[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 49 (Thursday, March 27, 2014)]
[House]
[Pages H2718-H2730]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
UKRAINE SUPPORT ACT
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill
(H.R. 4278) to support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial
integrity of Ukraine, and for other purposes, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The text of the bill is as follows:
H.R. 4278
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE AND TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Ukraine
Support Act''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title and table of contents.
Sec. 2. United States policy.
TITLE I--ASSISTANCE PROVISIONS
Sec. 101. Support for democratic governance and civil society in
Ukraine.
Sec. 102. Economic reform in Ukraine.
Sec. 103. United States international programming to Ukraine and
neighboring regions.
Sec. 104. Overseas Private Investment Corporation.
Sec. 105. Enhanced assistance for law enforcement and the judicial
system in Ukraine.
Sec. 106. Enhanced security cooperation among Central and Eastern
European NATO member states.
Sec. 107. United States-Ukraine security assistance.
Sec. 108. Recovery of assets linked to corruption in Ukraine.
Sec. 109. European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
Sec. 110. Offset.
TITLE II--SANCTIONS PROVISIONS
Sec. 201. Continuation in effect of sanctions with respect to the
blocking of certain persons contributing to the situation
in Ukraine.
Sec. 202. Imposition of additional sanctions on persons responsible for
violence or who undermine the independence, sovereignty,
or territorial or economic integrity of Ukraine.
Sec. 203. Imposition of additional sanctions on persons complicit in or
responsible for significant corruption in the Russian
Federation.
Sec. 204. Report on certain foreign financial institutions.
Sec. 205. Sense of Congress on human rights in the Russian Federation.
Sec. 206. Certification described and submission to Congress.
Sec. 207. Sense of Congress on suspension of all activities and
meetings of the NATO-Russia Council.
Sec. 208. Definitions.
TITLE III--REPORTING PROVISIONS
Sec. 301. Annual report on security developments in the Russian
Federation and their effects on Ukrainian sovereignty.
Sec. 302. Presidential determination and report on compliance by
Russian Federation of its obligations under INF Treaty.
Sec. 303. Report on geopolitical impact of energy exports.
Sec. 304. Amendment to the Iran, North Korea, and Syria
Nonproliferation Act.
SEC. 2. UNITED STATES POLICY.
It is the policy of the United States--
(1) to support the right of the people of Ukraine to freely
determine their future, including their country's
relationship with other nations and international
organizations, without interference, intimidation, or
coercion by other countries;
(2) to support the people of Ukraine in their desire to
address endemic corruption,
[[Page H2719]]
consolidate democracy, and achieve sustained prosperity;
(3) to support the efforts of the Government of Ukraine to
bring to justice those responsible for the acts of violence
against peaceful protestors and other unprovoked acts of
violence related to the anti-government protests that began
on November 21, 2013;
(4) to support the efforts of the Government of Ukraine to
identify, investigate, recover, and return to the Ukrainian
state assets unaccounted for under the leadership and
departure from Ukraine of former President Yanukovych, his
family, and other current and former members of the Ukrainian
government, along with others legitimately charged by
government authorities with similar offenses;
(5) to assist the Government of Ukraine in preparations for
the presidential election scheduled for May 25, 2014, and to
participate in efforts to ensure that this election is
conducted in accordance with international standards;
(6) to promote democratic values, transparent and
accountable government institutions, and advance United
States national security interests through United States
international broadcasting, including the Voice of America
and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Incorporated;
(7) to support needed economic structural reforms in
Ukraine, including in the fiscal, energy, pension, and
banking sectors, among others;
(8) to support energy diversification initiatives to reduce
Russian control of energy supplies to Ukraine and other
European countries, including United States promotion of
increased natural gas exports to, and energy efficiency in,
Ukraine, which could be enhanced by advances in new energy
technologies;
(9) to condemn the armed intervention of the Russian
Federation in Ukraine, including its continuing political,
economic, and military aggression against that country;
(10) to work with United States allies and partners in
Europe and around the world, including at the United Nations,
to ensure that all nations refuse to recognize the illegal
annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and reaffirm
the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of
Ukraine;
(11) to refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the illegal
referendum in Crimea on March 16, 2014, on the status of that
region of Ukraine, which was held under conditions of
occupation and coercion by Russian forces;
(12) to support the deployment of international monitors to
Ukraine to assess the current status of its territorial
integrity and the safety of all people in Ukraine;
(13) to encourage the Government of Ukraine to continue to
respect and protect the rights of all ethnic, religious, and
linguistic minorities;
(14) to encourage the Government of Ukraine to promote and
protect the human rights, as recognized by the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, of all individuals as they seek
freedom, democracy, and equality under the law;
(15) to work with United States allies and partners to
condemn any violation by Russian Federation occupation forces
or their proxies of the rights of ethnic, religious, and
linguistic minorities in Crimea, including the region's Tatar
population;
(16) to call on all Ukrainians to respect the legitimate
government authorities, as well as all Ukrainian laws and the
Constitution of Ukraine in all regions of Ukraine, including
Crimea;
(17) to maintain existing sanctions against and consider
all available options for further sanctions on the Russian
Federation until Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and
territorial integrity are not being violated by the Russian
Federation; and
(18) to honor and abide by its commitments undertaken
pursuant to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at
Washington, District of Columbia, on April 4, 1949, and
entered into force on August 24, 1949.
TITLE I--ASSISTANCE PROVISIONS
SEC. 101. SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND CIVIL SOCIETY
IN UKRAINE.
(a) In General.--The President is authorized and encouraged
to provide assistance to support democracy and civil society,
including community-based and faith-based organizations, in
Ukraine by undertaking the activities described in subsection
(b).
(b) Activities Described.--The activities described in this
subsection are--
(1) improving democratic governance, transparency,
accountability, rule of law, and anti-corruption efforts;
(2) supporting Ukrainian efforts to foster greater unity
among people and regions of the country, combat anti-Semitism
and discrimination, and promote respect for religious
freedom;
(3) supporting the people and Government of Ukraine in
preparing to conduct and participate in free and fair
elections, including through domestic and international
election monitoring;
(4) assisting Ukraine in diversifying its economy, trade,
and energy supplies, including at the national, regional, and
local levels;
(5) strengthening democratic institutions and political and
civil society organizations; and
(6) expanding free and unfettered access to independent
media of all kinds in Ukraine and assisting with the
protection of journalists and civil society activists who
have been targeted for free speech activities.
(c) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated to the President $50,000,000 for fiscal
year 2014 to carry out this section.
SEC. 102. ECONOMIC REFORM IN UKRAINE.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) The Ukrainian economy is weak and vulnerable, as
evidenced by short-term debt interest rates as high as 15
percent, a high proportion of foreign exchange-denominated
government debt that will mature in 2014 and 2015, a banking
sector with non-performing loans at the high level of 14
percent, a financing gap which the Government of Ukraine has
estimated will amount to $35 billion over the next two years,
and a large underground economy. This economic condition
undermines democratic prospects in Ukraine.
(2) Years of poor economic management and performance have
undermined and may continue to undermine political stability
and unity within Ukraine.
(3) On March 6, 2014, the House of Representatives passed
H.R. 4152, to redirect previously appropriated funds to cover
the cost of roughly $1 billion in loan guarantees for
Ukraine.
(b) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States to work with other countries and international
institutions to stabilize the Ukrainian economy, while
promoting critically needed structural economic reforms in
Ukraine, including--
(1) cutting the massive natural gas subsidies that have led
to market inefficiencies;
(2) reducing the bloated public sector;
(3) maintaining a market-determined exchange rate;
(4) strengthening the vulnerable banking sector;
(5) promoting a robust, independent, and impartial
judiciary, due process, and uniform application of law; and
(6) reducing corruption, such as by supporting reform
efforts of the Government of Ukraine to pass legislation
related to greater accountability for government officials,
greater protection of private property, and increased
transparency of government funds.
(c) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
loan guarantees provided by the United States for Ukraine
should be used to promote government, banking and energy
sector reform, and anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine.
SEC. 103. UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL PROGRAMMING TO UKRAINE
AND NEIGHBORING REGIONS.
(a) Findings and Declarations.--Congress finds and declares
the following:
(1) The Russian Government has deliberately blocked the
Ukrainian people's access to uncensored sources of
information and has provided alternative news and information
that is both inaccurate and inflammatory.
(2) United States international programming exists to
advance the United States interests and values by presenting
accurate and comprehensive news and information, which is the
foundation for democratic governance.
(3) The opinions and views of the Ukrainian people,
especially those people located in the eastern regions and
Crimea, are not being accurately represented in Russian
dominated mass media.
(4) Russian forces have seized more than five television
stations in Crimea and taken over transmissions, switching to
a 24/7 Russian propaganda format; this increase in
programming augments the already robust pro-Russian
programming to Ukraine.
(5) United States international programming has the
potential to combat this anti-democratic propaganda.
(b) Programming.--Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL),
Incorporated, and the Voice of America service to Ukraine and
neighboring regions shall--
(1) provide news and information that is accessible,
credible, and accurate;
(2) emphasize investigative and analytical journalism to
highlight inconsistencies and misinformation provided by
Russian or pro-Russian media outlets;
(3) prioritize programming to areas where access to
uncensored sources of information is limited or non-existent,
especially populations serviced by Russian supported media
outlets;
(4) increase the number of reporters and organizational
presence in eastern Ukraine, especially in Crimea;
(5) promote democratic processes, respect for human rights,
freedom of the press, and territorial sovereignty; and
(6) take necessary preparatory steps to continue and
increase programming and content that promotes democracy and
government transparency in Russia.
(c) Programming Surge.--RFE/RL, Incorporated, and Voice of
America programming to Ukraine and neighboring regions
shall--
(1) prioritize programming to eastern Ukraine, including
Crimea, and Moldova, and to ethnic and linguistic Russian
populations, as well as to Tatar minorities;
(2) prioritize news and information that directly
contributes to the target audiences' understanding of
political and economic developments in Ukraine and Moldova,
including countering misinformation that may originate from
other news outlets, especially Russian supported news
outlets;
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(3) provide programming content 24 hours a day, seven days
a week to target populations, using all available and
effective distribution outlets, including--
(A) at least 8 weekly hours of total original television
and video content in Ukrainian, Russian, and Tatar languages,
not inclusive of live video streaming coverage of breaking
news, to be distributed on satellite, digital, and through
regional television affiliates by the Voice of America; and
(B) at least 14 weekly hours the total audio content in
Ukrainian, Russian, and Tatar languages to be distributed on
satellite, digital, and through regional radio affiliates of
RFE/RL, Incorporated;
(4) expand the use, audience, and audience engagement of
mobile news and multimedia platforms by RFE/RL, Incorporated,
and the Voice of America, including through Internet-based
social networking platforms; and
(5) partner with private sector broadcasters and affiliates
to seek and start co-production for new, original content,
when possible, to increase distribution.
(d) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated for fiscal year 2014, in addition to funds
otherwise made available for such purposes, up to $10,000,000
to carry out programming in the Ukrainian, Balkan, Russian,
and Tatar language services of RFE/RL, Incorporated, and the
Voice of America, for the purpose of bolstering existing
United States programming to the people of Ukraine and
neighboring regions, and increasing programming capacity and
jamming circumvention technology to overcome any disruptions
to service.
(e) Report.--Not later than 15 days after the date of the
enactment of this Act, the Broadcasting Board of Governors
shall submit to the Committees on Foreign Affairs and
Appropriations of the House of Representatives and the
Committees on Foreign Relations and Appropriations of the
Senate a detailed report on plans to increase broadcasts
pursuant to subsections (a) and (b).
SEC. 104. OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION.
It is the sense of Congress that the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation should prioritize investments in
Ukraine.
SEC. 105. ENHANCED ASSISTANCE FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT AND THE
JUDICIAL SYSTEM IN UKRAINE.
(a) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States--
(1) to assist Ukraine to eliminate the human rights abuses
associated with the Berkut forces in order to foster a
democratically reformed police force with strong public
oversight, which is critical to fostering political unity and
stability throughout Ukraine; and
(2) to assist Ukraine to develop a robust, independent, and
impartial judicial system at national, regional, and local
levels, which is essential to ensure that the rights of all
citizens are respected, and maintain appropriate checks and
balances between the co-equal branches of government.
(b) Authorization of Appropriations.--There is authorized
to be appropriated $8,000,000 for fiscal year 2014 to enhance
United States efforts to assist Ukraine to strengthen law
enforcement capabilities and maintain the rule of law.
SEC. 106. ENHANCED SECURITY COOPERATION AMONG CENTRAL AND
EASTERN EUROPEAN NATO MEMBER STATES.
(a) In General.--The Secretary of State, in consultation
with the heads of other appropriate United States departments
and agencies, shall seek to provide enhanced security
cooperation with Central and Eastern European North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO) member states by undertaking the
activities described in subsection (b).
(b) Activities Described.--The activities described in this
subsection are--
(1) enhancing existing security cooperation, including
defense and military-to-military cooperation, among Central
and Eastern European NATO member states;
(2) enhancing security relationships among the United
States, the European Union, and Central and Eastern European
NATO member states;
(3) providing defense articles, defense services, and
military training to Central and Eastern European NATO member
states;
(4) expanding the scope and frequency of military exercises
among Central and Eastern European NATO member states; and
(5) supporting greater reform, professionalism, and
capacity-building efforts within the military, intelligence,
and security services in Central and Eastern European NATO
member states.
SEC. 107. UNITED STATES-UKRAINE SECURITY ASSISTANCE.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds that--
(1) in fiscal year 2013 the United States provided Ukraine
with nearly $2,000,000 in assistance under chapter 5 of part
II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2347 et
seq.; relating to International Military Education Training)
and nearly $7,000,000 in assistance under section 23 of the
Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2763; relating to the
Foreign Military Financing Program); and
(2) Ukraine has been a longstanding member of NATO's
Partnership for Peace.
(b) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) United States assistance to Ukraine under chapter 5 of
part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and section 23
of the Arms Export Control Act should be increased;
(2) consistent with section 506(a) of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2318(a)), the President is
encouraged to draw down defense articles from the stocks of
the Department of Defense, in order to provide security
assistance, which could include communication equipment,
clothing, fuel and other forms of appropriate assistance, to
the Government of Ukraine; and
(3) the Government of Ukraine should make greater efforts
to secure the protection of classified information and
military equipment.
(c) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States, in consultation with the Government of
Ukraine, to enhance Ukraine's self defense, including through
appropriate assistance to improve the capabilities of the
country's armed forces.
(d) Review of Security Assistance.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State, in
consultation with the heads of other appropriate United
States departments and agencies, shall submit to Congress a
report on the results of a review of all United States
security assistance to the Government of Ukraine.
(2) Form.--The report required by paragraph (1) shall be
submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified
annex.
SEC. 108. RECOVERY OF ASSETS LINKED TO CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE.
(a) Sense of Congress.--It is the sense of Congress that
the Administration should provide expedited assistance to the
Government of Ukraine through appropriate United States
Government and multilateral programs, including the
Department of Justice's Kleptocracy Asset Recovery
Initiative, the Egmont Group, the Stolen Asset Recovery
Initiative, the Camden Asset Recovery Inter-Agency Network,
and the Asset Recovery Focal Point Initiative, to identify,
investigate, secure, and recover assets missing from the
Government of Ukraine or linked to purported acts of
corruption by former President Viktor Yanukovych, members of
his family, other former or current senior foreign political
figures of the Government of Ukraine, and their accomplices
in any jurisdiction.
(b) Definition.--In this section, the term ``senior foreign
political figure'' has the meaning given the term in section
208.
SEC. 109. EUROPEAN BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT.
(a) Findings.--The Congress finds the following:
(1) Article 1 of the Agreement Establishing the European
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) states that
the EBRD should support investments in countries that are
committed to and applying the principles of multiparty
democracy, pluralism, and market economics, and the EBRD has
recognized that Russian ``progress in the application of
these principles . . . has been uneven''.
(2) Russia received 21 percent of the investments made by
the EBRD in 2013, which is more than any other country
received from the EBRD in that year, and has received an
inordinate ratio of investment from the EBRD since the 2006
Capital Resources Review.
(b) Sense of the Congress.--It is the sense of the Congress
that the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(EBRD) should increase investments in Ukraine and cease new
investments in the Russian Federation, and the United States
Government should press the EBRD to support new investment in
Ukraine and halt consideration of new investment in Russia.
SEC. 110. OFFSET.
Section 102(a) of the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan
Act of 2009 (22 U.S.C. 8412(a); Public Law 111-73; 123 Stat.
2068) is amended by striking ``$1,500,000,000'' and inserting
``$1,430,000,000''.
TITLE II--SANCTIONS PROVISIONS
SEC. 201. CONTINUATION IN EFFECT OF SANCTIONS WITH RESPECT TO
THE BLOCKING OF CERTAIN PERSONS CONTRIBUTING TO
THE SITUATION IN UKRAINE.
(a) In General.--United States sanctions described in
subsection (b), as in effect on the day before the date of
the enactment of this Act, shall remain in effect until the
earlier of--
(1) the date that is 90 days after the date on which the
President submits to the appropriate congressional committees
the certification described in subsection (a) of section 206
in accordance with subsection (b) of such section; or
(2) the date that is 30 days after any date subsequent to
January 1, 2020, on which the President submits to the
appropriate congressional committees in writing a
determination that the termination of such sanctions imposed
is in the vital national security interests of the United
States.
(b) Sanctions Described.--United States sanctions described
in this subsection are sanctions imposed under the following
executive orders:
(1) Executive Order 13660 (March 6, 2014; relating to
blocking property of certain persons contributing to the
situation in Ukraine).
(2) Executive Order 13661 (March 16, 2014; relating to
blocking property of additional persons contributing to the
situation in Ukraine).
(3) Executive Order 13662 (March 20, 2014; relating to
blocking property of additional persons contributing to the
situation in Ukraine).
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SEC. 202. IMPOSITION OF ADDITIONAL SANCTIONS ON PERSONS
RESPONSIBLE FOR VIOLENCE OR WHO UNDERMINE THE
INDEPENDENCE, SOVEREIGNTY, OR TERRITORIAL OR
ECONOMIC INTEGRITY OF UKRAINE.
(a) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States to impose sanctions with respect to those
individuals within and outside of the Government of the
Russian Federation whom the President determines wields
significant influence over the formation and implementation
of Russian foreign policy, in particular with respect to the
violation of Ukraine's sovereignty, democracy, and
territorial integrity.
(b) Criteria for Imposition of Sanctions.--A foreign person
or an alien is subject to sanctions under subsection (c) in
accordance with the provisions of such subsection if the
foreign person or alien, on or after November 21, 2013--
(1) is knowingly responsible for or complicit in, or
engaged in, directly or indirectly--
(A) actions that significantly undermine democratic
processes or institutions in Ukraine;
(B) actions that significantly threaten the peace,
security, stability, sovereignty, or territorial integrity of
Ukraine;
(C) acts of significant corruption in Ukraine, or the
seizure or expropriation of significant economic assets from
Ukraine, including the expropriation of private or state
assets for personal gain, or the facilitation or transfer of
the proceeds of such expropriation to foreign jurisdictions;
or
(D) the commission of serious human rights abuses against
citizens of Ukraine or citizens of the Russian Federation;
(2) is a current or former senior foreign political figure
of the Government of the Russian Federation who has engaged
in any activity described in paragraph (1);
(3) operates in the arms or related materiel sector in the
Russian Federation that has engaged in any activity described
in paragraph (1);
(4) is a current or former senior foreign political figure
of an entity that has, or whose members have, knowingly
engaged in any activity described in paragraph (1), (2), or
(3) or of an entity whose property and interests in property
are blocked pursuant to this section;
(5) has knowingly materially assisted, sponsored, or
provided financial, material, or technological support for,
or goods or services to or in support of, any activity
described in paragraph (1), (2), or (3) or of any person
whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant
to this section; or
(6) is owned or controlled by, or has acted or purported to
act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, any person
whose property and interests in property are blocked pursuant
to this section.
(c) Sanctions Described.--
(1) In general.--The sanctions described in this subsection
are the following:
(A) Asset blocking.--With respect to a foreign person who
the President, acting through the Secretary of the Treasury
and in consultation with the Secretary of State (or their
designees), determines meets the requirements described in
subsection (b) (and, if the President determines such foreign
person is a senior foreign political figure, such foreign
person is not included in the classified annex of a report
submitted to the appropriate congressional committees under
subsection (e)(1)), the President, acting through the
Secretary of the Treasury and in consultation with the
Secretary of State (or their designees), shall to the extent
necessary investigate, block during the pendency of an
investigation, regulate, direct and compel, nullify, void,
prevent or prohibit, any acquisition, holding, withholding,
use, transfer, withdrawal, transportation, or exportation of,
or dealing in, or exercising any right, power, or privilege
with respect to, or transactions involving, any property or
interests in property of such person to the extent such
property or interests in property are subject to the
jurisdiction of the United States, pursuant to the applicable
provisions of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act
(50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.).
(B) Aliens ineligible for visas, admission, or parole.--
(i) Visas, admission, or parole.--An alien who the
Secretary of State or the Secretary of Homeland Security (or
a designee of one of such Secretaries) knows, or has reason
to believe, meets any of the criteria described in subsection
(b) is--
(I) inadmissible to the United States;
(II) ineligible to receive a visa or other documentation to
enter the United States; and
(III) otherwise ineligible to be admitted or paroled into
the United States or to receive any other benefit under the
Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 et seq.).
(ii) Current visas revoked.--
(I) In general.--The issuing consular officer, the
Secretary of State, or the Secretary of Homeland Security (or
a designee of one of such Secretaries) shall revoke any visa
or other entry documentation issued to an alien who meets any
of the criteria described in subsection (b), regardless of
when issued.
(II) Effect of revocation.--A revocation under subclause
(I)--
(aa) shall take effect immediately; and
(bb) shall automatically cancel any other valid visa or
entry documentation that is in the alien's possession.
(2) Penalties.--A person that violates, attempts to
violate, conspires to violate, or causes a violation of
paragraph (1)(A) or any regulation, license, or order issued
to carry out paragraph (1)(A) shall be subject to the
penalties set forth in subsections (b) and (c) of section 206
of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C.
1705) to the same extent as a person that commits an unlawful
act described in subsection (a) of that section.
(3) Regulatory authority.--The President shall, not later
than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act,
promulgate regulations as necessary for the implementation of
this section.
(4) Exception to comply with united nations headquarters
agreement.--Sanctions under paragraph (1)(B) shall not apply
to an alien if admitting the alien into the United States is
necessary to permit the United States to comply with the
Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations,
signed at Lake Success June 26, 1947, and entered into force
November 21, 1947, between the United Nations and the United
States, or other applicable international obligations.
(5) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this section shall be
construed to limit the authority of the President to impose
additional sanctions pursuant to the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 et seq.), relevant
executive orders, regulations, or other provisions of law.
(d) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
sanctions under subsection (c) with respect to a foreign
person or alien if the President--
(1) determines that such a waiver is vital to the national
interest of the United States; and
(2) not less than 15 days after the waiver takes effect,
submits to the appropriate congressional committees a notice
of the waiver and a justification for such waiver.
(e) Report.--
(1) Report required.--
(A) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, and at least once every 180 days
thereafter for a period not to exceed 2 years, the Secretary
of State, in consultation with the Secretary of the Treasury,
shall submit to the appropriate congressional committees a
detailed report with respect to senior foreign political
figures of the Russian Federation that have been determined
to have engaged in activities described in subsection (b).
(B) Form.--The report required by subparagraph (A) shall be
submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified
annex.
(2) Requests by chairperson and ranking member of
appropriate congressional committees.--
(A) In general.--Not later than 120 days after receiving a
written request from the chairperson and ranking member of
one of the appropriate congressional committees with respect
to whether a senior foreign political figure of the Russian
Federation is responsible for engaging in activities
described in subsection (b), the President shall submit a
response to the chairperson and ranking member of the
committee which made the request with respect to the status
of the person.
(B) Form.--The President may submit a response required by
subparagraph (A) in classified form if the President
determines that it is necessary for the national security
interests of the United States to do so.
(f) Definitions.--In this section:
(1) Admitted.--The term ``admitted'' has the meaning given
such term in section 101(a)(13)(A) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(13)(A)).
(2) Alien.--The term ``alien'' has the meaning given such
term in section 101(a)(3) of the Immigration and Nationality
Act (8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(3)).
(3) Financial institution.--The term ``financial
institution'' has the meaning given that term in section 5312
of title 31, United States Code.
(4) Foreign person.--The term ``foreign person'' means--
(A) an individual who is not a United States person;
(B) a corporation, partnership, or other nongovernmental
entity which is not a United States person; or
(C) any representative, agent or instrumentality of, or an
individual working on behalf of a foreign government.
(5) Paroled.--The term ``paroled'' means paroled into the
United States under section 212(d)(5) of the Immigration and
Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1182(d)(5)).
(6) United states person.--The term ``United States
person'' means--
(A) a United States citizen or an alien lawfully admitted
for permanent residence to the United States; or
(B) an entity organized under the laws of the United States
or of any jurisdiction within the United States, including a
foreign branch of such an entity.
(g) Termination.--This section and any sanction imposed by
this section shall remain in effect until the earlier of--
(1) the date that is 90 days after the date on which the
President submits to the appropriate congressional committees
the certification described in subsection (a) of section 206
in accordance with subsection (b) of such section; or
(2) the date that is 30 days after any date subsequent to
January 1, 2020, on which the
[[Page H2722]]
President submits to the appropriate congressional committees
in writing a determination that the termination of this
section and the sanctions imposed by this section is in the
vital national security interests of the United States.
SEC. 203. IMPOSITION OF ADDITIONAL SANCTIONS ON PERSONS
COMPLICIT IN OR RESPONSIBLE FOR SIGNIFICANT
CORRUPTION IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) On March 20, 2014, the Department of the Treasury
designated four individuals and one financial institution for
acting for or on behalf of or materially assisting,
sponsoring, or providing financial, material, or
technological support for, or goods or services to or in
support of, a senior official of the Government of the
Russian Federation.
(2) Widespread corruption at senior levels of the
Government of the Russian Federation, in combination with the
suppression of political freedoms and the concentration of
enormous wealth in the hands of individuals exercising
extensive influence over government policy, has contributed
to the establishment of an authoritarian system that does not
respect the rights of the Russian people.
(b) Authority for Imposition of Sanctions.--
(1) Asset blocking.--The President, acting through the
Secretary of the Treasury and in consultation with the
Secretary of State (or their designees), is authorized to
impose sanctions described in paragraph (1)(A) of section
202(c) in accordance with the provisions of such section
against a foreign person if the foreign person is a senior
foreign political figure or a close associate of such senior
foreign political figure with respect to whom the President,
acting through the Secretary of the Treasury and in
consultation with the Secretary of State (or their
designees), determines meets one or more of the criteria
described in subsection (c).
(2) Aliens ineligible for visas, admission, or parole.--The
Secretary of State or the Secretary of Homeland Security (or
a designee of one of such Secretaries) is authorized to
impose sanctions described in paragraph (1)(B) of section
202(c) in accordance with the provisions of such section
against an alien if the alien is a senior foreign political
figure or a close associate of such senior foreign political
figure with respect to whom the Secretary of State or the
Secretary of Homeland Security (or a designee of one of such
Secretaries) knows, or has reason to believe, meets one or
more of the criteria described in subsection (c).
(c) Criteria for Imposition of Sanctions.--The criteria
described in this subsection are the following:
(1) The foreign person or alien is responsible for, or
complicit in, or responsible for ordering, controlling, or
otherwise directing, acts of significant corruption in the
Russian Federation, including the expropriation of private or
public assets for personal gain, corruption related to
government contracts or the extraction of natural resources,
bribery, or the facilitation or transfer of the proceeds of
corruption to foreign jurisdictions.
(2) The foreign person or alien has materially assisted,
sponsored, or provided financial, material, or technological
support for, or goods or services in support of, an act
described in paragraph (1).
(d) Waiver.--The waiver provisions of subsection (d) of
section 202 shall apply with respect to this section and any
sanction imposed by this section to the same extent and in
the same manner as such waiver provisions apply to section
202 and any sanction imposed by such section.
(e) Definitions.--In this section, the terms ``foreign
person'' and ``alien'' have the meanings given such terms in
section 202(f).
SEC. 204. REPORT ON CERTAIN FOREIGN FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) On February 26, 2014, the Department of the Treasury's
Financial Crimes Enforcement Network advised United States
financial institutions of their responsibility to take
reasonable, risk-based steps regarding the potential
suspicious movement of assets related to Viktor Yanukovych
departing Kyiv and abdicating his responsibilities and other
senior officials resigning from their positions or departing
Kyiv.
(2) United States financial institutions are required to
apply enhanced scrutiny to private banking accounts held by
or on behalf of senior foreign political figures and to
monitor transactions that could potentially represent
misappropriated or diverted state assets, the proceeds of
bribery or other illegal payments, or other public corruption
proceeds.
(3) On March 3, 2014, the Government of Ukraine announced
that it had initiated criminal proceedings against a number
of former Ukrainian officials or close associates of former
Ukrainian officials.
(4) On March 5, 2014, the European Union, based on
information from Ukraine's Prosecutor General, issued a
Council Regulation requiring the European Union to freeze the
funds and economic resources of various former Ukrainian
officials and their close associates.
(5) The Government of Canada has taken similar action
against the same individuals.
(6) The measures being taken against these former Ukrainian
officials and their close associates increase the risk that
they will seek to move their assets in a deceptive fashion.
(7) Foreign financial institutions should apply similar,
enhanced due-diligence and reporting requirements.
(8) The United States has a strong interest in seeing the
international financial system protected from illicit
financial activity, including money laundering, terrorism and
proliferation financing, transnational organized crime, and
the misappropriation of state assets, and international
sanctions evasion, among others.
(9) The Department of the Treasury possesses a range of
authorities to insulate the United States financial system
from entities or jurisdictions that pose an illicit financing
risk.
(b) Statement of Policy.--It shall be the policy of the
United States to use all of its regulatory and statutory
authorities to closely scrutinize all foreign financial
institutions, including those in the Russian Federation, that
may be complicit in enabling foreign persons and
transnational criminal enterprises to evade or otherwise
circumvent United States and international sanctions, launder
the proceeds of criminal activity, finance acts of terrorism
and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, or any
other illicit activity that presents risks and
vulnerabilities to the United States financial system.
(c) Report.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, and every 180 days thereafter for
a period not to exceed 2 years, the Secretary of State and
the Secretary of the Treasury shall jointly submit to the
appropriate congressional committees a report on--
(A) foreign financial institutions that are in direct
control of Government of Ukraine state-owned or controlled
assets in a manner determined by the Secretary of State and
the Secretary of the Treasury to be contrary to the interests
of the Government of Ukraine;
(B) foreign financial institutions determined by the
Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury to be
complicit in illicit financial activity, including money
laundering, terrorism and proliferation financing,
transnational organized crime, or misappropriation of state
assets, that are--
(i) organized under the laws of the Russian Federation; or
(ii) owned or controlled by a foreign person described in
section 202(b); and
(C) foreign financial institutions that are directly or
indirectly assisting or otherwise aiding the violation of
Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and territorial
integrity, including the Crimea.
(2) Form.--The report required to be submitted under this
subsection shall be submitted in an unclassified form, to the
extent appropriate, but may include a classified annex.
SEC. 205. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE RUSSIAN
FEDERATION.
It is the sense of Congress that the President should
greatly expand the list of 18 Russian officials and others
published on April 12, 2013, who were engaged in actions
described in section 404 of the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law
Accountability Act of 2012 (title IV of Public Law 112-208;
22 U.S.C. 5811) regarding the death of Sergei Magnitsky,
illegal activity by officials of the Government of the
Russian Federation, or violations of human rights and other
offenses in Russia.
SEC. 206. CERTIFICATION DESCRIBED AND SUBMISSION TO CONGRESS.
(a) In General.--A certification described in this section
is a certification of the President to Congress that
Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and territorial
integrity is not being violated by the Russian Federation or
any other state actor.
(b) Submission to Congress.--
(1) In general.--The President shall submit the
certification described in subsection (a) to the appropriate
congressional committees in writing and shall include a
justification for the certification.
(2) Form of certification.--The certification described in
subsection (a) shall be submitted in unclassified form but
may contain a classified annex.
SEC. 207. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON SUSPENSION OF ALL ACTIVITIES
AND MEETINGS OF THE NATO-RUSSIA COUNCIL.
It is the sense of Congress that the United States should
work to temporarily suspend all activities and meetings of
the NATO-Russia Council.
SEC. 208. DEFINITIONS.
In this title:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--Except as
otherwise provided, the term ``appropriate congressional
committees'' means--
(A) the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on
Financial Services, the Committee on Ways and Means, and the
Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives;
and
(B) Committee on Foreign Relations, the Committee on
Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, and the Committee on the
Judiciary of the Senate.
(2) Senior foreign political figure.--The term ``senior
foreign political figure'' has the meaning given the term in
section 1010.605 of title 31, Code of Federal Regulations.
[[Page H2723]]
TITLE III--REPORTING PROVISIONS
SEC. 301. ANNUAL REPORT ON SECURITY DEVELOPMENTS IN THE
RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THEIR EFFECTS ON
UKRAINIAN SOVEREIGNTY.
(a) Report.--Not later than September 30, 2014, and
September 30 of each year thereafter through 2020, the
Secretary of State shall submit to the specified
congressional committees a report, in both classified and
unclassified form, on the current and future security and
foreign policy posture of the Russian Federation (in this
section referred to as ``Russia'').
(b) Matters to Be Included.--The report required under
subsection (a) shall include the following:
(1) An assessment of the security situation in regions
neighboring Russia, including Crimea.
(2) The goals and factors shaping the security strategy of
the Government of Russia, including potential annexation of
non-Russian territory.
(3) Trends in Russian security behavior that would be
designed to achieve, or that are consistent with, the goals
described in paragraph (2).
(4) An assessment of the global and regional security
objectives of the Government of Russia, including objectives
that would affect the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the
Middle East, or the People's Republic of China.
(5) A detailed assessment of the sizes, locations, and
capabilities of the nuclear, special operations, land, sea,
and air forces of the Government of Russia and how they
affect neighboring countries, including Ukraine.
(6) Developments in Russian military doctrine and training
and whether the developments have differed from before the
annexation of Crimea.
(7) Other security developments involving Russia that the
Secretary of State considers relevant to United States
national security.
(c) Specified Congressional Committees Defined.--In this
section, the term ``specified congressional committees''
means--
(1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on
Armed Services of the House of Representatives; and
(2) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on
Armed Services of the Senate.
SEC. 302. PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION AND REPORT ON COMPLIANCE
BY RUSSIAN FEDERATION OF ITS OBLIGATIONS UNDER
INF TREATY.
(a) Finding.--Congress finds that there are reports that
the Russian Federation is in material breach of its
obligations under the Treaty Between the United States of
America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the
Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range
Missiles, commonly referred to as the Intermediate-Range
Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, signed at Washington December 8,
1987, and entered into force June 1, 1988.
(b) Report.--
(1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the President shall submit to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives
and the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report
that includes a determination as to whether or not the
Russian Federation is in material breach of its obligations
under the INF Treaty.
(2) Additional matters to be included.--If the President
determines that the Russian Federation is in material breach
of its obligations under the INF Treaty, the report shall
also include the following:
(A) A description of the measures taken to hold the Russian
Federation accountable for its violation of its obligations
under the INF Treaty.
(B) A description of the measures being taken to ensure
that the Russian Federation completely and verifiably
eliminates any military system that constitutes a material
breach of its obligations under the INF Treaty.
(3) Form.--The report required by this subsection shall be
submitted in unclassified form but may contain a classified
annex.
SEC. 303. REPORT ON GEOPOLITICAL IMPACT OF ENERGY EXPORTS.
(a) Report Required.--Not later than 90 days after the date
of the enactment of this Act, the Department of State's
Special Envoy and Coordinator for International Energy
Affairs shall submit to the appropriate congressional
committees a detailed, quantitative, and substantive report
on the potential short, medium, and long-term impacts of
increased United States natural gas and oil exports on
Russia's economic and political influence over Ukraine and
other European countries.
(b) Definition.--In this subsection, the term ``appropriate
congressional committees'' means--
(1) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on
Energy and Commerce of the House of Representatives; and
(2) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on
Energy and Natural Resources of the Senate.
SEC. 304. AMENDMENT TO THE IRAN, NORTH KOREA, AND SYRIA
NONPROLIFERATION ACT.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds the following:
(1) Iran continues its longstanding effort to obtain banned
components for its nuclear and missile programs in violation
of its obligations under successive United Nations Security
Council Resolutions.
(2) Russian entities, including Rosoboronexport, have been
sanctioned with respect to proliferation activities,
particularly sanctions under the Iran, North Korea, and Syria
Nonproliferation Act (Public Law 106-178; 50 U.S.C. 1701
note).
(3) The Department of State must expeditiously restore the
deterrent effect of the Iran, North Korea, and Syria
Nonproliferation Act by fully applying and enforcing such
Act.
(b) Amendment.--Section 2 of the Iran, North Korea, and
Syria Nonproliferation Act (Public Law 106-178; 50 U.S.C.
1701 note) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(f) Plan To Expedite Reports and Sanctions Under This
Act.--
``(1) In general.--Not later than 30 days after the date of
the enactment of the Ukraine Support Act, the President shall
submit to the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of
Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations in the
Senate, a plan, to include specific timetables, to expedite
the implementation of this Act with respect to submission of
reports required under subsection (a) and the application of
measures to certain foreign persons under section 3.
``(2) Special emphasis on syria.--In the submission of
reports required under subsection (a) and in accordance with
the plan required under paragraph (1), the President is
encouraged to place a special emphasis on any foreign person
in Russia, including any Russian Federation official, that is
engaged in any activity described in subsection (a) with
respect to the government of President Bashar al-Assad and
any affiliates thereof.
``(3) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this subsection
shall be construed to preclude or exempt the President from
fulfilling or otherwise deviating from the requirements under
subsection (b).''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
General Leave
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have
5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any
extraneous materials in the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, President Vladimir Putin's decision to forcibly annex
Crimea was based on his calculation that the price would be bearable.
Now, in fact, Russia is susceptible to pressure. Seventy percent of
all the exports from Russia are from oil and gas; 52 percent of the
budget that goes to the power behind Mr. Putin's military and his
government comes from that monopoly pricing on natural gas. That
supplies the budget for Russia. That is what gives him the power to
manipulate the situation, the monopoly over gas that he has in Eastern
Europe, to manipulate this situation with respect to Ukraine.
If we want to check aggression from Russia, we must push back, and we
must work together quickly, not only to confront this monopoly
circumstance that exists there, but also to quickly impose tough
sanctions on President Putin and on those who have been his accomplices
in carrying out this aggression.
Diplomatically, our European allies have helped to eject Russia from
the G8 and have suspended all other engagement with Russia until this
crisis is peacefully resolved. Economically, they have also imposed
sanctions, including asset freezes and visa bans, against many Russian
leaders. Our targets must include government officials as well as those
who hold no formal position but who, nevertheless, exercise great
influence over President Putin's policy and have supported aggression.
That includes the so-called oligarchs and others who have amassed
enormous wealth through corruption and through other illegitimate
means.
We must make clear that if they do not end this crisis--which they
have deliberately created, by the way--or if they choose to go even
further, then we and our allies will ratchet up the sanctions pressure.
We must also move quickly to strengthen Ukraine by reinforcing its
sovereignty, its independence and territorial integrity, and assist the
new government in meeting the enormous challenges it faces.
This bill provides assistance to strengthen civil society in Ukraine,
to combat corruption, to help recover assets stolen by former Ukrainian
officials, to reform the police and the justice sector, to promote the
independent
[[Page H2724]]
media, to strengthen Ukraine's defense, and to help prepare for the
run-up to the Presidential election, which is scheduled now on May 25.
And I will add that, in several weeks, I will be leading a bipartisan
delegation from this House, with the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Engel), to Ukraine. And I will add that his forefathers, in fact, come
from Ukraine. We will be there to meet with the Parliament, the
leadership, and the electoral commission in advance of that election.
This bill also directs the assistance already approved by the House
to help get the Ukrainian economy back on its feet, including by
promoting fundamental economic reforms in the country. Those tough
reforms will be essential.
Mr. Speaker, Moscow is using propaganda to sow confusion and fear and
unrest inside Ukraine right now, which it then exploits to justify its
actions. To counter that effort, this legislation enhances funding for
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Voice of America to expand
broadcasting in the Russian language, in Ukrainian, in Tatar in order
to provide the accurate news and information on the ground across
Ukraine. No amount of aid will help Ukraine if Russian propaganda rules
the day.
Another priority must be to end Russia's ability to use its energy
reserves to blackmail Ukraine and other countries, including many of
our NATO allies. Russia supplies 100 percent of Lithuania's natural
gas. Well, it might not be that surprising, then, that Lithuania pays
the highest price for gas of any country in Eastern Europe. And it
supplies two-thirds of Poland's gas.
Energy sales earn Russia not only dollars, but they earn Russia
influence because Russia, in the dead of winter, has turned off the
valves. Russia's state-controlled gas company, Gazprom, threatened to
cut off supplies to Ukraine earlier this month, as it did during the
winters of 2006 and 2009. Gazprom has stated that it is preparing to
double the price Ukraine pays for its natural gas, which could cripple
the country's already weak economy.
Now, we have a powerful tool to counter this pressure, one that is
just waiting to be used, and that is our own energy reserves. We must
remove restrictions on the export of U.S. crude oil and natural gas
into Eastern Europe. We have, in fact, a letter to the Speaker of the
House from the heads of state of Poland, of the Czech Republic, of
Slovakia, of Hungary, asking us--asking us--to direct resources, to
sell resources.
Listen, at the end of the day, if we do this, we end the flaring of
gas here in the United States because of the glut. We are able to help
our balance of payments. It will help to reduce our deficits. It
increases Russia's deficits, frankly. It produces jobs here in the
United States. But it comes at a time when Vladimir Putin has a grip on
the necks of the decisionmakers in Eastern Europe with respect to his
power on monopoly over gas.
Lifting, frankly, these self-imposed sanctions on ourselves in terms
of not exporting our excess gas would not only boost the U.S. economy
and create American jobs, as I indicated, but would reduce the energy
revenues that comprise 52 percent of the budget for the military and
the government in Russia. We must break Putin's energy grip over
Ukraine and Eastern Europe. This is a strategic issue.
I am pleased, by the way, to have worked closely with Ranking Member
Eliot Engel of New York and with all of the members of the committee to
produce this strong, effective, and much-needed bipartisan bill, and I
look forward to its passage today and to working with our Senate
colleagues to have the President sign the bill into law as soon as
possible.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Ed Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R.
4278, the ``Ukraine Support Act,'' which the Committee on
Foreign Affairs ordered reported favorably on March 25, 2014.
As a result of your having consulted with us on provisions in
H.R. 4278 that fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the
Committee on the Judiciary, I agree to discharge our
Committee from further consideration of this bill so that it
may proceed expeditiously to the House floor for
consideration.
The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual
understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 4278 at
this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject
matter contained in this or similar legislation, and that our
Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as
this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may
address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our
Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this or similar legislation, and asks
that you support any such request.
I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming
this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, and would ask
that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be
included in the Congressional Record during Floor
consideration of H.R. 4278.
Sincerely,
Bob Goodlatte,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Bob Goodlatte,
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Goodlatte: Thank you for consulting with the
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R 4278, the Ukraine Support
Act, and for agreeing to be discharged from further
consideration of that bill. The suspension text contains
edits to portions of the bill within the Rule X jurisdiction
of the Committee on the Judiciary that were requested by your
committee.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the
Committee on the Judiciary, or prejudice its jurisdictional
prerogatives on this resolution or similar legislation in the
future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 4278 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work with the
Committee on the Judiciary as this measure moves through the
legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: On March 25, 2014, the Committee on
Foreign Affairs considered H.R. 4278, the Ukraine Support
Act, and ordered it, as amended, to be reported favorably to
the House. As a result of your having consulted with the
Committee on Financial Services concerning provisions of the
bill that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction both before and
since your markup, I agree not to seek a sequential referral
of the measure to my committee so that it may proceed
expeditiously to the House Floor.
The Committee on Financial Services takes this action with
our mutual understanding that, by foregoing a request for a
sequential referral of H.R. 4278, as amended, at this time,
we do not waive any jurisdiction over the subject matter
contained in this or similar legislation, and that our
committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as the
bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may
continue to address any issues that fall within our Rule X
jurisdiction. Our committee also reserves the right to seek
appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any
House-Senate conference involving this or similar
legislation, and requests your support for any such request.
Finally, I would appreciate your response to this letter
confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, as
amended, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters
on this matter be included in your committee's report to
accompany the legislation and/or in the Congressional Record
during floor consideration thereof.
Sincerely,
Jeb Hensarling,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Jeb Hensarling,
Chairman, Committee on Financial Services,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Hensarling: Thank you for consulting with the
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R 4278, the Ukraine Support
Act, and for agreeing to forgo a sequential referral request
on that bill. The suspension text contains edits to portions
of the bill within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee
on Financial Services that were requested by your committee.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the
Committee on Financial Services, or prejudice its
jurisdictional prerogatives on this resolution or similar
legislation in the future. I
[[Page H2725]]
would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 4278 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work with the
Committee on the Financial Services as this measure moves
through the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Edward R. Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing concerning H.R. 4278, the
``Ukraine Support Act,'' which was favorably reported out of
your Committee on March 25, 2014.
Given that certain provisions in the bill are within the
jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means, I appreciate
that you have addressed these provisions in response to the
Committee's concerns. As a result, in order to expedite floor
consideration of the bill, the Committee on Ways and Means
will forgo action on H.R. 4278. Further, the Committee will
not oppose the bill's consideration on the suspension
calendar, based on our understanding that you will work with
us as the legislative process moves forward to ensure that
our concerns continue to be addressed. This is also being
done with the understanding that it does not in any way
prejudice the Committee with respect to the appointment of
conferees or its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or
similar legislation.
I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming
this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, and would ask
that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be
included in the Congressional Record during Floor
consideration.
Sincerely,
Dave Camp,
Chairman.
____
House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Dave Camp,
Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Camp: Thank you for consulting with the
Committee on Foreign Affairs on H.R 4278, the Ukraine Support
Act, and for agreeing to forgo a sequential referral request
on that bill. The suspension text contains edits to the bill
related to the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the
Ways and Means that were requested by your committee.
I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure
does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of the
Committee on Ways and Means, or prejudice its jurisdictional
prerogatives on this resolution or similar legislation in the
future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this legislation.
I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 4278 into the
Congressional Record during floor consideration of the
resolution. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this
legislation and look forward to continuing to work with the
Committee on the Ways and Means as this measure moves through
the legislative process.
Sincerely,
Edward R. Royce,
Chairman.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in strong support of H.R. 4278, the Ukraine Support Act.
Let me begin by thanking the chairman of our Foreign Affairs
Committee, Mr. Royce, for his strong leadership on Ukraine. As always,
he is working with us in a bipartisan and constructive manner on this
very important and timely bill. I am very pleased to be the lead
Democratic cosponsor. I would also like to thank my other Democratic
and Republican colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee for their
important contributions.
The United States has long been a steadfast supporter of a
democratic, prosperous, and independent Ukraine, and with the people of
Ukraine now in dire need of assistance and under imminent threat, there
has never been a more critical moment to show our support.
President Putin's invasion of Crimea is a flagrant violation of
international law and Russia's commitments to its neighbor. The phony
and illegal referendum Putin orchestrated at the barrel of a gun has
resulted in the first outright annexation of territory in Europe since
the end of World War II. And now Putin is amassing troops on Ukraine's
border, threatening to seize more Ukrainian territory and incite
further violence and conflict.
Putin's destabilizing and dangerous moves threaten not only Ukraine,
but other states in the region, including Moldova and Georgia and,
indeed, all of Europe. The United States, our European partners, and
the entire international community must take a stand against Putin's
naked aggression.
This legislation reaffirms our strong support for the people of
Ukraine at this critical time. It authorizes assistance for Ukraine as
it attempts to right its struggling economy, increase energy security,
strengthen civil society, and prepare for democratic elections this
spring. It supports Ukraine's efforts to recover missing assets, to
bolster the rule of law, and to professionalize its law enforcement. It
supports additional broadcasting to Ukraine--and Chairman Royce has
been a champion of that--and other countries in the region to counter
the dangerous and hateful propaganda coming from the Kremlin and its
media outlets. And it endorses the deployment of significant numbers of
international monitors throughout Ukraine to help reduce tensions and
ensure the security of all Ukrainians.
The legislation also sends a clear message to Putin and his cronies
that their landgrab and reckless actions will have serious
consequences. Specifically, it supplements the President's efforts to
sanction those responsible for violating Ukraine's sovereignty and
international integrity, looting Ukraine's economy, and violating human
rights in Ukraine.
And here I would like to applaud President Obama for imposing
measures which have already impacted Putin's inner circle, for taking
the lead in suspending Russia's participation in the G8, and for
rallying support and coordinating actions with our European partners
and others throughout the world.
Finally, the bill expresses support for continuing U.S. security
assistance to Ukraine and reaffirms our commitment to the security of
NATO, the security of our NATO partners in Eastern and Central Europe.
Mr. Speaker, the coming days, weeks, and months will be very
difficult for Ukraine. Its leaders must continue the process of
reconciliation and reach out to all regions of the country. They must
scrupulously respect minority and human rights, and they must make the
hard decisions and take the difficult steps that will return their
country to political and economic health. And they must do all of this
in the face of opposition and likely provocations from Putin and his
cronies.
But as they do so, they and the people of Ukraine should know that
they have our support. By passing this bill, we are making clear that
the United States stands with Ukraine, that we are committed to helping
its people build a more democratic, prosperous, secure, and just state
for themselves and their children.
You know, if we continue to work with Ukraine and continue to help
Ukraine and turn them westward, rather than eastward, then Putin will
have lost. He may have a landgrab in Crimea, but he will lose the rest
of Ukraine. And we should be doing everything possible to make sure
that our European allies are working closely with Ukraine, offering
them the incentives they need so that they will look westward and not
eastward.
I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important
legislation.
Finally, I want to say, foreign policy should be bipartisan whenever
possible. I think this is bipartisanship as its best.
{time} 1045
We send a clear message to the people of Ukraine that the United
States stands with them. It is not a Republican or a Democratic stand.
It is an American stand, and I am proud to be part of it.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Cantor), our respected majority leader.
Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman, the gentleman from
California.
Mr. Speaker, today I rise in strong support of the Ukraine Support
Act. Vladimir Putin's recent military invasion and illegal annexation
of Crimea
[[Page H2726]]
stand in direct violation of Ukraine's sovereignty and international
law. His aggression may only continue unless we in America, along with
our allies, respond with strength.
Newspaper reports indicate that Putin may not be content with
swallowing Crimea whole and that he is now amassing troops on the
border with eastern Ukraine and may soon have his eyes on Moldova.
The eyes of the world are on the United States and our EU and NATO
partners. Adversaries and allies around the world are watching to see
how we respond to this outrageous provocation, to see whether we mean
it when we say Putin's actions are unacceptable.
It is vitally important that the United States, in conjunction with
our EU and NATO allies, send an unmistakable signal that this
aggression will not be tolerated. Together we must be prepared to exact
a significant cost for Russia's behavior and that Mr. Putin's actions
will be met with the firmest of resolve.
This bill is a first step towards supporting the Ukrainians and our
Central and Eastern European partners and imposing truly significant
costs on Moscow--but it is only a first step. We must fundamentally
reassess our assumptions about Russia and acknowledge that Putin
himself scrapped the administration's ``reset'' policy a long time ago.
We need a new strategy that understands Putin for who he is, not who we
wish him to be.
We need a new grand strategy. We need a foreign policy that stands up
for our allies and stands up to our adversaries. We need to prioritize
defense in our budget so that we maintain a military that can respond
promptly to contingencies around the world and that instills fear in
our enemies while reassuring our allies.
Mr. Speaker, I hope this bill, modest though it may be, will prove to
be the first step on a long march to restore America's defenses and
alliances. Now, more than ever, the threats to the very fabric of the
international system require an America that leads.
I want to thank very much the gentleman from California, Chairman
Royce, and Ranking Member Engel and the rest of the Committee on
Foreign Affairs for their bipartisan work and for all of their efforts
on this issue. I urge my colleagues in the House to support our friends
in Ukraine by passing this bill.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Connolly), a very distinguished member of our committee.
Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend. I also congratulate the
ranking member, Mr. Engel, and the chairman, Mr. Royce, for their
bipartisan leadership on this critical, critical resolution.
Mr. Speaker, apparently, once a KGB agent, always a KGB agent. Mr.
Putin seems to have learned nothing from history other than that there
is power at the end of the barrel of a gun. To cite the fact that there
are Russian speakers in Crimea as a rationale for one of the most
audacious power grabs of the 21st century--in Europe, no less--forgets
history.
Let us not forget that Crimea was settled by Stalin when he expelled
and executed the native Tatars, and this recent so-called referendum in
Crimea was also done at the end of the barrel of a gun.
Russian interests were never threatened in the Crimea after the
revolution in Kiev. The new government in Kiev never abrogated the
treaty that allowed Russia naval privileges through 2042. The
Ukrainians didn't occupy military stations in Crimea and around the
region. It was the other way around.
For the United States and its allies to allow this naked aggression
to go unaddressed would be truly an abrogation of our moral
responsibility and would be to turn our backs on the very lessons we
should have learned from the 20th century's tragic history.
Mr. Speaker, we need to stop talking about the he-better-not-go-
further argument. I am stuck at Crimea, and I hope my colleagues are,
too. It is wrong. It cannot be allowed to stand, and we must make him
pay a price.
The difference between now and Stalin's time is that his economy is
integrated into the global economy. The ruble will fall. The stock
market in Russia will pay a price, and investment will suffer because
we will help make it so unless he relents, until they pay a price that
is so great--systematic and comprehensive--that he will understand that
we no longer operate by the rule of the jungle in Europe or, indeed,
anywhere else on this planet, not with our blessing and not with our
apology.
So I strongly support the legislation before us and urge my
colleagues to join with all of us in telling Mr. Putin we will not
stand idly by with history doomed to repeat itself.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on
Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International
Organizations.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I thank my friend for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Ukraine Support Act. I
want to thank my friends and colleagues, Chairman Royce and Ranking
Member Engel, for introducing this comprehensive legislation to support
Ukraine in its urgent effort to meet its current crisis, including by
building up its democratic institutions.
Mr. Speaker, Russia's landgrab in Crimea violates the core principles
of several bilateral and multilateral agreements and treaties between
Ukraine and Russia, the Budapest Memorandum, and the United Nations
Charter, as well as the Helsinki Final Act. This legislation includes
strong sanctions against Russians directly responsible for the
aggression.
H.R. 4278 also authorizes targeted sanctions against Ukrainians
involved in undermining the democratic processes and provides
assistance to the Ukrainian Government for identifying and recovering
stolen assets. It is, after all, these criminal officials, including
and especially Yanukovych and his cronies, who have so harmed the
Ukrainian people and placed the country in the vulnerable position
which Russia has exploited.
Another key provision of the bill provides support for Ukraine's
democracy and civil society; and I want to here recognize the
importance of supporting, as well, the faith-based groups and
organizations that played such a prominent role, particularly on the
humanitarian side, in supporting the movement for democracy and the
rule of law.
The Ukrainian democracy movement is, in large part, a religious
movement. Orthodox and Catholic clergy, for example, were prominent in
the protests, and the drama of priests carrying icons confronting
soldiers became as much a symbol of the democratization movement as
anything else. And, again, when people were wounded and when people
were being dragged away, it was the clergy that tried to step in to
mitigate the violence against them.
Let me also point out a Catholic News Service article that just hit
the wire that points out that members of the Ukrainian Catholic Church
are fleeing Crimea to escape threats of arrest and property seizures.
Father Milchakovskyi, a parish rector in Crimea, said:
The situation remains very serious, and we don't know what
will happen--the new government here is portraying us all as
nationalists and extremists.
The article also says:
Officials from Russia's Federal Security Service, or FSB,
had called him in for questioning about his community and to
ask whether or not he ``recognized the new order.''
He pointed out that one priest in particular was actually beaten by
Russian forces. And, again, Members will recall, and I remember during
the 1980s when I first came here, how so many within the church,
including the orthodox church, were beaten and sent to the gulag
because of their religious faith. This could be the harbinger of a new
wave of repression against people of faith. The Ukrainian Catholic
Church, by way of reminder, was one of those churches that was outlawed
during Soviet times, and now we see the same kind of repetition of that
kind of repression.
This legislation is a clear step in the right direction. No piece of
legislation will do it all. We have to appeal to the Russians to stop
this, but, again, to cease their persecution of people in the Crimea.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to
the
[[Page H2727]]
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
Mr. HOYER. I thank my friend, the ranking member, Mr. Engel from New
York, and I thank Mr. Royce, the chairman of the committee, for
bringing this bill to the floor and working in a bipartisan fashion to
effect an objective that I strongly support. I thank both of them for
their work.
Mr. Speaker, the ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine is
unacceptable and a gross violation of international law. I agree with
President Obama that Russia is acting from a position of weakness,
however. Strong nations do not invade and annex territory from their
smaller neighbors by force, and strong nations do not suppress the free
expression of ideas and the voices of dissent within their own society.
Those are the hallmarks not of a great nation but of an insecure bully.
Great nations are those that stand together to reaffirm the
principles of liberty and international order. Great nations are those
that commit to peaceful diplomacy while protecting free and open debate
among our citizens.
The American people continue to stand with the people of Ukraine, Mr.
Speaker, because we believe they have a right to join the nations of
the world that are free and able to shape their own future. That is
why, through this bill, we pledge our support as the new government in
Kiev works to stabilize its economy, provide security to its citizens,
and ensure that all Ukrainians are afforded the opportunities that come
with vibrant, democratic institutions and basic freedoms. That is what
this bill offers the people of Ukraine.
What it offers President Putin and his associates is an opportunity
to end their misguided, unjustified, and the illegal incursion into
Ukraine's internal affairs, because it affords them a choice, Mr.
Speaker: adhere to international law and end their aggression or face
increasingly punitive sanctions that will further isolate Russia from
the global community.
The one item missing from this otherwise strong bill, unfortunately,
is ratification of IMF quota reform, and I hope the House will take
action on that piece soon.
However, this is a good bill. We ought to support this bill. We ought
to pass this bill and send Mr. Putin a clear message that the United
States Congress and the Nation we represent will not stand for Russia's
actions and that we are ready to help Ukraine reach for the future it
so richly deserves.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Rohrabacher), chairman of the Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats.
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this
legislation, and I realize that I am a lone voice--or almost a lone
voice--in this discussion today.
I see this legislation as a bipartisan green light to reigniting the
cold war. Unfortunately, many of my friends and colleagues, both
colleagues today and my friends from the time when I spent in the
Reagan White House, 7 years, many of these people feel that the cold
war is not over, that it never did end. They are more comfortable with
treating Russia as if it were still under Communist rule. Well, Putin
is not a Communist leader. Putin is a nationalist who loves his country
and he is looking out for the national interests of his country. For us
to try to demonize him and to try to suggest that he is doing this as
he did in the cold war and he is still KGB, et cetera, is not doing the
cause of peace any good.
This is what started this whole slide in the wrong direction toward
the type of confrontation we are having today. In Ukraine, a
democratically elected President was removed from power, and that was a
democratically elected President who is more inclined towards better
relations with Russia. He was removed from power. And then the Russian
Government, under Mr. Putin, decided to ensure the people of Crimea the
right to self-determination. Because even Secretary of State Kerry has
verified and testified before our committee that the people of Crimea
obviously want to be part of Russia, this is not a power grab.
{time} 1100
This is defending their right to self determination, and certainly
the people of Crimea have the right to make that determination just as
the people of Kosovo had their right to leave Serbia behind.
Our military action there to try to protect the right of self
determination of the Kosovars, it cost many, many lives. This Russian
military move, with all this power grab, et cetera, has resulted in the
loss of one life. That is in stark contrast to when we bombed Belgrade,
we bombed Serbia.
No, we should not permit ourselves to reignite a cold war. We should
make sure that we realize that the actions we are taking here
suggesting the United States must rush in and be the arbiter in every
one of these type of conflicts is always stretching our budget. But in
this particular bill, we are going to put our name on a loan of $800
billion to a country that we are going have to borrow the money from
China to get.
The United States can no longer afford to right every wrong in the
world and be the arbiter. In this case we would be arbitrating in the
wrong direction.
Mr. ROYCE. I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, part of our problem here is with President Putin's
definition of what is the Russian Nation in his speech to the Duma.
When he says the Russian Nation is divided by borders, he is sending a
message that, with respect not just to Crimea but other areas
throughout Europe, Russia may be staking a claim.
Here is the difficulty. In Crimea, yes, the population today is
majority ethnic Russian, but there was a time when, before Joe Stalin
moved a wide segment of the Tatars population into Siberia and before
the forced collectivization, there was a time when the majority
population was very different than it is today. Fifty-six percent of
that ethnic group perished. But this is a problem that we also have in
Eastern Europe and in eastern and southern Ukraine, because you had
some 8 million Ukrainians also perish during Stalin's rule, and ethnic
Russians came into that area as a consequence.
The thing we need to remember is that it is, in fact, the Russian-
speaking population in the east, as well as the Ukrainians speaking in
the west, that voted for independence for Ukraine, that voted strongly
to have a separate state. And if this issue is allowed to stand without
the world responding, the question is: Is that argument then made in
Latvia and Estonia? Is that argument then made in Latvia and Estonia?
Is that argument made in all of the former Russian states?
I do not think in any way this is comparable to Kosovo. In Kosovo,
NATO responded to a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing by former
Yugoslavian forces. In Crimea, Russia attempted to justify its actions
by fabricating the myth of widespread violence against the ethnic
Russian population, even going as far as to equate it to the bloodshed
occurring in Syria. Clearly, this is not true. We know it is not true.
In terms of the election itself, opponents were silenced.
International monitors were barred. Crimean Tatars themselves boycotted
the very election. Voters were not given the option of preserving
Crimea's current status within Ukraine. Independence and de facto
independence were the only options, and the bogus vote there was also
unnecessary because the Ukrainian Government had made it clear that it
was willing to discuss increased autonomy for Crimea.
Now, here is the problem going forward. We know the view taken
internationally on this subject. The U.N. Security Council condemned
Russia's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine, and Russia stood
alone--stood absolutely alone in this case--because even Ukrainians
themselves have gone to the sites of the Russian media-reported attacks
against ethnic Russian minorities to show that that is not occurring.
That is, in fact, propaganda. We can't let this stand.
One of the other things we are doing in this bill is improving our
broadcasting into Ukraine and the region to dispel these myths and
spread the truth about the situation there.
So I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
[[Page H2728]]
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the managers of this
legislation, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee and the
ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for their leadership
and for their commitment, as I acknowledge the other body as well.
This morning, a bright announcement came from Mr. Putin that he was
drawing Russians to a program of exercise in the name of labor and
defense. Someone said it is reminiscent of past history, when other
despots drew their Nation together in massive public exercises to show
the world that they were not going to be part of the world order.
I believe in peace. I believe that we should be engaged, that
diplomacy is right. I also don't believe in condemnation of a Nation
purely for its ideological disagreement.
In this instance, it is important for the United States to make a
public stand. As a member of the Inter-Parliamentary Exchange, meeting
with Europeans over the years, I know that they are proud of the
democracy that they have maintained since the horrors of World War II.
Today, the United States, with the passage of this legislation, and
ultimately hopefully the signing by the President, will tell the world
that the United States stands firmly with its own democratic
principles. But the people of Ukraine, those in Kiev and places around,
will still have the knowledge that America stands by it economically,
with loan guarantees, but it also stands against a despot who has
illegally moved into a sovereign Nation, with no provocation,
undermining the military base of Ukraine. So I would ask my colleagues
to join against a despot and for a people and support the underlying
legislation.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Poe), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Nonproliferation, and Trade.
Mr. POE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for the time, and
I also thank the chairman and the ranking member for bringing this
legislation to the floor in a very speedy and efficient manner.
I will also say I have great respect for my friend from California
(Mr. Rohrabacher). He knows a lot about foreign affairs, but we
disagree on what the evidence shows in this particular matter.
Mr. Speaker, Mark Twain once said that, ``History doesn't repeat
itself, but it does rhyme.'' Well, Russia is quite the poet these days.
In 2008, Russia invaded Georgia and confiscated one-third of that
Nation's territory. The world watched, complained a little bit. The
world moved on. There were no consequences. And the Russians, Mr.
Speaker, are still there. Again, second verse, same as the first.
The ``Napoleon of Siberia'' has invaded Ukraine and seized Crimea.
Putin is bent on establishing a Soviet-style empire and allegedly
uniting Russian-speaking people throughout the world. Well, who knows
who his next target will be. It could be our friends in Moldova, the
rest of Ukraine, or Estonia.
Russia has been able to maintain dominance over the region because of
its vast energy sources, especially natural gas. Six countries in
Europe rely 100 percent on Russia for their natural gas. Russia uses
gas as a political and economic weapon to manipulate these countries.
I was in Ukraine in winter when Russia turned off the gas for
political reasons. It was cold. It was dark. This bill helps disarm
that hostage tactic. It includes my amendment that commits the U.S. to
helping Ukraine use American natural gas.
There must be consequences for the bully, Putin, for invading other
Nations like Ukraine. Justice requires there be consequences. Mr.
Speaker, justice is what we do.
And that's just the way it is.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire about how much time each of us
has?
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Holding). The gentleman from New York
has 8 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from California's time has
expired.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman
from California be allowed to control 3 minutes of my remaining time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
What we are doing this morning is the Congress at its best. What we
are doing this morning is standing up to a bully and telling him that
his actions will not stand. What we are doing is saying that in the
21st century it is no longer acceptable for dictators to invade other
countries.
What we are saying to the people of Ukraine is that we stand behind
you, we are with you, we haven't forgotten you, and we are going to do
everything possible to make you whole again. We are going to do
everything possible to let you know the West wants to partner with you.
We are going to do everything possible to stand up for freedom and
democracy with you.
I think that is a very noble cause. It is not pie in the sky. No one
is advocating a war with boots on the ground against Russia, but we are
advocating that there have to be some standards in the world.
If we let Putin get away with this, then it sends a green light to
Putin that he can continue to do this and to every other despot and
dictator around the world that they can do whatever they like and the
world is just indifferent or too afraid to act.
I think this is an opportunity, and I think that this is a time when
one day we will be able to say to our grandchildren that we acted
together.
I want to again commend Chairman Royce for working with me in a
bipartisan fashion. We will be going to Ukraine together in a few short
weeks to show the Ukrainian people that America stands with them.
I urge my colleagues again to support the bill, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Indiana (Mr. Messer), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. MESSER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this important
bipartisan bill. I commend Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for
bringing this measure forward.
Today's legislation makes clear that, as a Nation, we speak with one
voice regarding Russia's aggression.
The situation in Ukraine is undoubtedly complex. The history between
Crimea and Russia dates back centuries. Close to 60 percent of the
population identifies as ethnic Russians.
Several facts are clear: Russia has massed troops and perpetrated a
breach of international law with its unwarranted aggression.
The elections in Crimea took place under an illegal occupation. It
did not resemble anything close to a real election. Consequently, the
results should not and cannot be recognized.
Lastly, there is little doubt that if the world does not act,
Russia's territorial aggression will expand and continue. Whatever the
complexities, this invasion of a sovereign country is not justified,
period.
Today's bill makes clear America will not tolerate Russia's
territorial aggression in Ukraine or elsewhere. I urge my colleagues to
support it.
{time} 1115
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 3\1/2\
minutes remaining.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Levin), the ranking member of the Ways and Means
Committee.
(Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill.
As Ukraine is fighting for its independence and the people of Ukraine
are fighting to preserve and to deepen their democracy, we must stand
squarely with them. It has been said here, including by the majority
leader, that this is a first step.
I would like to make very clear, we really should be taking, in this
bill, another step; we should be providing, in this bill, as was
proposed in the Senate and by many of us, some assistance to make sure
that the IMF can perform its fullest role.
[[Page H2729]]
That was the preference of President Obama. He made it clear we
should act, the U.S. We should also be able to help the IMF to act as
fully and effectively as possible.
So I think, today, instead of anybody here coming and criticizing the
President, they should essentially be supporting him in his efforts to
have the fullest array of assistance to Ukrainian democracy.
If this is only the first step, let's take some additional steps and
stand together on a bipartisan basis, instead of at times, I think,
taking partisan shots verbally at the President of the United States.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 1\1/2\
minutes remaining.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Ohio
(Ms. Kaptur).
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the esteemed ranking member
of New York (Mr. Engel), a dear friend, for yielding time in support of
the Ukraine Support Act, H.R. 4278, and for his leadership from the
time we traveled to Ukraine together well over a decade ago; and to
Congressman Royce, the chairman of the committee, to reaffirm America's
strong support for liberty and the people of Ukraine at this really
critical time in world history and the history of Central and Eastern
Europe.
The assistance that is contemplated here is in the form of a loan
guarantee and will aid Ukraine's efforts to recover its own missing
assets to pay the money back. Ukraine is fully capable of earning its
way forward. It is already the third largest grain exporter in the
world, so this is nothing that can't be repaid.
In addition, the bill authorizes $10 million for international
broadcasting to Ukraine. I can guarantee you--I did an interview with
Voice of America about a week ago--I received emails from people in
Ukraine. They are waiting to hear the song of liberty.
Let us sing it loudly by passing this legislation quickly on a
bipartisan basis and stand for freedom when it matters most.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
In closing, let me, again, say what a pleasure it is to work with
Chairman Royce on a bipartisan basis. You can see, again, strong
bipartisan support for this bill.
Ms. Kaptur didn't mention that she was cochair of the Ukrainian
Caucus. We have Members on both sides of the aisle all standing
together to say the United States stands with the people of Ukraine.
Please vote ``yes.''
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This is not a new cold war. President Reagan ended the cold war. The
way he did that, frankly, was by leading, but also with a strategy
which drove down the price of oil and gas, which was the stranglehold,
which not only Russia had over Eastern Europe, but also funded the
ability of the former Soviet Union militarily to carry out an expansion
program.
Today, you have the circumstance where President Putin relies almost
solely--70 percent of the exports, 52 percent of the budget, as I
indicated--from a monopoly position on oil and gas.
That is why I think it is very important that we understand what the
polls and what the Hungarians understood when they exported 2 billion
cubic yards of gas last year to Ukraine in order to try to keep the
ability of Russia from manipulating the situation into leading to the
very chaos that was brought about.
We need to understand, when the U.S.-EU annual summit just occurred
and the EU asked us to be part of a program to ship gas into that
market in order to offset this monopoly control and pricing by Russia,
that we should be part of this. This is part of this bill.
Also part of the bill is the important consequence of communicating
to the people in that region and offsetting the propaganda that Russia
right now is sending into the country.
We address that issue, as well, in this legislation, as well as good
governance issues, and the steps that are needed in order to reform the
economy inside Ukraine in order to set up the rule of law, independent
courts.
The polls are on the ground working on this issue right now. The
United States needs to support that effort. This sends one last message
that, if you are in the business of helping to invade a country, there
will be consequences.
I urge an ``aye'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 4278,
the ``Ukraine Support Act.'' I support this legislation because I stand
in solidarity with the freedom loving people of Ukraine, who are under
siege from Russian encroachment.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 4278 authorizes $70 million in aid to Ukraine,
including $50 million for democracy and civil society efforts.
The bill also codifies and expands sanctions imposed this month by
the Obama Administration against certain Russian officials and calls on
President Obama to sanction Russian officials, corporations and those
engaged in the Russian arms sector who have undermined the Ukrainian
government or committed human rights abuses. The President is also
authorized to examine whether Russia has violated a 1988 arms treaty
and permits him to freeze assets and deny visas.
Specifically, the bill authorizes $50 million for the President to
provide assistance to support democracy and strengthen civil society in
Ukraine. This assistance is to be used to improve transparency, rule of
law, and anti-corruption efforts; strengthen political organizations;
and protect independent media as Ukraine prepares for free and fair
elections in May.
Additionally, up to $10 million is authorized for Radio Free Europe/
Radio Liberty and Voice of America to increase broadcasts into eastern
Ukraine (including Crimea), Moldova and other nearby ethnic Russian
communities. The broadcasts should, in particular, counter
misinformation from Russia-supported news outlets.
In addition to this direct aid, the bill also supports the people of
Ukraine in the following ways:
1. Encourages the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) to
prioritize investments in Ukraine;
2. Authorizes $8 million to help Ukraine develop an independent
judiciary and eliminate human rights abuses by law enforcement
authorities;
3. Encourages increased U.S. security cooperation among NATO states
in Central and Eastern Europe through military training, exercises and
the exchange of defense articles, and directs the Secretary of State to
report to Congress within 30 days of enactment with a review of U.S.
security assistance to that country;
4. Expresses the sense of Congress that the administration should
provide expedited assistance to the Ukrainian government to identify
and recover assets stolen from the government or linked to corruption
by former officials, including former President Viktor Yanukovych; and
5. Offsets the cost of assistance to Ukraine by reducing the $1.5
billion authorized for Pakistan in the Enhanced Partnership with
Pakistan Act of 2009 by $70 million.
That is why I strongly support the codification of three Presidential
executive orders issued in March sanctioning individuals involved in
the violence in Ukraine or who undermine the independence, sovereignty,
or territorial or economic integrity of Ukraine. Such sanctions could
include the seizure of financial assets, the denial of visas, and other
penalties.
The sanctions could be ended if the President certifies to Congress
that Ukrainian sovereignty, independence or territorial integrity is
not being violated by Russia or any other state actor, or after Jan. 1,
2020, if the President certifies that their termination is in the
national security interest of the United States.
Finally, the bill requires the President, within 30 days of enactment
and within 180 days thereafter for at least two years, to report to
Congress on senior Russian political figures who are engaged in such
activity.
It also requires the President, along identical timelines, to report
to Congress on foreign financial institutions (especially Russian
banks) to determine whether they are involved in the confiscation of
Ukrainian assets; money laundering, terrorist or proliferation
financing, or actively helping to skirt sanctions; or helping to annex
Crimea.
The bill expresses the sense of Congress that the President should
expand the list of Russian officials--currently at 18--sanctioned for
gross human rights violations under the Magnitsky Act of 2012.
Mr. Speaker, it is right that the civilized world, led by the United
States, opposes aggression and the violation of territorial sovereignty
by the Putin regime.
I urge my colleagues to join me in voting to pass H.R. 4278.
Mr. KING of New York. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of H.R.
4278, the Ukraine
[[Page H2730]]
Support Act. One of the many important initiatives included in this
legislation is language urging the President to greatly expand the list
of Russian officials and others who have been sanctioned for gross
human rights violations. Until this past week, only eighteen had been
sanctioned. This is unacceptable. After the recent actions of the
Russian Federation, we must expand this list beyond those involved in
the death of the Russian anti-corruption lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, whose
imprisonment and subsequent death was the impetus for the creation of
these sanctions. I am glad to hear that the President just sanctioned
20 additional individuals, freezing their assets and barring U.S.
travel. However, more must be done.
Others who deserve to be held accountable for their human rights
abuses include militant anti-Westerner Dmitry Kiselyov--head of the
Russian government-owned news agency and called the ``Kremlin's New
Chief Propagandist'' by the Moscow Times--who was recently sanctioned
by the European Union, and Maxim Martsinkevich, head of Neo-Nazi
extremist group ``Occupy Pedophilia'' which has engaged in kidnapping
and torture. There are others who are allies and friends of Vladimir
Putin whom the Administration seems to have avoided placing on the list
to avoid Russian retaliation--but it is clear a policy of appeasement
has done nothing to deter Putin's government.
Last month, the State Department released its 2013 county report on
human rights practices in Russia, which documented widespread human
rights abuses under the Russian government. The report found that
``[t]he government continued its crackdown on dissent that began after
Vladimir Putin's return to the presidency,'' seeking ``to harass,
pressure, discredit, and/or prosecute individuals and entities that had
voiced criticism of the government.'' It depicted a suppressive
environment where ``law enforcement personnel engaged in torture,
abuse, and violence to coerce confessions from suspects,'' politically
motivated disappearances continued to occur, and conditions in prisons
could be harsh or life-threatening. The State Department noted that
Russia had adopted several laws discriminating against LGBT
individuals, continued to prosecute some religious minorities, and
found some authorities ``discriminated against ethnic minorities,
arbitrarily detaining thousands of migrant workers amid a wave of anti-
immigrant sentiment. Laws, actions, and official rhetoric restricting
the rights of the LGBT community, migrants, and other minorities
coincided with a marked increase in violent attacks against these
groups.''
This scathing report makes clear there are more Russian individuals
who belong on the sanctioned list. I strongly urge the President to
hold these human rights abusers accountable for their crimes.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House suspend the rules
and pass the bill, H.R. 4278, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.
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