote in support of the Democratic
alternative.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman
from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney).
The question was taken; and the Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. MULVANEY. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings on
the amendment offered by the gentleman from South Carolina will be
postponed.
Amendment No. 2 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Ms. Moore.
The CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2 printed in
House Report 113-405.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, as the designee of the gentlewoman from Ohio
(Ms. Fudge), I have an amendment at the desk.
The CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:
SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL
YEAR 2015.
(a) Declaration.--The Congress determines and declares that
this concurrent resolution establishes the budget for fiscal
year 2015 and sets forth appropriate budgetary levels for
fiscal years 2016 through 2024.
(b) Table of Contents.--
Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year
2015.
Sec. 2. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 3. Major functional categories.
Sec. 4. Direct spending.
SEC. 2. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.
The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of
fiscal years 2015 through 2024:
(1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution:
(A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $2,697,300,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $2,852,943,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $2,984,977,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,104,418,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,240,103,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,385,490,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,547,681,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,725,978,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,915,253,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,112,238,000,000.
(B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal
revenues should be changed are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $163,459,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $176,904,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $195,554,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $214,111,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $225,418,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $236,853,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $253,030,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $269,631,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $288,735,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $304,785,000,000.
(2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement
of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new
budget authority are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $3,443,426,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,400,616,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,473,245,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,601,639,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,809,035,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $4,000,203,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $4,166,166,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,397,911,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,555,131,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,711,021,000,000.
(3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget
outlays are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $3,257,765,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,448,528,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,518,207,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,610,258,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,806,896,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,968,446,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $4,139,595,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,372,838,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,516,239,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,657,148,000,000.
(4) Deficits (on-budget).--For purposes of the enforcement
of this resolution, the amounts of the deficits (on-budget)
are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: -$560,465,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: -$595,585,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: -$533,230,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: -$505,840,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: -$566,793,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: -$582,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: -$591,914,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: -$646,860,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: -$600,986,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: -$544,910,000,000.
(5) Debt subject to limit.--Pursuant to section 301(a)(5)
of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the appropriate
levels of the public debt are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $18,429,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $19,181,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $19,926,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $20,661,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $21,438,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $22,222,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $23,007,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $23,827,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $24,633,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $25,419,000,000,000.
(6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of
debt held by the public are as follows:
Fiscal year 2015: $13,338,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $13,973,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $14,554,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $15,109,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $15,744,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $16,421,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $17,137,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $17,944,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $18,732,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $19,505,000,000,000.
SEC. 3. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.
The Congress determines and declares that the appropriate
levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years
2015 through 2024 for each major functional category are:
[[Page H3105]]
(1) National Defense (050):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $529,658,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $567,234,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $569,522,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $570,714,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $577,616,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $570,915,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $586,874,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $573,937,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $595,151,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $586,488,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $604,440,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $595,519,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $613,753,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $604,662,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $624,066,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $619,436,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $639,335,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $627,590,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $656,669,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $637,835,000,000.
(2) International Affairs (150):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $50,508,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,984,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $47,680,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,034,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $48,736,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,276,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $49,838,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,793,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $50,917,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,826,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $52,065,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,328,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $52,734,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,044,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $54,172,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,255,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $55,361,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $51,339,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $56,602,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $52,465,000,000.
(3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $37,883,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,551,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $32,476,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,333,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $32,138,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,622,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $32,836,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,627,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $33,535,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,294,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $34,272,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,693,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $35,014,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,286,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $35,782,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,036,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $36,556,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,797,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $37,360,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,582,000,000.
(4) Energy (270):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $11,560,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $9,834,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $7,636,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,312,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $6,012,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,137,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $5,816,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $4,870,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $5,902,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,285,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $5,994,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,407,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $6,111,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,656,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $6,226,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,841,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $6,445,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,048,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $6,982,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,270,000,000.
(5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $45,712,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,218,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $43,251,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,709,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $41,598,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,697,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $42,276,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,266,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $43,392,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,648,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $44,969,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,622,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $44,848,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,846,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $46,092,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,734,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $47,264,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,919,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $48,610,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,617,000,000.
(6) Agriculture (350):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $18,881,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $17,632,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $23,171,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,772,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $22,822,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,023,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $22,707,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,904,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $21,743,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,344,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $21,887,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,443,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $22,392,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,851,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $22,590,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,080,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $23,081,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,553,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $23,457,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,932,000,000.
(7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $12,072,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $150,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $13,392,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$832,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $11,227,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$4,423,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $11,747,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$5,165,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $11,383,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$10,430,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $13,715,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$8,647,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $13,025,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$4,179,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $14,142,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$4,528,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $14,326,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$5,476,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $14,798,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$6,172,000,000.
(8) Transportation (400):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $224,774,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $162,667,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $156,720,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $167,973,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $111,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $140,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $101,705,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $120,192,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $100,697,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $115,763,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $101,764,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $110,317,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $102,870,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $109,213,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $104,030,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $110,557,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $105,210,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $112,416,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $106,439,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $114,299,000,000.
(9) Community and Regional Development (450):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $49,327,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,739,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $28,387,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,053,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $18,337,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,410,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $14,462,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $23,759,000,000.
[[Page H3106]]
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $14,408,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,822,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $14,275,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,720,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $14,498,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $16,953,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $14,532,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $14,787,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $14,775,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $14,580,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $15,068,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $14,704,000,000.
(10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services
(500):
(A) New budget authority, $216,018,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $162,097,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $158,111,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $167,376,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $125,492,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $143,292,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $118,800,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $129,483,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $115,816,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $125,274,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $117,265,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $120,183,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $118,614,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $119,104,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $120,472,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $119,992,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $122,325,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $121,611,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $124,279,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $123,548,000,000.
(11) Health (550):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $507,449,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $497,501,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $556,738,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $561,299,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $614,352,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $613,019,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $634,932,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $635,653,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $666,537,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $666,783,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $710,614,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $700,055,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $737,724,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $736,844,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $776,912,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $775,495,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $816,381,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $815,137,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $858,300,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $857,258,000,000.
(12) Medicare (570):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $523,538,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $523,428,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $570,723,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $570,644,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $585,270,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $585,194,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $610,478,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $610,392,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $672,921,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $672,827,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $720,722,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $720,624,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $771,048,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $770,949,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $854,586,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $854,479,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $883,245,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $883,135,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $913,236,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $913,119,000,000.
(13) Income Security (600):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $548,028,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $537,560,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $552,594,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $551,208,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $555,223,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $551,226,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $552,717,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $547,180,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $572,561,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $569,575,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $585,693,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $581,811,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $599,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $595,008,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $618,433,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $617,739,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $627,486,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $621,800,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $635,068,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $624,020,000,000.
(14) Social Security (650):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $31,442,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,517,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $34,245,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,283,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $37,133,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,133,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $40,138,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,138,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $43,383,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,383,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $46,747,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,747,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $50,255,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,255,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $53,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $53,941,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $57,800,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $57,800,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $58,441,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $58,441,000,000.
(15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $158,993,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $155,978,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $170,961,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $169,517,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $168,858,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $168,150,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $167,388,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $166,463,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $179,305,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $178,471,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $184,269,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $183,317,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $188,571,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $187,569,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $200,680,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $199,612,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $197,458,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $196,384,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $194,292,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $193,155,000,000.
(16) Administration of Justice (750):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $71,342,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $57,338,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $62,293,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,627,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $61,045,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,242,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $61,594,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,704,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $63,347,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,367,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $65,273,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,951,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $67,423,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,906,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $70,160,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,530,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $72,257,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $71,603,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $77,968,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $77,291,000,000.
(17) General Government (800):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $27,402,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,605,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $27,946,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,804,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $28,521,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,925,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $29,309,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,836,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $30,142,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,612,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $30,952,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,430,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $31,842,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,326,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $32,741,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,227,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $33,585,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,079,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
[[Page H3107]]
(A) New budget authority, $34,498,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,979,000,000.
(18) Net Interest (900):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $367,414,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $367,414,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $426,582,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $426,582,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $506,101,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $506,101,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $595,624,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $595,624,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $670,430,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $670,430,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $733,465,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $733,465,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $786,127,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $786,127,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $837,776,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $837,776,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $889,086,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $889,086,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $934,712,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $934,712,000,000.
(19) Allowances (920):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $4,600,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $4,600,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $1,566,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,873,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $4,696,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,440,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $6,354,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $9,333,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $7,843,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $10,606,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $3,704,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,629,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $5,183,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $8,706,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $8,793,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $11,037,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $14,517,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $16,193,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $21,340,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $22,164,000,000.
(20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$78,532,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$78,532,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,378,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,378,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,632,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,632,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,956,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$90,374,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$90,374,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$91,882,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$91,882,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$95,566,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$95,566,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$98,215,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$98,215,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$101,362,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$101,362,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$107,098,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$107,098,000,000.
(21) Overseas Contingency Operations (970):
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $85,357,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,250,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $25,625,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $6,504,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $2,225,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $902,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $714,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $35,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $27,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $27,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $27,000,000.
SEC. 4. DIRECT SPENDING.
(a) Means-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For means-tested direct spending, the average rate of
growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 6.8 percent.
(2) For means-tested direct spending, the estimated average
rate of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-
year period beginning with fiscal year 2015 is 5.4 percent
under current law.
(3) This concurrent resolution retains the social safety
net that has lifted millions of Americans out of poverty and
protects both the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program
and Medicaid from draconian spending cuts.
(b) Nonmeans-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For nonmeans-tested direct spending, the average rate
of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 5.7 percent.
(2) For nonmeans-test direct spending, the estimated
average rate of growth in the total level of outlays during
the 10-year period beginning with fiscal year 2015 is 5.4
percent under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for nonmeans-tested direct spending:
(A) For Medicare, this budget rejects proposals to end the
Medicare guarantee and shift rising health care costs onto
seniors by replacing Medicare with vouchers or premium
support for the purchase of private insurance. Such proposals
will expose seniors and persons with disabilities on fixed
incomes to unacceptable financial risks, and they will weaken
the traditional Medicare program. Instead, this budget builds
on the success of the Affordable Care Act, which made
significant strides in health-care cost containment and put
into place a framework for continuous innovation. This budget
supports comprehensive reforms to give physicians and other
care providers incentives to provide high-quality,
coordinated, efficient care, in a manner consistent with the
goals of fiscal sustainability. It makes no changes that
reduce benefits available to seniors and individuals with
disabilities in Medicare.
(B) Any savings derived from changes or reforms to Medicare
and Social Security should be used to extend the solvency of
these vital programs and not be used to offset the cost of
cutting taxes.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 544, the gentlewoman from
Wisconsin (Ms. Moore) and a Member opposed each will control 15
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Wisconsin.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I am so proud to be here with my distinguished
colleagues from the Congressional Black Caucus to present our budget
for fiscal year 2015.
{time} 1545
We have spent the last week, 2 weeks analyzing the House Republican
budget, and you have heard here on this floor today the flaws in this
budget: it doesn't reflect the needs of our Nation; it achieves deficit
reduction by imposing more austerity provisions at the expense of our
most vulnerable populations; and it stifles economic growth and our
ability to compete on a global scale.
But instead of just criticizing the majority's budget, the
Congressional Black Caucus once again has done the due diligence to put
together a budget alternative which we believe meets the highest
priorities of all Americans.
First of all, it reduces the deficit responsibly. Secondly, it
constructs a meaningful job creation package, something Americans
desperately need. It invests in our infrastructure and education so we
can grow our economy. It ends the ongoing threat of spending cuts due
to sequestration. It raises revenue through the Tax Code fairly. We
just cannot cut our way to prosperity. And, finally, it extends a
compassionate hand towards those who live in poverty, which is the
signature and the heart of the Congressional Black Caucus budget.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms.
Fudge), the chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus.
Ms. FUDGE. I thank you for yielding.
As chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, I am proud to once again
propose a fiscally sound and morally responsible alternative budget.
The CBC has a long history of introducing an alternative budget that
protects and invests in programs that are vital to our communities. Our
budget emphasizes the CBC's commitment to eradicating poverty in
America by increasing economic opportunities through robust investments
in education and infrastructure, affordable housing, domestic
manufacturing, small businesses, and job training.
Though tough decisions are required to ensure our country's fiscal
future, we do not believe the well-being of the most vulnerable in this
Nation must be sacrificed for us to remain on the path
[[Page H3108]]
to economic recovery. The CBC alternative budget for fiscal year 2015
remains true to the principle of opportunity for all.
The Ryan budget, on the other hand, completely misses the mark. It
disregards the fact that millions of Americans struggle to feed their
families and find jobs. It requires sacrifices of the most vulnerable,
including the youngest and eldest among us.
As reported by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, some 69
percent of the cuts in Chairman Ryan's budget come from programs that
serve people of limited means. These disproportionate cuts, which
account for $3.3 trillion of the budget's $4.8 trillion in nondefense
cuts over the next decade, contrast sharply with the Ryan budget's
rhetoric about helping the poor and promoting opportunity. Need I say
more about that?
To my colleagues in the House, the CBC substitute budget is the best
blueprint. Let's build a stronger, better, and more fiscally
responsible America together. I encourage all of my colleagues to vote
for the Congressional Black Caucus budget.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from California is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 6 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, the budget substitute offered by the Congressional
Black Caucus is a good faith effort to lift a growing portion of our
population out of chronic poverty and despair, a goal all of us share.
It attempts to do so over the next 10 years by raising $2.3 trillion of
taxes on corporations and the wealthy and running up an additional $4.3
trillion of debt to increase overall Federal spending by $6.7 trillion
to fund so-called stimulus spending relative to the Republican budget.
My fear is that it will accomplish exactly the opposite of what it
intends, harming the very people it is trying to help.
Let's start with some fundamentals on tax policy.
First, we need to understand that businesses do not pay business
taxes. There are only three possible ways for business taxes to be
paid: they are paid by consumers as higher prices; they are paid by
employees as lower wages; and they are paid by investors as lower
earnings--your 401(k) or pension plan, for example.
Secondly, we need to understand what a trillion dollars is. Divided
by the number of U.S. households, it comes to about $8,200 for every
family in America.
As much as we like talking about taxing the wealthy, there aren't
enough wealthy people in this country to make more than a dent in these
numbers. Indeed, many of the so-called wealthy are actually small
businesses filing under subchapter S.
Raising taxes by $2.3 trillion ultimately, then, means that families,
on average, will have $18,000 less to spend on their own needs that
they will pay through higher prices in stores, through lower wages at
work, or as lower retirement savings.
In addition, the CBC budget would plunge our Nation $4.3 trillion
further into debt after 10 years relative to the House Republican
budget. That is more than $35,000 per household. That is not a
theoretical number. That amount, plus interest, will have to be paid
back in future taxes just as surely as if it appeared on your credit
card statement. In fact, families will be required to pay this debt
back before they pay their credit card, and the IRS is quite insistent
that they do.
Again, not all of that will be direct taxes. Much of it will be
hidden in higher prices, lower wages, and lower retirement savings for
families. But make no mistake; it must all be paid back, and families
will bear that burden.
Let's look at the massive increase in spending designed to jump-start
the economy. That policy has already failed us, and failed us
miserably, and here is why:
Government cannot inject a single dollar into the economy until it
has first taken that dollar out of the economy. If I take a dollar from
Peter and give it to Paul, it is true Paul is going to have an extra
dollar to spend. He is going to take it into a store. The storekeeper
is going to order more inventory, the manufacturer is going to order
more resources, and that dollar will ripple through the economy.
But we have completely forgotten the other half of that equation.
Peter now has one less dollar to spend in that economy--one less dollar
to ripple through it. So, in the end, we have not stimulated the
economy at all. That is why the trillions of dollars we have already
spent trying to stimulate the economy have not worked.
Indeed, this does great damage to the economy because we are
transferring huge amounts of capital from the productive sector, which
invests its money based on the highest economic return of a dollar, to
the public sector, which invests based on the highest political return
of the dollar. Those are two very different things. Indeed, that is the
difference between FedEx and the post office; it is the difference
between Apple Computer and Solyndra; it is the difference between the
Reagan recovery and the Obama recovery.
So I beg my colleagues to reconsider. We have tried these policies
and they do not work. Under this administration, we have seen record
tax increases, record spending increases, and record debt. The result
is tragic.
The poverty rate for Americans of African heritage has grown from 12
percent in 2008 to 16.1 percent today. Median income for White
households has declined by 3.6 percent during this administration, but
it has dropped by 10.9 percent for African American households. Compare
that to the Reagan years, when median income increased for all
Americans by 4.4 percent but grew by 4.5 percent for African American
households.
No one doubts the sincerity of the Congressional Black Caucus in
bringing this budget substitute to the floor, but there is an old
saying: You can't fix a broken bucket by pouring more water in it; at
some point, you have to fix the bucket.
The House Republican budget does this by reducing the tax and
regulatory burdens that are choking investment in job creation and that
are causing the long, cold winter that our country has endured. If we
want to see morning again in America, we need to restore the policies
that have produced it before.
With that, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the assistant minority leader.
Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlelady for yielding me
this time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to the Republican budget
and in support of the alternative put forth by the Congressional Black
Caucus.
Put simply, the Republican budget is bad for seniors, bad for young
people, and bad for America's economic future. It may be a path to
prosperity for the investor class in our society, but it is a path to
permanent struggle for America's working families.
The Republican budget is a disaster for our senior citizens. It
brings back the doughnut hole for Medicare prescription drugs. We
eliminated the doughnut hole with the Affordable Care Act, but this
Republican budget brings it back.
The Republican budget ends the Medicare guarantee of earned benefits
and replaces it with a risky voucher scheme. American workers deserve
the guarantee of earned benefits. This Republican budget slashes $732
billion from Medicaid. Mr. Chairman, two-thirds of Medicaid's funds
serve seniors and disabled Americans.
The Republican budget is a disaster for our children and young
people. It guts Head Start and cuts school lunches and Pell grants.
This budget repeals the Affordable Care Act provision that allows
young people to stay on their parents' health plans until their 26th
birthday. It allows discrimination against people with preexisting
conditions like diabetes, heart disease, and asthma.
This Republican budget rigs the system so that only the children of
the well-off and well-connected can get ahead, while the children of
the less well-off are consigned to a life of permanent struggle.
This budget rejects the one measure that could immediately unleash
more economic activity and grow our economy: comprehensive immigration
reform.
In contrast, the CBC budget continues our long history of fiscal
soundness and moral responsibility. We
[[Page H3109]]
make tough choices to secure our financial future, but we do not
believe that the most vulnerable in our Nation should be sacrificed on
the altar of political expediency.
The CBC budget focuses on eradicating poverty in America through
robust investments in education, infrastructure, affordable housing,
manufacturing, and small business development. Our budget targets funds
to needy communities.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. MOORE. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. CLYBURN. It contains our 10-20-30 initiative, requiring that at
least 10 percent of Federal funds in certain accounts are directed to
areas that have had a poverty rate of 20 percent or more for the last
30 years.
Mr. Chairman, our budgets should reflect our Nation's values and
establish what kind of future we want for our citizens. It is
fundamentally unfair that 69 percent of the cuts in the Republican
budget come from services to low-income and hardworking Americans.
We can do better. We must do better. The CBC budget is better. We
should support it and reject the Republican budget.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 2\1/2\
minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Sanford), the former
Governor.
Mr. SANFORD. I thank my colleague.
I rise in respectful opposition to the CBC budget for the reasons
that my colleague from California just enumerated.
I have listened to this debate over the last few minutes, and the
Ryan budget has been called a draconian budget, a phony budget, an
extreme budget, a reckless budget, a heat-seeking missile aimed at the
American public budget, but what it has not been recognized as is a
brave budget. And I say that because it gets at what no other budget in
this process gets at, which is entitlement spending. The President's
budget doesn't. The CBC budget doesn't. The Democratic alternative
doesn't. The Progressive budget doesn't. It's only this budget that
really begins to address the elephant in the room.
Is it perfect? No.
Will I vote against some of the appropriations bills that come along
in its wake? I suspect, yes.
{time} 1600
But it has been said that a journey of a thousand miles begins with
that first step. And to the credit of the Ryan--the Republican budget,
it begins that first step at addressing entitlement reform in a way
that has not been the case because, to do nothing would, indeed, be to
launch a heat-seeking missile into the pocketbook, the wallet, the
purse of every American as we wait for the day of reckoning to occur,
which is 2025.
In 2025, there will only be enough money for interest and
entitlements and nothing else. So we can talk about all these other
worthy programs, but without addressing that terminal date of 2025, we
are in real trouble.
I think that there are particular problems with this amendment. As
you look at taxes going up by $2.3 trillion, you look at spending going
up by $6.7 trillion, and you look at an additional $4.3 trillion of
debt, it says we have real problems.
But, again, the operative number is what happens to the value of our
currency, to future inflation, and to the value of our savings if we do
nothing, which is, again, addressed in this Ryan budget with its
address of entitlement spending. To do nothing is indeed extreme, and
it is reckless.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I am very happy now to yield 3 minutes to
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), the leader of the
Congressional Black Caucus' Budget Task Force.
Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlelady for
yielding.
I rise in support of the Congressional Black Caucus budget, which is
a more credible and responsible alternative than the underlying
Republican budget.
Mr. Chairman, the Republican Committee budget starts off by cutting
taxes by $4 trillion and claims this can be revenue neutral.
Simple arithmetic, therefore, requires a $4 trillion tax increase,
and the budget doesn't mention a word about where that money is going
to come from, not a loophole closing or any other tax increase. And
therefore, the budget starts off with a $4 trillion hole in it.
Their budget then expects people to believe that they will make $4
trillion in cuts by repealing the Affordable Care Act provisions for
tax credits and Medicaid changes that have resulted in millions of
people getting insurance for the first time. They are going to lose
that coverage.
Do they think that is going to happen?
Do they think they are going to be able to increase the age for
Medicare recipients and reopen the doughnut hole?
Do they think they are going to be able to make the cuts in the
budget to Medicaid, denying access to health care to millions of low-
income Americans, requiring millions to lose their nursing home
coverage?
We know that that is not credible. Neither is it credible that over
$100 billion in cuts to supplemental food assistance--we know that is
not credible. They tried to cut $40 billion last year, then $20
billion, couldn't do that. They ended up with 8. Now they are going to
say, well, all of a sudden we can do 100.
The budget fails to say where the other cuts are going to come from,
whether it is going to come from education or job training or research
or transportation, or other.
You have unspecified cuts. And to the extent that they are
unspecified, that $4 trillion isn't going to happen. So they have a $4
trillion hole in revenues. They have a $4 trillion hole in spending
cuts, $8 trillion hole in their budget.
You can talk about it being balanced, but until you come up with the
specifics of where that $8 trillion is going to come from, it is just
not a serious budget.
In stark contrast, the Congressional Black Caucus budget puts numbers
on the page. We show our math. We show not only that we can raise $2
trillion in revenues, we show where it can come from by laying out over
$4 trillion in options, specifics, not $4 trillion unspecified, but $4
trillion specified, $2 trillion needed to make the budget.
We eliminate sequestration. We have proposed a $500 billion jobs
package that will end the recession by putting millions back to work,
and approximately $400 billion for an antipoverty initiative that will
restore cuts to the social safety net and enable people to get job
training and education to make them able to work their way out of
poverty.
Mr. Chairman, this is simple, straightforward arithmetic.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I yield the gentleman an additional 20
seconds.
Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Our budget calls for policy changes and
comprehensive immigration reform, a public option for health care, and
others, and it will be scored at $1.8 trillion, real live reduction in
the deficit, compared to the CBO baseline.
Our budget is a credible, job-creating alternative to the
unrealistic, draconian plan offered by our Republican colleagues, which
has an $8 trillion hole in it.
I ask you to support the Congressional Black Caucus budget.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, it has been the honor of a lifetime to
serve on the Budget Committee under the leadership of our distinguished
chairman, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ryan), to whom I yield such
time as he may consume.
Mr. RYAN of Wisconsin. I thank the gentleman. And I also want to
thank the CBC for offering a budget. I think that is what is important
that is happening here, people are coming to the floor of Congress
offering their ideas, offering their solutions.
One of the things that they are so clearly concerned about, that they
have their method of dealing with in the budget is, what do you do
about poverty. This is something that we are also deeply concerned
about.
A year ago we decided to look at our strategies from the Federal
Government's perspective on fighting poverty because, after all, we are
in the 50th year, the 50th anniversary of the so-called War on Poverty.
[[Page H3110]]
We wanted to say, is there a good accounting of all those Federal
poverty programs that we can look at to see if they are working well,
if they need updating, because, after all, they were put in place
largely in the mid- to late part of the 20th century.
No such accounting occurred. So we spent the last year looking
through all these programs, looking at all the audits and the
Government Accountability Office reports and the inspector general
reports and outside academics' opinions of these things. We took it all
together, and we realized that the Federal Government has nearly 100
programs aimed at fighting poverty, spending about $800 billion a year
doing so.
And look at the results. We have the highest poverty rate in a
generation. Deep poverty is the highest, on record. Forty-six million
people are living in poverty.
So we are asking ourselves, does one more program from the Department
of Health and Human Services, is that going to do the trick all of a
sudden?
It is not working. So our concern is that we have moved from a war on
eradicating poverty to simply treating the symptoms of poverty to make
it more tolerable, to manage poverty.
We are measuring our success--and this is how this debate always
goes--based upon how much money we throw at programs, based on inputs,
not based on outcomes.
How many people are we truly getting out of poverty?
As we look at these programs, the best thing we should do is go and
listen to people who are fighting poverty; go listen to people who have
successfully fought poverty.
I got up real early Monday morning in Martindale-Brightwood--it is a
low-income neighborhood in Indianapolis, Indiana--to learn from people
who are successfully fighting poverty, who are really doing amazing
things, seeing potential and great lives realizing their potential.
We can learn a lot by getting out of this town, by finding out what
works, and getting behind them and helping make sure what works
continues.
But if we suffocate this debate with more one-size-fits-all, with
more Washington knows best, with one more program, you know, the 93rd
one is going to be the charm, then we are not going to get at the root
cause of the problem.
The goal here is to get at the root cause of poverty to break the
cycle of poverty, so I think there is a lot we all need to learn about
this.
Hopefully, what we are accomplishing here, in our budget, is letting
people who are closer to the problem have a little more flexibility, a
little more discretion, so that they can customize and tailor solutions
to meet the unique and particular needs of the people in their
communities who are actually striving and fighting poverty.
One more point. When we stack all these programs on top of each
other, we have done something inadvertently in this government, and
that is, we have built barriers toward self-sufficiency. We have made
it harder for a rational person to leave benefits and go into work
because they lose more when they do that.
We have got tax rates, single moms making less than $40,000 a year
with kids that are, like, 80 percent, meaning, you go to work, you lose
more in benefits than you gain going to work. We have got to do
something about that. That should not be a Republican, Democrat thing.
That is just plain old economics.
So I think we need to rethink our approach, and not measure based on
inputs, not measure based on how much money we can throw at programs,
but measure based on what is working, who is doing a good job, how can
we support them, how can we learn and listen from them.
Oh, and why don't we start measuring success based on outcomes?
That is what we are trying to achieve.
We have got a long ways to go, but I hope that that is the kind of
conversation we can get to.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire how much time I have
remaining?
The CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Wisconsin has 4\3/4\ minutes.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I am so happy at this time to yield 2
minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), the chair of the
Democratic whip's Task Force on Poverty and Opportunity, and also a
distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
Ms. LEE of California. First, let me thank Congresswoman Moore for
your very bold leadership on the Budget Committee, and also for leading
us today in this debate.
And too, of course, Congressman Bobby Scott, the chair of our
Congressional Black Caucus. Just want to thank you all for bringing
forth really what is a very pro-American budget.
I rise in strong support of the Congressional Black Caucus budget. I
just have to say, Chairman Ryan and I, we constantly talk about how to
lift people out of poverty. I have to say that his poverty report, and
I just have to respond to what he said because we know that the War on
Poverty and the programs and the safety net, they have worked. They
have saved millions and millions of people from falling into the ranks
of the poor, and have lifted people out of poverty.
If we raised the minimum wage right now, these single moms that you
talk about, who rely on food stamps and Medicaid because they can't get
a decent living wage, yeah, they would be very happy. And I think the
country would be a lot better, if, in fact, we raised the minimum wage,
which, of course, the Congressional Black Caucus budget promotes and
allows for and invests in in terms of job creation and in terms of
ensuring that the safety net is preserved.
Instead of ending subsidies for Big Oil, tax breaks for corporate
jets, tax breaks for companies that site offshore, the Republican
budget cuts at least $125 million from SNAP.
In stark contrast, the CBC budget provides $388 billion to eradicate
poverty in America, restoring cuts to SNAP, extending unemployment
insurance, and targeting resources to those most in need.
Our budget also addresses health disparities and protects and
strengthens Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, restoring the cuts
the Ryan budget would make.
This budget provides $230 billion to revitalize our Nation's
infrastructure and creates a $500 billion jobs program to our
initiatives in our budget to accelerate the Nation's economic recovery,
including $7 billion in a summer jobs program.
A budget is a moral document. It reflects who we are as a country.
The CBC's budget reflects the best of American values.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on this balanced, pro-growth, pro-jobs budget.
Finally, it ends the overseas contingency account. This perpetual
spending on war needs to end. Nation-building at home must begin.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, we are ready to close when the
gentlelady has finished her presentation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I am so pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), a freshman on the Budget
Committee.
{time} 1615
Mr. JEFFRIES. I thank the distinguished gentlelady, my good friend,
from the Badger State for her leadership.
Mr. Chair, 50 years ago, President Lyndon Baines Johnson came to this
very Chamber and declared a war on poverty, and as a result of the
legislative efforts that were brought about in connection with the
Great Society vision, tens of millions of Americans were lifted out of
an impoverished condition and set on the trajectory toward the middle
class.
The CBC is here today because we recognize that there is still a lot
of work that needs to be done, particularly in the aftermath of the
collapse of the economy, the Great Recession, the worst economic
condition since the Great Depression.
That is why the CBC budget invests in the American economy, invests
in job training and education, invests in transportation and
infrastructure, invests in research and development, invests in
affordable housing, invests in creating manufacturing jobs.
The CBC budget would renew unemployment compensation in order to make
sure that the long-term unemployed, who are collateral damage of the
Great Recession, can get back into the mainstream of our economy.
The CBC budget will give Americans a raise to $10.10 an hour by
lifting the
[[Page H3111]]
minimum wage. By the way, that will help grow the economy because we
have a consumer demand problem, and as a result of the increase in
spending resulting from the minimum wage increase, everybody in America
will benefit.
The CBC does this in a fiscally responsible way that will reduce the
deficit, but it does it in a manner that does not balance the budget on
the backs of working families, middle class folks, senior citizens, the
poor, the sick, and the afflicted; and that is not even an exhaustive
list of what the Ryan budget does.
So I am urging all of our colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the CBC
alternative, invest in America, invest in our economy, and invest in
our workers.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I thank all of my colleagues in the
Congressional Black Caucus who have worked hard on this budget.
I was so happy that the chair of the Budget Committee came to the
floor. We, obviously, don't have time to continue this conversation on
poverty, and I think that there is much to talk about since we
shouldn't blame poverty programs or blame the poor; but we need to look
at inequality, the state of our economy, and an unfair Tax Code.
Indeed, 2007 and 1928, 2 years that ushered in the Great Depression
and the Great Recession, chronicled the highest inequality in our
country, and that might, in fact, talk about where our budget
priorities ought to be. I urge my colleagues to vote for the
Congressional Black Caucus budget.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, it is human nature, I think, to resist concluding that
our beliefs have been disproven by experience. The more we invest in
our mistakes, the less willing we often are to recognize and correct
them; but sooner than later, we have to acknowledge from our own
experience that certain policies work and certain policies don't,
whether they are tried by Republicans or Democrats.
My Democratic colleagues are right to praise the Clinton
administration's handling of the economy; but we must ask: What were
those policies?
In 1995, he announced that the era of Big Government is over. Working
in cooperation with the Republican Congress, they reduced Federal
spending by a miraculous 4 percent of GDP. They enacted what amounted
to the biggest capital gains tax cut in American history.
They reformed entitlement spending by abolishing the open-ended
welfare system. They produced four budget surpluses in a row, and the
economy flourished, and it expanded for all Americans.
My colleagues are also right to heap scorn on George W. Bush's
handling of the economy; but we have to ask again: What were those
policies?
Well, he increased Federal spending by 2 percent of GDP. He enacted
the biggest expansion of entitlement spending since the Great Society.
He began the era of stimulus spending. He ran up what, at the time,
were record budget deficits. Don't my colleagues see that they are
advocating the same policies that got us into this mess?
My objection to President Obama is not that he has changed Bush's
policies, but, rather, that he has not changed them. He has taken the
worst of them and doubled down on them. The CBC substitute takes us
further down this path of debt and doubt and despair.
In 1862, Abraham Lincoln sent this message to the Congress--and I
think that they are words meant for us today. He said:
The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy
present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we
must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must
think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and
then we shall save our country.
I invite my friends to think anew and act anew; to disenthrall
ourselves from the policies that have failed; and to return to the
policies of individual liberty, constitutionally limited government,
and personal responsibility that produced the most prosperous, happy,
and free society in the history of civilization. In short, freedom
works, and it is time that we put it and our country back to work.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of the Congressional
Black Caucus's budget alternative to the extreme Republican-led Ryan
budget. Congressional Republicans have offered up a budget that
continues their legislative reign of terror completely undermining our
Nation's future by protecting the wealthiest.
The CBC has put forth a ``real'' budget that finds responsible ways
to reduce our Nation's deficit and recommits the Federal Government to
eradicating poverty. In Los Angeles County, where my district is
located, we have the highest poverty rate among all of the Californian
counties. The CBC budget works to help districts like mine by making a
$500 billion investment over three years into jobs to accelerate our
Nation's economic recovery and put Americans back to work.
Many Californians find it difficult to make ends meet without the
support of Federal safety net programs. Our budget strengthens and
protects the social safety net by restoring cuts to the SNAP program,
extending emergency unemployment insurance and increasing economic
opportunities through targeted investments in education,
infrastructure, affordable housing, domestic manufacturing, small
businesses, and scientific research.
Mr. Chair, it is clear that the Republican Leadership is not serious
about putting our Nation back on the track to prosperity. It is time
for a change. Therefore, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the
aisle to do the right thing and make a true investment into our
Nation's future by voting for the Congressional Black Caucus's budget
alternative.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Chair, on January 8, 1964, President
Johnson came before the nation to deliver his State of the Union
address and declared a war on poverty. It has been 60 years since
President Johnson gave us that charge, but we have yet to achieve a
country free from the burdens of poverty. As President Johnson said all
those years ago, ``It will not be a short or easy struggle, no single
weapon or strategy will suffice, but we shall not rest until that war
is won. The richest nation on earth can afford to win it. We cannot
afford to lose it.''
Well, Mr. Chair, President Johnson was correct. The struggle has been
neither short nor easy, but he was also right when he said we would not
rest until the war on poverty was won. There is no silver bullet, no
single weapon or strategy for confronting something as complex as our
nation's struggle with poverty. That is why I rise today in support of
the budget put forth by the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC). This
budget is neither a single weapon nor a single strategy, but rather a
multi-faceted dynamic approach to responsible governing that will
strengthen our economy and reduce our deficit by approximately $1.8
trillion over the next ten years.
Mr. Chair, a budget can act as a mirror; a mirror that reflects the
priorities, ideals and morality of a nation. When we hold the budget
proposed by Chairman Ryan up to the mirror, we see an image that
distorts the ideals that provide the foundation for this country. We
see an image that prioritizes protecting the wealthy over championing
middle class families, small businesses and the poor. We know what we
need to do to help those Americans who are struggling. We need to
extend emergency unemployment insurance; we need to raise the minimum
wage; we need to support the Affordable Care Act; invest in education;
invest in job training; and we certainly have to invest in our
infrastructure. We need a plan to create jobs. Mr. Chair, the dynamic
budget proposed by the CBC addresses all of these issues and more.
Under Mr. Ryan's Path to Poverty, these critical issues are not
addressed. In fact, they are purposely ignored.
Mr. Chair, our tax code is hurting many Americans. It is a code that
rewards and protects the rich at the expense of middle class families
and the poor. Taken together, the ideas proposed by the CBC would equal
roughly $4.3 trillion in revenue enhancement over the next decade in
ways that are fairer to more Americans. The CBC only directs the
appropriate committees in the House and Senate to find $2.0 trillion in
revenue enhancements.
Those of us who champion the CBC budget provide a number of ways to
reach that $2.0 trillion mark. For instance, we could end special tax
breaks and close tax loopholes available only to the wealthiest
Americans. This alone could get us $1 trillion over the next ten years.
We could also stop the wealthiest among us from using overseas tax
havens to avoid paying their fair share. Along these same lines, let us
rid our tax code of ridiculous loopholes like deductions for yachts and
the loophole for corporate jets. Additionally, we could find $880
billion over the next decade if we taxed capital gains and dividends as
ordinary income. We all have constituents back home who work hard all
week. They put in their 40 hours, often times more, to provide for
their families. At the end of the week they get a check from which
taxes have been withheld at rates for ordinary income. This amount is
[[Page H3112]]
taxed higher than the gains made in from stocks. The Congressional
Research Service (CRS) has said that these rates are ``the single
greatest driver of income inequality over a recent 15 year period was
runaway income from capital gains and dividends.'' It does not seem to
me, Mr. Chair, unreasonable to ask that the Wall Street banker sitting
on a stock portfolio, to pay the same tax rates as a teacher in Florida
or a factory worker in Maine.
Mr. Chair, we have a truly disturbing income inequality situation in
this country. Such inequality is unfair to those who work diligently to
create growth for this country, but who do not get to reap the benefits
there from. This inequality is bad for the social fabric that binds
this country together. While corporations and top level executives make
record profits and payout larger and larger bonuses, middle class
Americans are left further and further behind as they struggle through
this jobless recovery.
Additionally, sequestration did not do any favors for the middle
class or poor. Sequestration was the brutal swing of a cudgel of
despair aimed right at the hopes and dreams of poor and middle class
families. Head Start programs were scaled back, summer sessions were
cut, instructors were cut, and students were put on waitlists rather
than in classrooms. Seniors were placed in danger of facing food
insecurities when Meals on Wheels had to cut down on their deliveries.
Sequestration led to federal funding being cut for education including
science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM). This was done
at the K-12 level and the college level. It will be absolutely
impossible for this country to maintain its advantage in an
increasingly advanced and complex world economy if we do not invest in
STEM education at all levels. These are but a few reasons the CBC
Budget responsibly puts an end to Sequestration.
Mr. Chair, our country cries out for a jobs bill that will accelerate
economic recovery and helps Americans across this nation. The CBC
budget answers these cries by proposing a jobs program totaling $500
billion. This responsible approach to governing will grow our economy
by establishing a National Direct Job Creation Program that puts people
to work repairing our schools, community centers, parks and
playgrounds. This program will add 2.8 million jobs. This responsible
approach to growing our economy also includes a plan to modernize our
schools. Many of the schools around this country were built decades
ago. These schools are approaching the point where we cannot adequately
train our young people for the challenges ahead. In order to meet the
demands and challenges of the future, our students need facilities that
can handle the cutting edge technologies that will undoubtedly form the
basis of any decent job of the future.
Mr. Chair, the CBC's responsible approach to governing calls for an
immediate investment in our country's infrastructure. Not only will an
immediate investment in our infrastructure lead to hundreds of
thousands of jobs dedicated to upgrading this country's crumbling
roads, bridges and railways, but by strengthening our infrastructure,
we help businesses small and large alike grow by giving them access to
the tools they need to ship goods throughout the country.
The CBC's responsible approach to governing also acknowledges the
fact that the housing crisis continues to ripple throughout many of our
neighborhoods. That is why the budget calls for significant funding to
help communities rebuild and helps families facing foreclosures remain
in their homes. Furthermore, the CBC budget, acknowledges the fact that
a person may come into this economy with one set of skills, but through
no fault of their own, find that they need a new set of skills to be
competitive in a rapidly changing economy. The budget makes sure that
these hard working Americans are not left behind by giving them access
to technical training, career services, graduate and certificate
programs and other job training programs.
Mr. Chair, every day, homeless Americans face constant instability
and must cope with difficult and often unhealthy lifestyles. For those
living without permanent housing, everyday life is extremely difficult.
Storing and preparing food is nearly impossible, and much of the
homeless population relies on temporary shelters and soup kitchens to
survive. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) provides
working poor Americans with badly needed nourishment. Cutting funding
for this program will only add to the difficulties so many are facing.
The CBC budget recognizes this reality, and uses the program savings
that will come from raising the minimum wage to help improve and
streamline the benefits and ensure that this critical lifeline remain
available for those who need it most.
The budget proposed here today is a budget that protects the poor,
while providing security for middle class families. It is a budget that
protects the social fabric holding together the greatest experiment in
democracy the world has ever known. It is a budget that responsibly
rewards innovation, while closing gross inequalities in wealth. It is a
budget that helps teachers instill in our young people a thirst for
knowledge. It is a budget that invests in this country's roads and
bridges to help our small businesses. It is a budget that will bring us
further down the road towards ending the War on Poverty, not further
down the Road to Ruin that the Republicans want to take us.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of the
Congressional Progressive Caucus (CPC) Budget because it would replace
H. Con. Res. 96, the ``Budget Resolution for Fiscal Year 2015,'' with a
rational approach for budgetary reform and address the needs of real
people.
I oppose H. Con. Res. 96, in its current form because it is
irresponsible and a reckless approach to fiscal policy that the House
majority has championed for years, with disastrous results.
The CPC's ``Better Off Budget'' would raise enough new revenue to
provide $3.7 trillion for major new investments in education,
infrastructure, state and local aid, nutrition, housing and research.
It is estimated to create 8.8 million new jobs and to reduce the
deficit by $4 trillion.
The CPC budget asks the wealthy to contribute their fair share of
taxes.
Millions of American adults remain under- or unemployed, while
millions more youth are desperately seeking their first work
experience.
We have millions of people living in our Nation, paying taxes and
contributing to the success of this nation, but are denied an
opportunity to earn citizenship.
The CPC's budget reflects the reality of everyday working America--
but it sees working people as worthy of dignity and recognition for
what they do every day to keep this nation strong.
The CPC's Budget is pro-worker, pro-family, pro-women, pro-education,
pro-healthcare, and pro-senior which are the values that are missing in
the current language of H. Con. Res. 96.
Members of the Progressive Caucus understand that the devastating
cuts to federal budgets by House Republicans coupled with Sequestration
have significantly hampered our Nation's economic recovery.
The country was under the control of Republicans when the economy
crashed in 1929 and then they wholeheartedly embraced austerity
measures which pushed the nation into the ``Great Depression.''
Eighty years later the House Republicans still have not learned the
lessons regarding austerity during dire economic times.
The nation continues to struggle after the collapse in 2008 as the
results of the Great Recession continue.
In 2013, on December 28, three days after Christmas, 1.3 million
people nationwide lost their federal unemployment insurance due to
House Republicans refusing to extend unemployment benefits.
Connecting the dots on the economic damage done to the nation by that
decision is easy.
Nationally 72,000 unemployment insurance recipients will lose their
benefits each week during the first half of 2014.
According to the White House Council of Economic Advisers and the
Department of Labor-3.6 million additional people will lose their
unemployment insurance benefits by the end of 2014 if nothing is done
to restore benefits.
TEXAS
64,294 unemployed Texas residents lost their unemployment insurance
benefits.
Each week an additional 4,112 Texans will lose their unemployment
insurance benefits.
Unemployment insurance payments provide partial income replacement to
unemployed workers who meet the requirements of state law.
According to the White House Council of Economic Advisers and the
Department of Labor, Texas will lose 11,766 jobs if unemployment
insurance payments are not reinstated.
To compound this economic reality the nation's families and workers
are struggling to make it in a weak private sector economy that is
recovering, while federal, state and local government jobs are going
unfilled.
Public sector hiring is at its lowest point in 47 years, when the
nation's population was over 146 million. In 2013, the U.S. population
was over 317 million.
The need for public services is greater than they were in 1947, and
the generation of public jobs should keep pace with domestic population
growth.
The government shutdown last year was a direct result of the majority
not believing that public employees make contributions to the quality
of life in the United States or make a significant contribution to the
nation's overall economic wellbeing.
The Better Off Budget rectifies this inaccurate view of the role of
government at all levels, by ending the ill advised austerity measures
enacted by the Budget Control Act,
[[Page H3113]]
sequestration, and SNAP benefit cuts, and replacing them with solutions
to create 8.8 million jobs by 2017.
The CPC budget would enact comprehensive immigration reform and at
the same time reduce the federal budget deficit by $700 billion over
the next 20 years.
The CPC budget would also enact a tax code that makes sense for all
Americans by introducing tax fairness and implementing a ``Hard Work
Tax Credit,'' expanding EITC, and stronger regulatory measures to
reduce the incidence of extreme volatility in financial markets with
the introduction of a Financial Speculation Tax.
The CPC's Better Off Budget outlines a viable alternative to H. Con.
Res. 96 with a perspective on the future that allows for an improving
economy to be factored into how spending and appropriations decisions
should be made.
America's economy at this point could be said to be in the early
recovery phase of a very bad case of the flu, the Ryan Budget would
turn it into the early stages of pneumonia.
The CPC budget makes a clear and unambiguous commitment to our
nation's children and their future that H. Con. Res 96 does not.
The CPC budget understands that children are our nation's greatest
asset. Children are not small adults, they are growing and their bodies
must have certain things that are nonnegotiable.
Children need safe, correctly prepared, nutritious food; clean
drinking water, adequate shelter, seasonal clothing, safe toys,
excellent education, healthcare, and safe environments to grow and
learn so that they have a good chance of reaching their full potential.
In addition, children with disabilities must also have competent
caregivers who are knowledgeable on how to best help them successfully
engage the world during their day to day lives in preparation of them
living independently.
Children with chronic conditions like asthma, sickle cell anemia,
autism, respiratory disorders, cognitive disorders, brain injuries,
physical disabilities, muscular dystrophy or other serious medical
conditions should not be robbed of a childhood or their independence as
adults.
All children can benefit from efforts that are aimed at keeping them
safe from preventable injury, illness, and death.
Parents and families fill an indispensible role in the lives of
children, and the CPC budget recognizes that there is a strong public
interest in ensuring that children have the opportunity to achieve
their full potential.
It is in the public interest that children are free of disease,
illness, injury, violence, consume sufficient amounts of foods with
high nutritional value that support health growth, arrive to the
learning environment ready to learn. Parents, teachers, communities and
students should be empowered to decide for themselves how best to build
strong collaborative relationships to reach these basic goals in
support of their children.
The interconnectedness of economies makes the welfare of children in
the United States critical to the future of our nation. If we are to
remain globally relevant we must understand that our nation's ability
to remain first in the areas of innovation, commerce, science,
engineering, and global relevance is tied to how well the next
generation is physically, mentally and emotionally prepared to lead,
support, or engage their futures.
We are at a point where children receive less than 8 percent of the
federal budget. Since the peak in 2010, totaling $35 billion in
spending on children there has been a 16 percent drop. Total spending
on children has declined for three years in a row according to First
Focus, a bipartisan children's advocacy organization dedicated to
improving the lives of children and families.
The CPC Budget plan will protect and strengthen programs that support
children and their families as well as address the needs of our
recovering economy, reduce the deficit in a responsible way, while
continuing to invest in the things that make our country strong like
education, health care, innovation, and clean energy.
Mr. Chair, this Republican budget is bad for America but the CPC's
budget is the cure.
1. If the Republican budget resolution were to become the basis of
federal fiscal policy, 3,435,336 Texas seniors would be forced out of
traditional Medicare and into a voucher program. Under the Republican
plan to end Medicare as we know it, Texas seniors will receive a
voucher instead of guaranteed benefits under traditional Medicare.
2. For the 3,435,336 Texans aged 45-54, the value of their vouchers
would be capped at growth levels that are lower than the projected
increases in health care costs. Previous analyses showed that this type
of plan would cut future spending by $5,900 per senior, forcing them to
spend more out of pocket and diminishing their access to quality care.
3. Additionally, private insurance plans will aggressively pursue the
healthiest, least expensive enrollees, thereby allowing Medicare--
currently the lifeline for 3,187,332 Texas seniors--to ``wither on the
vine.''
4. If the Republican budget resolution were to be adopted by
Congress, 206,304 Texas seniors would pay more for prescription drugs
next year.
5. The Republican plan would re-open the ``donut hole,'' forcing
seniors to pay the full cost of their prescription drugs if their
yearly drug expenses are more than $2,970 for the year.
6. Seniors reaching the prescription drug ``donut hole'' would pay an
average of $828 more in prescription drug costs in 2014 and
approximately $13,000 more from now through 2022.
7. Under the Republican budget, the 2,445,462 Texas seniors who
utilized free preventive services currently covered by Medicare in 2012
will face increased costs in the form of higher deductibles, co-
insurance, and copayments for certain services, including even cancer
screenings and annual wellness visits.
8. The Republican budget slashes $31.71 billion in nursing home care
and other health care services for 754,500 Texas seniors and disabled
who currently rely on Medicaid for their long-term care needs.
9. The draconian cuts included in the Republican budget would have a
devastating impact on the 1,191 certified nursing homes in Texas that
serve 91,717 seniors, with more than half relying on Medicaid as their
primary payer. As a result, nursing homes would be forced to slash
services, turn away seniors, or close their doors.
Mr. Chair, the Better Off Budget enhances programs that close the
growing wealth gap, including ensuring equal access to job
opportunities, properly funding public education and enhancing programs
that allow American families to get through tough times. Women and
communities of color have been disproportionately impacted by recent
budget cuts, particularly at the state and local levels.
The CPC budget increases the Education, Training and Social Services
budget function by $243 billion and the Income Security budget function
by $323 billion over 10 years.
Specifically, the Alternative Budgets proposed by the CPC: help
create more jobs now; replace the sequester; make key education
investments; invest in research and development and clean energy;
invest in long-term infrastructure; preserve Medicare as we know it;
protect health reform's benefits for seniors; protect Medicaid for
seniors in nursing homes; preserve Supplemental Nutrition Assistance
(SNAP); reduce the deficit through a smart, targeted, and steady
approach provides tax relief for working families and ends tax breaks
for the wealthy; take a balanced approach to reducing the long-term
deficits and debt; and put the budget on a sustainable path.
It is said often, Mr. Chair, but is no less true, that the federal
budget is more than a financial document; it is an expression of the
nation's most cherished values. As the late and great former senator
and Vice-President Hubert Humphrey said:
``The moral test of government is how that government treats those
who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the
twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in shadows of life,
the sick, the needy, and the handicapped.''
For that reason that in evaluating the merits of a budget resolution,
it is not enough to subject it only to the test of fiscal
responsibility. To keep faith with the nation's past, to be fair to the
nation's present, and to safeguard the nation's future, the budget must
also pass a ``moral test.''
The Republican budget resolution fails both of these standards. The
Democratic alternatives do not. For these compelling reasons, I stand
in strong opposition to H. Con. Res. 96 and urge my colleagues to join
me in voting against this ill-conceived and unwise measure.
The CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Moore).
The question was taken; and the Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings on
the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Wisconsin will be
postponed.
Amendment No. 3 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Mr. Grijalva
The CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3 printed in
House Report 113-405.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, I rise as the designee of the gentleman
from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison) to offer amendment No. 3, the
Congressional Progressive Caucus' Better Off Budget substitute.
[[Page H3114]]
The CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:
SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL
YEAR 2015.
(a) Declaration.--Congress declares that this resolution is
the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2015
and that this resolution sets forth the appropriate budgetary
levels for fiscal year 2014 and for fiscal years 2016 through
2024.
(b) Table of Contents.--
Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2015.
TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS
Sec. 101. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 102. Major functional categories.
TITLE II--ESTIMATES OF DIRECT SPENDING
Sec. 201. Direct spending.
TITLE III--MISCELLANEOUS BUDGET ENFORCEMENT
Sec. 301. Point of order against advance appropriations.
TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS
SEC. 101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.
The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of
fiscal years 2014 through 2024:
(1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution:
(A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2014: $2,267,180,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: $2,831,675,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,212,240,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,374,939,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,506,794,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,641,750,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,802,349,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,981,657,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,177,945,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,381,636,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,601,863,000,000
(B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal
revenues should be changed are as follows:
Fiscal year 2014: -$18,146,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: $297,834,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $536,201,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $585,516,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $616,487,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $627,065,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $653,712,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $687,006,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $721,598,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $755,118,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $794,410,000,000.
(2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement
of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new
budget authority are as follows:
Fiscal year 2014: $3,247,639,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: $3,519,727,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,641,609,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,702,936,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,807,478,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,993,030,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $4,179,140,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $4,345,383,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,582,988,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,737,205,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,885,880,000,000.
(3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget
outlays are as follows:
Fiscal year 2014: $3,208,699,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: $3,501,527,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $3,620,608,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $3,679,942,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $3,783,105,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,959,198,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $4,128,470,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $4,307,080,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $4,545,882,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $4,687,974,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $4,823,437,000,000.
(4) Deficits (on-budget).--For purposes of the enforcement
of this resolution, the amounts of the deficits (on-budget)
are as follows:
Fiscal year 2014: -$941,519,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: -$669,852,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: -$408,368,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: -$305,003,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: -$276,311,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: -$317,448,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: -$326,121,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: -$325,423,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: -$367,937,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: -306,338,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: -$221,574,000,000.
(5) Debt subject to limit.--Pursuant to section 301(a)(5)
of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the appropriate
levels of the public debt are as follows:
Fiscal year 2014: $18,065,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: $18,906,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $19,464,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $19,967,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $20,459,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $20,980,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $21,501,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $22,019,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $22,553,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $23,061,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $23,520,000,000,000.
(6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of
debt held by the public are as follows:
Fiscal year 2014: $13,106,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015: $13,815,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016: $14,256,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017: $14,594,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018: $14,908,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $15,287,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $15,701,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $16,148,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $16,671,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $17,159,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $17,607,000,000,000.
SEC. 102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.
The Congress determines and declares that the appropriate
levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years
2014 through 2024 for each major functional category are:
(1) National Defense (050):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $613,587,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $611,778,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $529,658,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $567,234,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $531,585,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $547,345,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $544,671,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $541,996,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $557,935,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $545,358,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $571,220,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $560,986,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $585,516,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $573,804,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $599,838,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $587,870,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $615,493,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $607,783,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $631,503,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $618,343,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $647,988,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $628,997,000,000.
(2) International Affairs (150):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $60,107,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,493,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $60,508,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $54,815,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $66,680,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $60,110,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $65,236,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,027,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $63,838,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $61,630,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $64,917,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $61,946,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $66,065,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,410,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $66,734,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $62,985,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $68,857,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,511,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $70,747,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,177,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $72,711,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $67,968,000,000.
(3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $33,098,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,940,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $37,383,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,702,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $40,476,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,056,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $39,888,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,209,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $39,336,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,286,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $40,035,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,606,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $40,772,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $41,514,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,767,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $42,624,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $41,674,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $43,749,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,726,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $44,914,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,844,000,000.
(4) Energy (270):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $16,109,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $13,037,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $22,548,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,159,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $26,624,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,660,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $22,500,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,988,000,000.
[[Page H3115]]
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $19,807,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,731,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $19,893,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,438,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $19,994,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,484,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $20,111,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,597,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $20,911,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,097,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $21,831,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,886,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $23,091,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,773,000,000.
(5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $39,106,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,209,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $45,088,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,190,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $48,317,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,928,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $48,577,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,147,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $49,247,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,695,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $50,492,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,342,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $52,108,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $51,635,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $52,553,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $52,274,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $54,222,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $53,583,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $55,858,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $55,217,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $57,664,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $56,347,000,000.
(6) Agriculture (350):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $21,350,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,773,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $19,017,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,270,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $21,950,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,496,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $20,389,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,718,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $20,113,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,415,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $20,261,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,583,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $20,529,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,981,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $20,899,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,364,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $21,166,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,648,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $21,544,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,025,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $21,932,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,418,000,000.
(7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority,- $78,271,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$90,740,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $19,572,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,323,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $23,392,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,166,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $19,977,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $4,125,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $19,247,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,793,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $18,883,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$2,792,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $21,215,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$1,117,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $20,525,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,281,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $21,984,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,089,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $22,519,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,432,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $23,352,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,069,000,000.
(8) Transportation (400):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $160,476,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $167,686,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $201,774,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $208,281,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $172,720,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $179,129,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $173,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $179,443,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $164,705,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $169,945,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $160,697,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $166,142,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $151,764,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $157,221,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $154,327,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $160,238,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $156,968,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $163,623,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $159,648,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $167,073,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $162,424,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $170,501,000,000.
(9) Community and Regional Development (450):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $20,813,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,424,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $25,850,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,910,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $29,178,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,400,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $28,026,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,876,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $27,005,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,952,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $27,079,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,189,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $27,062,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,496,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $27,287,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,342,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $27,955,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,319,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $28,692,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,781,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $29,495,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,623,000,000.
(10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services
(500):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $261,153,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $258,064,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $230,723,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $230,478,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $160,800,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $159,280,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $135,667,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $132,191,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $131,300,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $131,549,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $127,945,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $127,648,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $129,527,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $129,101,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $130,966,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $130,596,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $133,923,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $132,653,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $136,966,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $135,505,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $140,110,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $138,546,000,000.
(11) Health (550):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $424,420,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $419,542,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $513,727,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $504,096,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $579,270,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $578,234,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $632,324,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $630,006,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $653,338,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $654,868,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $688,193,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $688,436,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $734,634,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $724,190,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $765,783,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $764,877,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $807,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $806,128,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $850,655,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $848,896,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $897,725,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $896,110,000,000.
(12) Medicare (570):
Fiscal year 2014:
[[Page H3116]]
(A) New budget authority, $525,635,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $525,132,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $537,777,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $537,667,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $578,698,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $578,619,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $584,606,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $584,530,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $607,547,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $607,461,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $668,007,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $667,913,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $713,427,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $713,329,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $761,672,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $761,573,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $844,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $844,593,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $870,769,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $870,659,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $894,893,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $894,776,000,000.
(13) Income Security (600):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $609,097,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $601,095,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $679,289,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $667,543,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $698,462,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $691,417,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $650,569,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $645,904,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $636,789,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $630,050,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $643,578,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $639,657,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $660,956,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $656,666,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $679,518,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $674,485,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $704,717,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $703,166,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $721,635,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $714,933,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $737,608,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $725,532,000,000.
(14) Social Security (650):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $28,711,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,821,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $31,442,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,517,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $34,245,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,283,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $37,133,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,133,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $40,138,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,138,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $43,383,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,383,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $46,747,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,747,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $50,255,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $50,255,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $53,941,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $53,941,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $57,800,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $57,800,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $58,441,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $58,441,000,000.
(15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $155,374,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $150,436,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $167,617,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $163,117,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $184,961,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $180,688,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $181,358,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $180,318,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $177,388,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $177,547,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $189,305,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $188,757,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $194,269,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $193,441,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $198,571,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $197,596,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $211,365,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $209,954,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $208,844,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $207,308,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $206,401,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $204,744,000,000.
(16) Administration of Justice (750):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $56,658,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $57,538,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $74,842,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $60,500,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $69,293,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $67,982,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $67,795,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $72,488,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $68,094,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $73,113,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $69,843,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $70,709,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $71,773,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $71,377,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $73,923,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $73,343,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $77,002,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $76,168,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $79,450,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $78,532,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $85,522,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $84,553,000,000.
(17) General Government (800):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $24,250,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,405,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $25,042,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,955,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $25,605,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,162,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $26,202,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,925,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $27,013,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,736,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $27,870,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,426,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $28,705,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,228,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $29,620,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,150,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $30,545,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,078,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $31,416,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,002,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $32,356,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,886,000,000.
(18) Net Interest (900):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $337,021,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $337,021,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $372,402,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $372,402,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $431,031,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $431,031,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $506,850,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $506,850,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $587,294,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $587,294,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $651,403,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $651,403,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $704,759,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $704,759,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $745,853,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $745,853,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $785,189,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $785,189,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $822,741,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $822,741,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $854,052,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $854,052,000,000.
(19) Allowances (920):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, $11,300,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,400,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, $4,000,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $4,900,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, $1,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, $1,100,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,700,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $1,300,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,500,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $400,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $800,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $1,200,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,400,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $1,000,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $1,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,900,000,000.
[[Page H3117]]
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $2,200,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,300,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $2,299,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,355,000,000.
(20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
Fiscal year 2014:
(A) New budget authority, -$72,355,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$72,355,000,000.
Fiscal year 2015:
(A) New budget authority, -$78,532,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$78,532,000,000.
Fiscal year 2016:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,378,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,378,000,000.
Fiscal year 2017:
(A) New budget authority, -$83,632,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,632,000,000.
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -83,956,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$83,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -90,374,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$90,374,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$91,882,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$91,882,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$95,566,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -95,566,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$98,215,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$98,215,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$101,362,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$101,362,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$107,098,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$107,098,000,000.
TITLE II--ESTIMATES OF DIRECT SPENDING
SEC. 201. DIRECT SPENDING.
(a) Means-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For means-tested direct spending, the average rate of
growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 6.8 percent.
(2) For means-tested direct spending, the estimated average
rate of growth in the total level of outlays during the 11-
year period beginning with fiscal year 2014 is 5.8 percent
under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for means-tested direct spending:
(A) The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act expanded a
number of tax credits targeted at working families to boost
relief during hard economic times. The Better Off Budget
retains the improvements made to the Earned Income Tax Credit
(qualifying children and phase-out range), Child and
Dependent Care Credit, and the American Opportunity Tax
Credit. These credits fuel demand for American businesses by
putting money in the hands of families. The Better Off Budget
also adopts the EITC improvements proposed in President
Obama's Fiscal Year 2015 Budget Request, which would double
the maximum credit and increase the income level at which the
credit is fully phased out. The proposal would also make the
credit available to young adult workers and raise the upper
age to 67, which harmonizes it with recent increases in the
Social Security full retirement age. With this reform, the
Better Off Budget would help reduce poverty for childless
households and provide substantial relief to approximately
13.5 million low-income workers.
(B) As a part of its response to the recent financial
crisis, Congress wisely enacted tax provisions in the
American Recovery and Reinvestment Act and subsequent job
creation legislative packages that provided direct assistance
to working individuals. The expiration of both the Making
Work Pay tax credit and the temporary cut to the payroll tax
have slowed our country's economic recovery and taken money
out of the pockets of hard-working Americans. The Better Off
Budget implements a new Hard Work Tax Credit to reward
Americans for their hard work. This policy would provide a
refundable tax credit for 2014 and 2015 for up to $600 for
working individuals earning less than $95,000 and up to
$1,200 for households earning less than $190,000. The credit
would be continued in 2016 with the maximum amount of $300
for individuals and $600 for households. Through the
enactment of the Hard Work Tax Credit, the Better Off Budget
would immediately increase the disposable income of low and
middle income families.
(C) The unemployment rate is still far higher than it was
when President George W. Bush signed the emergency benefits
program into law. Cutting unemployment benefits has damaged
our economic recovery. The Better Off Budget extends
Emergency Unemployment Compensation to allows those who have
lost a job through no fault of their own to claim up to 99
weeks of unemployment benefits in high-unemployment states
for up to two years. According to the Economic Policy
Institute, this would boost real GDP growth by 0.4 percentage
points and increase employment by 539,000 jobs in 2014.
(D) The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act temporarily
increased benefit levels for beneficiaries of the
Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. The Better Off
Budget would reverse recent SNAP cuts adopted in the
Agricultural Act of 2014 and return benefits to ARRA levels.
These reforms will help combat hunger and boost economic
growth.
(b) Nonmeans-tested Direct Spending.--
(1) For non means-tested direct spending, the average rate
of growth in the total level of outlays during the 10-year
period preceding fiscal year 2015 is 5.7 percent.
(2) For non means-tested direct spending, the estimated
average rate of growth in the total level of outlays during
the 11-year period beginning with fiscal year 2014 is 5.0
percent under current law.
(3) The following reforms are proposed in this concurrent
resolution for non means-tested direct spending:
(A) Medicare is a cornerstone of the American health care
system for more than 45 million American seniors. It is an
exemplary program that provides the most efficient care to a
segment of the population that costs more to treat. The
Better Off Budget protects beneficiaries and makes the system
even more efficient. It amends Part D of Medicare to allow
the Secretary of Health and Human Services to negotiate
prescription drug prices with pharmaceutical manufacturers,
as the Department of Veterans Affairs currently does, which
will save Medicare $157 billion over 10 years and will reduce
costs for seniors. The budget adopts policies to prohibit
``pay for delay'' agreements that reduce competition and
modifies periods of exclusivity to increase availability of
needed therapies. The budget also accelerates the use of
bundling payments as an alternative to fee-for-service
payments. It builds on Affordable Care Act efficiencies in
administration of information and payments. Using
standardized electronic systems of administration information
such as claims, billing payments and eligibility creates a
more efficient and less fragmented health care system.
(B) The Better Off Budget recognizes that the economic
security of veterans, retirees, and the disabled has eroded
during the recent economic recession. The Better Off Budget
would reverse this trend by expanding benefits for these
Americans by adopting the Experimental Price Index for the
Elderly (CPI-E) to calculate cost-of-living adjustments for
federal retirement programs other than Social Security.
Affected programs include civil service retirement, military
retirement, Supplemental Security Income, veteran's pensions
and compensations. CPI-E is the most sensible and accurate
measure of the real costs that seniors face in retirement.
Other measures do not adequately take into account rising
expenditures in retirement, such as health care costs, and
amount to cutting benefits for those on fixed incomes.
TITLE III--MISCELLANEOUS BUDGET ENFORCEMENT
SEC. 301. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS.
(a) In General.--In the House, except as provided in
subsection (b), any bill, joint resolution, amendment, or
conference report making a general appropriation or
continuing appropriation may not provide for advance
appropriations.
(b) Exceptions.--Advance appropriations may be provided for
all programs administered by the Department of Veterans
Affairs.
(c) Definition.--In this section, the term ``advance
appropriation'' means any new discretionary budget authority
provided in a bill or joint resolution making general
appropriations or any new discretionary budget authority
provided in a bill or joint resolution making continuing
appropriations for fiscal year 2015 that first becomes
available for any fiscal year after 2015.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 544, the gentleman from
Arizona (Mr. Grijalva) and a Member opposed each will control 15
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, the Congressional Progressive Caucus
brings to the House a budget that is a blueprint for economic growth
and opportunity for all Americans.
In the course of the last few weeks and certainly the last few days,
we have heard over and over from our colleagues in various hearings and
here on the floor about the growth gap in America, and the policies
that are being reinforced in the Ryan budget, in my estimation, created
that growth gap.
We are here today with a budget that assures that we deal with all
the gaps that the American people have, income inequality gap, wage
disparity gap, education gap, the minimum wage gap, the gender pay gap
between men and women, and the jobs gap that is present in our country
at this point.
The best way to get out of poverty is to go to work. Everybody knows
that. Our budget, within 3 years, creates 8.8 million jobs.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the
amendment.
The CHAIR. The gentleman is recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, the abbreviated remarks by my
friend, the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, belie the
challenge before us with this budget. The Congressional Progressives,
the far left in the House,
[[Page H3118]]
don't disappoint with the budget that they bring to the floor today.
What is the top line? Taxes, increasing taxes by $6.6 trillion over
current policy; spending, increasing spending by $3.3 trillion dollars
over current policy.
What about that all-important issue of defense in a very dangerous
world? A $7 billion increase--a $7 billion increase at a time when our
Nation is seeing significant and increasing threats.
Does it ever come into balance? Never--never does this budget come
into balance.
One would think that, given the challenges that we have from the
debt--the $17 trillion-plus in debt--that this would be an
irresponsible budget, and one would be correct in saying so.
Let's look at some of the particulars here. Taxes, relative to the
Republican budget, this alternative increases taxes by roughly $6.6
trillion over 10 years. This caucus budget contains trillions of
dollars in new tax increases focused on penalizing those who are
creating wealth and creating jobs in this country.
This budget that is being proposed today would actually decrease the
number of jobs available. These are tax policies that are motivated out
of a notion of ``fairness,'' but a warped notion of fairness, where the
Tax Code's primary purpose is to redistribute income and equalize
outcome. These policies clearly end up hampering growth and job
creation.
What about spending? Mr. Chairman, this budget that is being proposed
spends a whopping $8.4 trillion more than the Republican budget--$8.4
trillion, as if we had it growing on trees.
It doubles down on the Obama administration's failed economic
policies and stimulus program by calling for trillions of dollars of
new domestic spending, borrowing more and more money from overseas,
compromising our kids' and our grandkids' future.
In the area of health--people look at the budget of the United
States. They recognize that the biggest challenges that we have are in
the area of health care spending, particularly Medicare and Medicaid,
both of those programs going broke. Both of them going broke, bankrupt.
What does that mean? It means that those programs, in a relatively
short period of time, won't have the resources to be able to provide
the services to seniors and those on Medicaid that have been promised
to them, unless something is done.
What does this budget do? It further increases the overreach of the
Federal Government in the area of health care, putting the government
in charge of health care, as opposed to individuals. It embraces a
policy that would lead directly--directly--to completing the government
takeover of health care.
However, I do want to mention a bright light in this budget. The
Progressive budget actually recognizes that the alternative, utilizing
a block grant of Federal funding to the States, is a wise idea. We call
it State flexibility, giving States greater flexibility with the use of
resources; and I want to commend the Progressive Caucus for recognizing
that that is a reasonable method of proceeding.
What about job training? This budget expands the current broken
Federal job training system by calling for more spending, despite the
GAO's findings that dozens of Federal programs that already exist
overlap and are duplicative. In fact, they harm the ability of jobs to
be created.
In January of 2011, the Government Accountability Office issued a
report that found 47 overlapping Federal job training programs that
spent approximately $18 billion in 2009. Does this budget do anything
to decrease that duplication and redundant efforts? No, not a doggone
thing.
Then defense, as I mentioned at the beginning, Mr. Chairman, this
substitute fails in the Federal Government's first responsibility,
providing for the common defense. This substitute guts the defense
budget by calling for $569 billion in cuts to the Pentagon, compared to
the Republican budget. These are levels that would reduce military
readiness and hollow out our forces.
This is a very dangerous world, Mr. Chairman. You don't have to take
my word for it. Listen to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
General Martin Dempsey, who recently testified:
Our current security challenges are more formidable and
complex than those we faced in downturns following war in
Korea, Vietnam, and the cold war. There is no foreseeable
``peace dividend'' on our horizon. The security environment
is increasingly competitive and dangerous.
Mr. Chairman, I would suggest that decreasing the ability of our men
and women standing in harm's way and defending our liberty and freedom
at this time is an absolutely reckless and irresponsible move.
I know that our colleagues in the House of Representatives recognize
that it is important to have all sorts of alternatives being proposed.
I commend the Progressive Caucus for proposing this alternative, but
any review of this budget recognizes that it spends more than it
should, it taxes more than it should, it expands the role of government
more than it should, and it doesn't address the real challenges of the
day in a way that brings about positive and real solutions.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, at this point, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentlelady from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Chair, we hear over and over again from
Republicans about how we can't afford to make investments in education
and infrastructure and science and medical research, and we can't keep
our promises to seniors; but at the same time, over the past 5 years,
we have raised less Federal revenue, as a percent of GDP, than in any
5-year period since 1941.
But this country, my colleagues, has never been richer. The Wall
Street Journal said last month:
U.S. wealth rises, but not all benefit.
The top 1 percent of earners have received 95 percent of the income
gains in this country since 2009, and at least eight Americans earned
more than $5 billion in income last year.
So what is the disconnect? Why are we richer than ever before, but
unable to invest in basic priorities?
{time} 1630
The answer is that Paul Ryan and the House Republicans refuse to
raise a dime from the millionaires, billionaires, and multinational
corporations that dodge their fair share of taxes. It would even pad
the pockets of the wealthiest Americans. The Ryan budget says, if you
make $1 million next year, that budget would give you a $200,000 tax
break.
Our budget presents a stark contrast to the austerity proposals
peddled by this Republican Congress. In order to add 8.8 million jobs
to the economy over the next 3 years and provide Americans an
opportunity to get a good education, find a job, live in a safe and
secure home, and afford decent food, we raise revenue that is needed.
We do so by asking millionaires and billionaires to pay their fair
share--yes, we do--and by closing egregious corporate loopholes,
including incentives to ship jobs overseas. We would also cut $4
trillion from the deficit over the next decade.
Look, we can't build the economy for the many--not just the monied--
unless we make significant investments in our future. Those investments
can and should be made by raising revenue and growing our economy.
I urge my colleagues to support the Better Off Budget.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased now to yield 3
minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rice), a member of
the Budget Committee.
Mr. RICE of South Carolina. Mr. Chairman, the Congressional
Progressive Caucus' Better Off Budget is really a bigger government
budget. The Progressive Caucus substitute increases total spending
relative to the Republican budget by $8.4 trillion over the next 10
years. American families, and particularly our children and our
grandchildren, cannot afford this next year, and absolutely not for the
next 10 years. This bigger government budget creates new taxes, more
regulation, duplicative Federal programs, and will stifle progress
across the board.
People, this is not complicated. We need a budget that will grow our
economy. Higher taxes, higher deficits, and bigger regulation will
never grow the economy. If we put folks back to work,
[[Page H3119]]
we solve a lot of problems. We solve unemployment problems, deficit
problems, poverty problems, income inequality problems, crime problems,
drug problems, and problems across the board.
The number one issue in my district, and I believe the number one
issue in this Nation, is jobs. Five years after the Great Recession,
the economy continues to struggle, and far too many Americans remain
out of work. Mr. Obama's Big Government economy has failed.
We can solve this problem. It is not rocket science. We can build our
economy and put hardworking Americans back to work if only we will take
a few steps to make America more competitive. Just like counties across
the country compete for jobs, just like States lower tax rates and
streamline regulations to attract industry and jobs--and you can look
at States and see what they are doing and how they are successful--we
must adopt an attitude here in Washington that we will compete in the
world if we expect to stop sending our jobs overseas and bring American
jobs back home.
If we retain the world's highest corporate tax rate, how can we
expect to compete in the world? If Washington continues to spend more
than we take in, threatening our entire economy, how can we expect to
compete in the world? If we continue to build upon our already
oppressive regulatory burden, how can we expect to compete in the
world?
This is where I believe my friends across the aisle miss the mark.
They seem to believe and preach that somehow making this country
competitive benefits only the wealthy. But the truth is that people
with high assets and high skills do well in a global environment. They
can compete from anywhere.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. RICE of South Carolina. But the longer we wait to enter the
global competition for jobs, the more we damage the hardworking folks
in the middle class. We will not grow our economy or put people back to
work by expanding entitlements. We will never solve the problems of
poverty and inequality through bigger government.
If America will enter the global competition for jobs, our economy
will accelerate and the sky is the limit. This is not a Republican
issue. This is not a Democrat issue. This is an American issue. We are
so blessed that if we simply decide to compete, no one can stop us.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, it should be noted for my colleague that
the Republican budget, according to the Economic Policy Institute, will
slow the recovery, costing 1.1 million jobs in fiscal year 2015, rising
to costing nearly 3 million jobs the next year. That is not a budget of
growth.
I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Minnesota (Mr.
Ellison), the cochair.
Mr. ELLISON. Mr. Chairman, our Republican colleagues have been saying
for maybe 100 years that if we don't regulate and have fair, good rules
for health and safety and financial markets and in other areas of our
economy, and if we don't tax people, the wealthy and corporations, then
our economy will take off. They have been saying this for years. They
didn't just start saying it with Bush or Reagan. They were saying it
back in the thirties.
Thank God the American people did not listen to them, because it was
in the thirties that we put up the SEC, we put regulations on banks,
and we put other sorts of health, safety, and commonsense regulations
in place. Because of that, between 1948 and about 1975, we had an
expanding economy. Sometimes tax rates were way higher than they are
now.
They are wrong. They don't know economic history, and so they
continue to repeat Herbert Hoover-type myths that were dispelled
decades ago. Oh, but they came back and they deregulated the economy in
the late 1990s, and then in the early 2000s they cut taxes on the
wealthy, and we have had a dismal jobs economy since that time.
The Better Off Budget is here to present a better alternative that
involves investment in our Nation's economy to put Americans back to
work. The Better Off Budget puts 8.8 million Americans back to work by
doing something that everyone--Democrats, Republicans, and
Independents--agrees that everyone needs: we invest in infrastructure.
We put $820 billion into fixing our roads, our bridges, and our smart
grids, into our transit systems and our wastewater treatment systems.
We invest in our Nation's infrastructure.
Just like under the great Republican President Dwight Eisenhower, as
we invest in infrastructure, we put people to work building it, and we
make our economy more productive as we use it. This is exactly what
this version of Republicans--my goodness--doesn't understand, that you
have got to invest in the economy in order to reap benefits from the
economy.
The Better Off Budget puts 8.8 million people back to work. The Ryan
budget puts 3 million people out of work. Vote ``yes'' on the Better
Off Budget today.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, may I request the remaining time
on each side?
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Georgia has 5\3/4\ minutes remaining.
The gentleman from Arizona has 9\3/4\ minutes remaining.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from
California, Ms. Barbara Lee, the leader in the Progressive Caucus.
Ms. LEE of California. I want to thank our cochairs, Congressmen
Grijalva and Ellison, for their very hard work on this budget, which is
a better-off budget. As former cochair of the Progressive Caucus, I
rise in proud support of this budget because each year this budget
continues to get better and better.
As a member of the Budget and the Appropriations Committees, I was
really, once again, appalled by the devastating cuts that the Ryan
Republican budget makes to the safety net.
The number one priority of our budget is fixing the jobs crisis, and
that is exactly what the CPC budget would do. The Progressive Caucus
budget asks the wealthiest 1 percent--Big Oil and huge corporations--to
pay a little more, just a little more, so that we can afford to invest
in the American people and create over 8 million jobs over the next 3
years alone. The CPC budget replaces the disastrous sequester by
supporting critical spending in education, infrastructure, and
rejecting benefit cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.
While the Republican budget continues to keep the American Dream out
of reach for all Americans, it would increase spending for the already-
bloated Pentagon budget.
Chairman Ryan's report on poverty refuses to acknowledge the fact
that Head Start and all of the Great Society initiatives have kept
millions out of poverty. They have worked. Raising the minimum wage for
single mothers provides a pathway out of poverty. Mr. Ryan's report
does not acknowledge the facts. Taxpayers, for example, subsidize
corporations to the tune of over $200 billion just to keep people in
the ranks of the working poor.
The CPC budget eliminates the Overseas Contingency Operations slush
fund and supports a modern military able to face real, 21st-century
threats. Once again, we provide economic growth and jobs in our budget,
and we require the Pentagon--the largest single Federal agency with the
highest waste, fraud, and abuse--to pass an audit and to pass it now.
The CHAIR. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. GRIJALVA. I yield the gentlelady an additional 10 seconds.
Ms. LEE of California. I just want to conclude by saying that we
simply can't continue to write a blank check for spending on war if we
are really going to have any chance of getting our fiscal house in
order. We can't do this to America's struggling families and the
working poor. That is what the American people deserve. With our
budget, the Better Off Budget, our country will be better off.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
Honda).
Mr. HONDA. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my friend, the gentleman
from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva), for yielding.
[[Page H3120]]
Mr. Chairman, many of our Democratic colleagues have already spoken
about what is wrong with the House Republican budget and how it slashes
our investments in education, infrastructure, research and development,
job training, and medical research; how it repeals all the benefits of
the Affordable Care Act; how it leaves 7 million Americans without
health insurance, ends the Medicare guarantee, and institutes massive
cuts to our most vulnerable populations; how it pays for new tax cuts
for millionaires by taking away tax breaks that help the working poor
and the middle class--and that is all true. But I want to talk about
the alternative vision for this country that we in the Progressive
Caucus have crafted.
The Better Off Budget meets the challenges that our communities face
head-on. It expresses our belief that America's future is bright and
worth investing in.
One of the pieces I am most proud of is the application of the CPI-E
to all Federal retirement programs. The CPI-E uses the most accurate
and sensible measure of the real costs that seniors face for programs
like civil service retirement, military retirement, Supplemental
Security Income, and the veterans' pensions.
Seniors deserve a cost of living that accounts for the rising costs
of retirement, such as health care. I urge my colleagues to support a
better deal for our seniors, support a better future for our middle
class, and support a vision that will leave us all better off. The
Better Off Budget offers all of this.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes
to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Ribble), a productive and active
member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. RIBBLE. Mr. Chairman, they call it the Better Off Budget, but I
am wondering who is really better off?
It is certainly not the small business woman from California who,
under this plan, maybe she is earning $260,000 a year--not a
billionaire and millionaire like they claim--and she will see her
combined taxes, Federal taxes and State taxes, exceed 51 percent. She
is certainly not better off.
How about the people she might have hired if she didn't have this tax
increase? Well, they are not better off. Or maybe the people who work
for her now who can't get a raise because she now is extended here?
They are not better off. It is certainly not the businessowner who
might provide a piece of equipment that this small business woman might
buy but she no longer can afford. He is no longer better off. I can't
see anybody who is better off under this system.
Here I would ask--and I want to talk a little bit about freedom in
this last minute. Imagine this same businesswoman getting up on January
1, going to work and working all of January. She gets her paycheck, and
it is zero because 100 percent was sent to Washington, D.C. she does it
again in February, and it is zero because 100 percent gets sent to
Washington, D.C.
{time} 1645
She does it again in March and April and May, 100 percent of all her
effort comes here. She doesn't get to keep a penny of it. All of the
month of June, it all goes to government. This is not a free person.
Mr. Chairman, I ask, is that free or is it indentured servitude?
We have a free country where people should, in fact, be better off,
and the way to make them better off is to let them keep what they earn,
and that is what the House Republican budget does, and that is why I
encourage my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the Progressive budget and
vote ``yes'' on the House Budget Committee's budget.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, it should be noted the Republican budget,
the Ryan budget, raises taxes for middle class families with kids by an
average of $2,000 in order to coddle, I guess, the very wealthy in this
country. They are better off; that middle class family is not.
I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), a
member of the Budget Committee and the Progressive Caucus.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Chairman, the Better Off Budget will make our country
more competitive and will create 8.8 million jobs through investments,
repairing our roads and bridges, modernizing our waterways, and
educating our young people. It is the only budget that gets America
back to full employment, and does it within 3 years.
The Better Off Budget puts an end to a system where CEOs pay a lower
tax rate than their secretaries and corporations get unneeded tax
breaks. This budget restores full funding to food stamps and
strengthens Medicare and Medicaid. It makes a clear choice to support
working and middle class families, seniors and those in need, and to
reinstate fairness in our economy.
For the fourth year in a row, Republicans choose to hurt the many
while lavishing benefits on the wealthy few. They choose to slash 3
million jobs and destroy the safety net. They choose to dismantle
Medicare and Medicaid and slash aide to college students. They choose
huge tax cuts for billionaires and tax increases for the middle class.
The Republican budget makes a clear choice--billionaires before working
Americans and seniors.
The Better Off Budget is about building an economy that creates jobs
and supports working and middle class families, not just the richest 1
percent. I urge my colleagues to invest in this country and support the
Better Off Budget.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. May I inquire as to the time remaining.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Georgia has 4 minutes remaining. The
gentleman from Arizona has 4\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Duffy).
Mr. DUFFY. Mr. Chairman, the House has put out a responsible budget
under the Budget Committee that balances in 10 years. But this is an
opportunity for us to actually see the vision, the ideas of the
Democratic Party. If they were in control, what would they give us to
try to bring America to a more sustainable path?
What they give us, Mr. Chairman, is $6.6 trillion in new taxes. If I
had $1 for every time I hear, ``If we just had a balanced approach and
we could raise taxes on a millionaires and billionaires,'' if I had $1
for each one of those comments, I think we would balance the budget.
If that were the case, raise taxes on millionaires and billionaires,
you would think that they would come up with a budget that actually
balances. The bottom line, my friends across the aisle, even raising
taxes on millionaires and billionaires, their budget never balances. In
their ideal budget, the Medicare trust fund still goes bankrupt in 12
years. If you are going to raise taxes, let's fix the problems. This is
rife with huge issues.
Listen, I think the real secret here that my friends on the other
side of the aisle are not telling the American people is that they do
have a way to pay for this, and the way to pay for it is not through
millionaires and billionaires. They are going to pay it by taxing
hardworking middle class families, raising their taxes in a way to pay
for greater government spending. It is a budget that actually looks to
government programs, government giveaways, instead of looking to the
private sector to actually grow our economy.
Listen, I think you couldn't have a better example of two different
views about what direction you take the country: one of big government
and big taxes on millionaires and billionaires and middle class
Americans, or a responsible budget that reforms the way we spend, makes
government responsible, and actually keeps our promises to the American
people.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, budgets are about choices. We choose
investment. We choose not to cut Medicare benefits to give tax breaks
to the very wealthy, millionaires and billionaires in the country. It
is a choice.
I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), a
member of the caucus.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Chairman, the Better Off Budget would create 8.8
million jobs over its first 3 years by investing in infrastructure,
education, training, and research. It would invest $100 billion in
teachers and schools and $81 billion in science.
A person or a country invests with the hope and expectation that
investing some resources now will give us a better future, give us
savings, give us a better quality of life so that we will be better
off. America's optimistic outlook has made America great and strong.
[[Page H3121]]
The Ryan budget is a very pessimistic document. It is based on the
premise that we cannot afford to invest in infrastructure and in
science and education. We have to cut, we have to shrink, we have to
reduce our efforts and hunker down. We can't afford to do things,
anything.
The wealthiest Nation on Earth should invest as if we have a future.
Quite simply, the Better Off Budget invests as if we will have a
tomorrow. It ends the absurd, pessimistic cuts of the Budget Control
Act and the pessimistic Ryan budget.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Arizona has 3\1/4\ minutes remaining.
The gentleman from Georgia has 2 minutes remaining and the right to
close.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Chairman, the Progressive Caucus' Better Off Budget
is optimistic. It is about investing in America in job growth by
investing in infrastructure, public works, and education. By repealing
sequestration cuts, restoring funding for SNAP benefits and
unemployment insurance and investing in programs to hire police,
firefighters, and health care workers, the Better Off Budget will
create 8.8 million good jobs by 2017. It also embodies our American
values by implementing comprehensive immigration reform that includes a
pathway to citizenship and protects our environment by addressing
climate change. The Better Off Budget stands for our Nation's
commitments by supporting veterans, protecting Medicare and Social
Security, and implementing a fair tax system.
I urge my colleagues, be optimistic about America. Make America
better off by voting for the Progressive Caucus budget.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from Wisconsin (Mr. Pocan), a member of the caucus and the Budget
Committee.
Mr. POCAN. Mr. Chairman, I think the gentleman from northwest
Wisconsin is right: let's put the budgets side by side.
The Better Off Budget will create 8.8 million jobs. The Republican
Paul Ryan budget will cut 3 million jobs. That is equivalent to the
entire workforce of the State of Wisconsin.
If you have family with kids going to school, the Better Off Budget
invests into hiring more teachers, invests in our schools and pre-K,
invests in our college students. The Paul Ryan Republican budget, it
cuts $18 billion in early education, $89 billion in K-12 education, and
$205 billion in higher education. Oh, and if you get Pell grants,
another $145 billion cut.
Senior citizens, we invest in Medicare and Medicaid and we make sure
you can negotiate for your drug prices. Seniors under the Republican
budget, you voucherize Medicare and you will lose $732 billion in
Medicaid. And, oh, yeah, we are going to open up the doughnut hole and
you will pay more for prescription drugs.
Finally, on taxes, we close corporate loopholes for gas and oil
companies. We make sure that companies sending jobs overseas don't get
tax breaks. The Republican budget, it cuts taxes on millionaires on
average $200,000 each. And you know how it gets paid for? On the backs
of the middle class, $2,000 per family.
The head of the Budget Committee said it is a win/win budget. It is a
win for the top 1 percent. It is a win for the second percentile, and
the other 98 percent of us pay the difference.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, this budget is about choice. The Better
Off Budget believes in the American people. It believes in investing in
the American people and in their future. It is the best road to
economic health and full economic opportunity in this country.
Our budget does not look at government or the American people with
disdain. We feel that government has a role, quite frankly, to
stimulate, to support, and to take care of the American people as we
grow our economy. We can't cut our way out of what we are in; we need
to grow our way out. The Ryan budget continues the same pattern of
austerity that is sinking us deeper into unemployment, lack of jobs,
and lack of investment in the American people.
I urge Members to vote ``yes'' on the Congressional Progressive
Better Off Budget. We feel it is a strong budget and that it represents
the ideals of the American people. We trust the American people, and we
invest in the American people.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, we have heard a lot about this
budget, a lot of information, and a lot of numbers have been tossed
around. My friends on the other side say that their budget will create
8.8 million jobs; where does that come from? It was made up. They say
that our budget slashes 3 million jobs; where does that come from? It
was made up. They say our budget will increase taxes on the middle
class; where does that come from? It was made up.
What is a fact about jobs? A fact about jobs is the President's
health care law, the Congressional Budget Office has said, will
decrease the equivalent of 2.5 million jobs. That is a fact. That is a
fact.
So if my friends, my colleagues in the House here, if you want to
increase taxes by $6.6 trillion, vote for their budget. If you want
$8.4 trillion in more spending over the next decade, vote for their
budget. If you want to increase debt by $8.2 trillion more than the
Republican budget, vote for that budget.
We believe there is a better way, that there are real solutions. We
recognize this is a dangerous world; therefore, we increase spending on
defense and making certain that our men and women who stand in harm's
way have the resources they need. We believe that opportunity needs to
be expanded and pro-growth tax policies are the things that get the
economy rolling again and get jobs being created.
We understand that Medicare and Medicaid are in difficult straits
financially, something that our friends on the other side of the aisle
bury their heads in the sand about, so we put in place in our budget a
program to save and strengthen and secure Medicare and Medicaid,
recognizing that patients need to be in charge of health care, not the
Federal Government.
We recognize that energy policy needs to be expanded so that we
responsibly utilize the blessing and the resources that have been
provided so that we can become energy independent as a country and not
rely on nations that don't like us.
We also recognize that balancing the budget is imperative if we are
going to get our fiscal house in order and get our economy back on
track. Our budget is the only budget that is being presented on the
floor of this House, compared to the other side of the aisle, that gets
to balance. Our budget, compared to the other side of the aisle, not
only gets to balance, gets us on a path to paying off our entire debt.
It is a positive, optimistic budget. I urge support of the Republican
budget and defeat of the Progressive budget.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman
from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva).
The question was taken; and the Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. GRIJALVA. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings on
the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona will be postponed.
Announcement by the Chair
The CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, proceedings will now
resume on those amendments printed in House Report 113-405 on which
further proceedings were postponed, in the following order:
Amendment No. 1 by Mr. Mulvaney of South Carolina.
Amendment No. 2 by Ms. Moore of Wisconsin.
Amendment No. 3 by Mr. Grijalva of Arizona.
The Chair will reduce to 5 minutes the time for any electronic vote
after the first vote in this series.
Amendment No. 1 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Mr. Mulvaney
The CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded vote
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr.
Mulvaney) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the
noes prevailed by voice vote.
[[Page H3122]]
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 2, noes
413, not voting 16, as follows:
[Roll No. 171]
AYES--2
Kaptur
Moran
NOES--413
Aderholt
Amash
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Beatty
Becerra
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Cassidy
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Coffman
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Connolly
Conyers
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Grayson
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grijalva
Grimm
Guthrie
Hahn
Hall
Hanabusa
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Holding
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huffman
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jeffries
Jenkins
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kirkpatrick
Kline
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Lankford
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
Latta
Lee (CA)
Levin
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren
Long
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Massie
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Meng
Messer
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Moore
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Neugebauer
Noem
Nolan
Nugent
Nunes
Nunnelee
O'Rourke
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Paulsen
Payne
Pearce
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pingree (ME)
Pittenger
Pitts
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Polis
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rahall
Rangel
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Richmond
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Rothfus
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Scalise
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Southerland
Speier
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tierney
Tipton
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yarmuth
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--16
Bass
Burgess
Carter
Farenthold
Flores
Green, Al
Gutierrez
Jackson Lee
Lewis
McAllister
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Ross
Runyan
Schwartz
Williams
{time} 1724
Messrs. BROUN of Georgia and ROKITA changed their votes from ``aye''
to ``no.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 2 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Ms. Moore
The CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded vote
on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Moore)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIR. This is a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 116,
noes 300, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 172]
AYES--116
Beatty
Becerra
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Brady (PA)
Brown (FL)
Butterfield
Capuano
Cardenas
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Crowley
Cummings
Davis, Danny
DeLauro
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Farr
Fattah
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Grayson
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hahn
Hastings (FL)
Higgins
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Horsford
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Kelly (IL)
Larson (CT)
Lee (CA)
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lujan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Meeks
Meng
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Payne
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Rangel
Richmond
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Speier
Takano
Thompson (MS)
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOES--300
Aderholt
Amash
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Carney
Cassidy
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DelBene
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers
Enyart
Esty
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanabusa
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Himes
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Keating
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
[[Page H3123]]
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kirkpatrick
Kline
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Lankford
Larsen (WA)
Latham
Latta
Levin
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Long
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lummis
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Massie
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Nunnelee
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Polis
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Quigley
Rahall
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Scalise
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shea-Porter
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tierney
Tipton
Titus
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Walz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--15
Bass
Carter
Farenthold
Flores
Green, Al
Jackson Lee
Lewis
McAllister
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Ross
Runyan
Schwartz
Tiberi
Williams
{time} 1731
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Amendment No. 3 in the Nature of a Substitute Offered by Mr. Grijalva
The CHAIR. The unfinished business is the demand for a recorded vote
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Grijalva)
on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes
prevailed by voice vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The CHAIR. This is a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 89,
noes 327, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 173]
AYES--89
Beatty
Becerra
Blumenauer
Brady (PA)
Brown (FL)
Butterfield
Capuano
Cardenas
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Chu
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Conyers
Cummings
Davis, Danny
Doyle
Edwards
Ellison
Farr
Fattah
Fudge
Grayson
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hahn
Hastings (FL)
Higgins
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Huffman
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Kelly (IL)
Lee (CA)
Lowenthal
Lujan, Ben Ray (NM)
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Meeks
Meng
Miller, George
Moore
Moran
Nadler
Napolitano
Negrete McLeod
Nolan
Pallone
Payne
Pingree (ME)
Pocan
Price (NC)
Rangel
Richmond
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Sires
Slaughter
Speier
Takano
Thompson (MS)
Vargas
Veasey
Velazquez
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Waxman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOES--327
Aderholt
Amash
Amodei
Bachmann
Bachus
Barber
Barletta
Barr
Barrow (GA)
Barton
Benishek
Bentivolio
Bera (CA)
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Bonamici
Boustany
Brady (TX)
Braley (IA)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Broun (GA)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Byrne
Calvert
Camp
Campbell
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Carney
Cassidy
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Coble
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Connolly
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Cotton
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Daines
Davis (CA)
Davis, Rodney
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers
Engel
Enyart
Eshoo
Esty
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia
Gardner
Garrett
Gerlach
Gibbs
Gibson
Gingrey (GA)
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Gene
Griffin (AR)
Griffith (VA)
Grimm
Guthrie
Hall
Hanabusa
Hanna
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings (WA)
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Himes
Holding
Horsford
Hoyer
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt
Israel
Issa
Jenkins
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Keating
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kinzinger (IL)
Kirkpatrick
Kline
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Lankford
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
Latta
Levin
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren
Long
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
Maffei
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
Massie
Matheson
McCarthy (CA)
McCarthy (NY)
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McIntyre
McKeon
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller, Gary
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Neal
Neugebauer
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Nunnelee
O'Rourke
Olson
Owens
Palazzo
Pascrell
Pastor (AZ)
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters (CA)
Peters (MI)
Peterson
Petri
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Polis
Pompeo
Posey
Price (GA)
Quigley
Rahall
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Rothfus
Royce
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Scalise
Schiff
Schneider
Schock
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Southerland
Stewart
Stivers
Stockman
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Terry
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tierney
Tipton
Titus
Tonko
Tsongas
Turner
Upton
Van Hollen
Vela
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Walz
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Wolf
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--15
Bass
Carter
Farenthold
Flores
Green, Al
Jackson Lee
Lewis
McAllister
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Ross
Runyan
Schwartz
Valadao
Williams
{time} 1743
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now
rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Marchant) having assumed the chair, Mr. Hastings of Washington, Chair
of the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported
that that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H. Con.
Res. 96) establishing the budget for the United States Government for
fiscal year 2015 and setting forth appropriate budgetary levels for
fiscal years 2016 through 2024, had come to no resolution thereon.
____________________