[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 48 (Wednesday, March 26, 2014)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1747-S1761]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NOMINATION OF CHRISTOPHER REID COOPER TO BE U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
______
NOMINATION OF M. DOUGLAS HARPOOL TO BE U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE
WESTERN DISTRICT OF MISSOURI
______
NOMINATION OF GERALD AUSTIN McHUGH, JR., TO BE U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE FOR
THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA
______
NOMINATION OF EDWARD G. SMITH, TO BE U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE
EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Cloture having been invoked, the clerk will
report the nominations.
The assistant bill clerk read the nominations of Christopher Reid
Cooper, of the District of Columbia, to be United States District Judge
for the District of Columbia; M. Douglas Harpool, of Missouri, to be
United States District Judge for the Western District of Missouri;
Gerald Austin McHugh, Jr., of Pennsylvania, to be United States
District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; and Edward G.
Smith, of Pennsylvania, to be United States District Judge for the
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the time until 2:30
p.m. will be equally divided and controlled between the two leaders or
their designees.
The Republican whip.
Better Focus
Mr. CORNYN. Madam President, I wish to say a few words about the
business pending before the Senate; that is, providing aid and
assistance to the citizens of Ukraine who find themselves invaded by
the Russian federation. But before I get to Ukraine, I wish to say a
quick word about a story that appeared today in the New York Times.
This was a remarkable story, remarkable in its transparency but also
in its cynicism in terms of what some of our friends across the aisle
have in mind between now and November. To put it in a word, they have
given up. They have given up legislating and are going to spend the
next several months holding a series of show votes which are in essence
those designed to highlight poll-tested messages.
The New York Times writes this:
The proposals have little chance of passing.
Little chance of passing.
But Democrats concede that making new laws is not really
the point. Rather, they are trying to force Republicans to
vote against them.
I would think the American people would expect and certainly they
would deserve better than that from the Senate--scheduling a series of
show votes, not for the purpose of actually improving the lives of the
American people or solving the problems that confront our country at
this time of low economic growth and high joblessness but, rather, for
show votes, for purely partisan political reasons.
At a time when millions of people have lost their health insurance,
when millions have been forced to pay higher premiums or deductibles,
when 3.8 million people have been unemployed for more than 6 months,
when the labor force participation rate--the number of people actually
looking for work--has fallen to 30-year lows, and when nearly 46.8
million people are receiving food stamps, it is more than a little
disappointing that the leaders of the Democratic Party in the Senate
are into scoring cheap political points.
As I said, the American people certainly deserve better. Again, I am
a little bit surprised that some of the leadership on the Democratic
side of the aisle would be so transparent and so obvious as to state
their intentions to the New York Times, but that is what it appears.
What we need is a Senate and a Congress that is more focused on
creating an economic condition where the American people can find jobs
rather than politicians who are focused solely on saving their jobs,
particularly leading up to the next election. Of course, this is the
kind of stuff that makes people extraordinarily cynical about
Washington, DC, but with an election coming up, I guess some people
have lost all sense of proportion.
Ukraine
As we continue to discuss the proper response by the United States of
America to Vladmir Putin's invasion of Ukraine, it is important that we
stay focused on two overarching realities; No. 1, the Government of
Russia is much more vulnerable to Western pressure than it might appear
from the outside; No. 2, we have far more leverage today against Moscow
than we did 10 years ago or even 5 years ago because of the renaissance
in American energy, the oil and gas boom we are experiencing in
America, thanks to the discovery of a man named George Mitchell from
Houston, TX, who pioneered horizontal drilling, which together with
fracking has allowed access to natural gas and oil reserves undreamed
of just 5 or 10 years ago.
Let's start with the first reality. As Ruchir Sharma of Morgan
Stanley Investment Management wrote on Monday in the Wall Street
Journal:
Russia has become a classic weak-investment, high-inflation
economy.
An economy plagued by massive levels of corruption.
According to Mr. Sharma:
. . . wealthy Russians have been moving money out of the
country at one of the fastest rates in two decades--$60
billion a year since 2012--and now foreign investors are
pulling out too.
[[Page S1748]]
So it is worth noting that Russia's economy is currently suffering
through a period of stagnation, despite the fact that oil prices remain
high. As a matter of fact, its government's main source of income is
oil and gas revenue, which has led our friend the senior Senator from
Arizona to say that Russia these days is ``a gas station masquerading
as a sovereign state.''
They depend on the ability to sell that oil and gas to Ukraine and
Europe. Indeed, they use this as a political tool to work their will in
Europe and obviously in Ukraine.
Sometimes we talk about crony capitalism here in America in which
private individuals and private companies collude with government in
order to gain special benefits. That is what crony capitalism is. The
Russian economy represents crony capitalism on steroids. If we could
squeeze the oligarchs and the Kremlin advisers who have gotten
fabulously rich thanks to their collaboration with Vladmir Putin and
the Russian Government, many of Vladmir Putin's closest allies will
begin to rethink their support. That is an area of vulnerability we
ought to be focused on like a laser.
As I said yesterday, I am encouraged by the sanctions the Obama
administration announced on Thursday. It is a good start, but I would
urge the administration to continue imposing serious penalties on high-
level Kremlin officials and the super-rich oligarchs who comprise
Putin's inner circle. In other words, sanctions are not enough. We need
to do more to dissuade and discourage Putin and his allies from
engaging in the current course of conduct, as well as further
adventures in other parts of Europe and areas of the former Soviet
Union.
It is time for more robust sanctions that target the financial energy
sectors of the Russian economy. The cost for Moscow's aggression must
be real, and that is not just me saying that, that is what President
Obama said too. With that in mind, I urge the administration to
sanction the Russian arms exporter known as Rosoboronexport, which has
been tied up in all sorts of corruption scandals and which is also the
primary arms supplier for Bashar al-Assad in Syria, who has murdered
about 150,000 of his own people in the ongoing Syrian civil war.
I cosponsored an amendment introduced by the Senator from Indiana
that would end all U.S. Government contracts with Rosoboronexport and
punish the companies with whom it does military-related business. Once
again, I hope that the majority leader, Senator Reid, would reconsider
and allow the amendment to receive a vote, something he refused to do
yesterday. I am hoping after a good night's sleep and reconsideration,
maybe he would be open to that.
I would also call on the majority leader, Senator Reid, to allow us
to offer another amendment introduced by the junior Senator from
Wyoming, which would greatly expand American exports of liquefied
natural gas by granting automatic approval to all applications for new
LNG terminals that would ship gas to Ukraine and other members of our
NATO alliance.
One may wonder why that is necessary. Just to recapitulate, Putin
uses energy as a weapon. If he is not getting what he wants out of
Ukraine or Europe, he squeezes off the supply of energy which is
essential to the economy and to life itself in those vulnerable parts
of the world.
We have been blessed as a result of the innovations of people such as
George Mitchell with this new renaissance in energy in America through
shale gas--sometimes called unconventional plays--but the point is we
are now able to produce much more energy than we can consume
domestically, and in North America alone we are fast approaching energy
independence. We can afford to be an exporter of some of this energy to
vulnerable countries such as Ukraine and Europe, so we can get Putin's
boot off their neck when it comes to the impact he has on their energy
supply.
Before the shale gas revolution, which has just been in the last
decade or so, there was very little the United States could do to deter
Eastern Europe's dependence on Russia's LNG. The global energy
landscape is much different than it was just a half decade ago.
Back in October the House Energy & Commerce Committee held a hearing
at which several Eastern European diplomats discussed the geopolitical
significance of America's natural gas boom. The Lithuanian Ambassador
said bluntly: ``We need your gas. We want to buy your gas.'' Well,
Lithuania is one of the countries that are in the greatest jeopardy now
against the depredations of somebody like Vladimir Putin and a Russian
Federation on the march.
Meanwhile, the Czech Republic's Deputy Chief of Mission said that
U.S. LNG exports would increase his country's leverage in future energy
negotiations with Moscow. This same Czech diplomat has also urged the
U.S. Government to treat LNG exports to NATO countries the same way it
treats LNG exports to countries with which America has a free-trade
agreement. This is how he put it: Such a policy shift ``puts us in a
different league. We are in League B and we would like to be in League
A.''
Passing the Barrasso amendment, of which I am a proud cosponsor,
would put all NATO countries in league A, and it would send an
unmistakable message to Vladimir Putin and his allies in this
aggression against the people of Ukraine and potential aggression
against other countries that this weapon he uses, known as energy, is
no longer available to him to use to intimidate people and gain their
territorial ambitions.
It would also demonstrate that Members of both political parties here
in Congress are committed to breaking Vladimir Putin's energy
stranglehold over the nations of Eastern Europe. This is going to be
very important because if Putin keeps coming--as he may very well do--
and as Europe considers working with the United States to impose higher
and higher costs, Europe is going to look in the mirror and say: What
do sanctions against Russia mean in terms of our economy?
I am afraid they are going to be compromised if they realize their
engagement with us--and increasingly high sanctions against Russia--has
a negative impact on their economy because it will essentially
jeopardize their energy imports.
In addition to sanctions and gas exports, the third prong of
America's Ukraine strategy should include serious military assistance
to Kiev. Everyone has said: We are not talking about American boots on
the ground, but we are talking about providing military assistance to
people who are trying to defend themselves.
If our alliance and agreement with Ukraine means anything, it means
we are going to help them defend themselves against Russian
depredation.
Believe me, not only is Ukraine watching but other nations, such as
NATO--which has a treaty relationship with the United States and a
self-defense agreement in section 5 of the NATO treaty where aggression
against any single NATO country is treated as an attack against all of
them--are watching America's response in Ukraine.
In some cases, America might not have to send that military aid
directly. We might only have to facilitate the purchase of certain
equipment from other sources. But either way, we should be doing
everything possible to make sure our friends and our allies have the
resources they need to deter Russian aggression further.
It is not just our enemies who are looking to see if America
retreats--pulling back in the world and creating a vacuum that is being
filled by people like Vladimir Putin--it is our friends and our allies
who are wondering if America is a dependable friend and ally. If we are
not, they are going to make other arrangements all around the world.
I have a few final words about what is at stake.
When Ukraine voluntarily gave up its nuclear arsenal in the mid-
1990s, it did so after receiving a U.S. security guarantee. When other
Eastern European nations decided to join NATO, they too were seeking a
guarantee from America that we would come to their defense and other
NATO allies would also come to their defense.
If Russia's annexation of Crimea is allowed to stand, many of our
allies, our partners, and our friends will no longer trust American
promises, and many would-be aggressors, such as China, will be
emboldened to pursue their territorial claims with much
[[Page S1749]]
more belligerence, and correspondingly the world will become a much
more dangerous place. In other words, the outcome in Ukraine is
critically important both to U.S. credibility and the future of the
international order. Our policies should reflect that.
I am disappointed that the majority leader has seen fit to cut off
any opportunity for Senators on both sides of the aisle to offer
constructive additions for a vote. We are not even asking for assurance
that they would pass; we are just asking for a vote on amendments, such
as military assistance to the Ukraine, expediting the permitting of LNG
export facilities to help alleviate the stranglehold Putin has on
Europe and Ukraine. The majority leader has said no, he is not going to
allow that, and we do need to get this bill out of here tomorrow--and
we will--to send a unified message that this sort of aggression will
not be met with silence by the U.S. Government. Even the advocates of
this underlying bill have said it is not enough. This is just a start.
I would like to hear a schedule from the majority leader of when he
purports to bring some of these other important issues to the floor--
particularly if Putin does what many expect him to do, and that is to
continue rolling on into Western Ukraine and perhaps other countries.
What will be America's response? What will be the bipartisan response
of the Senate? What we have done so far is a start, but it is nowhere
near good enough to exact the kinds of costs President Obama said he
wants to exact on Putin and Russia for this act of international
aggression and invasion in the country of Ukraine.
With that, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GRAHAM. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. GRAHAM. Madam President, I believe Senator McCain is on his way
to the Chamber. We want to have a colloquy about Ukraine. I ask
permission to do that when Senator McCain arrives.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. GRAHAM. Madam President, as Senator McCain makes his way to the
floor, we are trying to figure out what to do as a nation--along with
our allies in Europe and throughout the world--about Ukraine and really
what to do with Putin.
In my view, this is a symptom of a greater problem. Crimea had been a
part of Russia for a very long time, but in 1954, I believe it was,
Crimea became part of a sovereign nation called the Ukraine through an
agreement. In 1994 the Ukrainians--after the collapse of the former
Soviet Union, which was the third largest nuclear power in the world--
agreed to turn their nuclear weapons back over to the Russian
Federation as part of the Budapest agreement. In return for receiving
the weapons, the Russian Government promised to honor the territorial
integrity of the Ukraine, and we were part of that deal.
I guess no one really fleshed out what honoring the territorial
integrity of the Ukraine would mean, but clearly, in 1994 when the
Ukrainian people gave up the nuclear weapons they possessed to the
Russians--and we were part of the deal where we were going to guarantee
their territorial integrity for the swap--no one envisioned that Russia
would move into Crimea because they don't like the political dynamic in
Kiev. If the people of the Ukraine want to move west, that is not a
reason to basically abrogate the 1994 agreement.
What is going on around Russia is the following: As the former Soviet
Union collapsed, people who had been in the sphere of influence of
Russia--the former Soviet Union--have all embarked on a different path
for the most part. There are a couple of people who align with Russia
but not many.
My goal is quite simple: Allow the people of the Ukraine, Poland, and
the former Soviet Union to make their decision about how they would
construct their country apart from threats of force or intimidation by
Russia.
It is no surprise to me that all those who could choose to move away
from Russia because of the experience they had in the past have done
so. Ukrainian people will always have a unique relationship with
Russia, but they want to be Ukrainian.
There are a lot of ethnic Russians in Ukraine. We have everybody in
America. America is an idea, not an ethnic group or a particular
religion. Ukraine is multiethnic. They have ethnic Russians with a
bunch of other folks--``Ukrainians,'' for lack of a better word.
The bottom line is that they have been debating among themselves
about how to move forward and in what direction to move. Yanukovych won
an election. He moved the Ukrainian people away from Europe and toward
Russia. The President preceding him rode a revolution into power--the
Orange Revolution, which some would argue did not produce the results
the Ukrainian people were hoping for. It took us a long time as a
nation--and we are still trying--to figure out who we are and where we
are going. Democracies are messy.
The one thing we should all be doing is aligning ourselves around the
concept that choosing one's destiny as an individual within the
confines of the law and choosing one's destiny as a nation in
international law should preclude having that choice taken away by your
neighbor through military force and intimidation.
Entering into Crimea was a breach of international law. It was a
breach of the 1994 agreement. Putin has proven to be an antidemocratic
force in the world and in Russia.
When you are dealing with somebody, you need to look at their value
system and their agenda and their interest. The value system of Mr.
Putin is that of a KGB colonel. Most of his adult life he worked for
the KGB, so his value system comes from that organization. It is about
the ends, not the means. Democracy is about the process. I am not
surprised that he snuffed out democracy--as any reasonable person would
know it in Russia--and that he has made the Duma almost irrelevant, if
not a joke. There is no independent judiciary; if you oppose Putin, you
are liable to go to jail. I understand where he is coming from because
of his value system; I just don't agree with it.
What we can't do is let him affect those who are living around him
who want to go on a different path because the day you begin to do
that, it never works out well. In World War II, every time somebody
gave Hitler a little of this or a little of that, it never worked out
well.
So what do we do? The European community, along with the United
States, has a historic chance to reset what I think is a deterioration
of world security and order. Having sanctions combined with aid,
including sanctioning the Russians in a fashion they will feel, hitting
their energy sectors, their oil and gas companies masquerading in this
country, and increasing the capability of a gutted Ukrainian Army to
defend themselves from further insurgents, would be a combination of
hitting the Russians and helping the Ukrainians militarily and
economically without any boots on the ground from the United States. I
hope that is what the President will do. That is what we are trying to
do here--to some extent, at least--on the sanctions side in the U.S.
Senate.
I see Senator McCain has arrived. He has been the most consistent
voice for the last decade about the role of America, our destiny as a
country, with what we should align ourselves, understanding the Arab
spring, and he has been a thorn in the side of Putin and Russia for
quite awhile. So I wish to, if I could, ask a question of Senator
McCain.
Given what we know about Putin's past and what he has done in Crimea,
what does the Senator expect in the future and what can we reasonably
do as a nation to change the outcome?
Mr. McCAIN. I thank my colleague.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to engage in a colloquy with
the Senator from New Hampshire and the Senator from South Carolina.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. McCAIN. I thank my colleagues. The American people should know
exactly what has happened and what is happening now, and what may
happen, unless we show a steadfast and robust response to the active
aggression which
[[Page S1750]]
has just taken place as Colonel Putin has moved and is aggressively
using the force of arms, invaded a country and absorbed part of that
country into Russia. A blatant act of aggression, sparked by the age-
old practice of demonstrations and desire for intervention to protect
Russian-speaking people has just been enacted by Vladimir Putin.
Vladimir Putin's forces, I would say to my friend from South
Carolina, as he knows, are on the border of Eastern Ukraine right now,
and they are poised to invade. They even have forces in Belarus.
Vladimir Putin is figuring out the cost-benefit ratio of moving into
Eastern Ukraine, the cost-benefit ratio of moving into Moldova, which
is not a member of NATO; of inciting the Russians there--there are
1,400 Russian troops stationed in Transnistria. He is figuring out the
cost-benefit ratio of inciting violence in the Russian-speaking
population of the Baltic countries, especially Estonia.
Vladimir Putin is on the move. A fundamental and naive attitude
toward Vladimir Putin by this President and this administration, I
hope, is shattered for all time. Vladimir Putin is a KGB colonel who
said the greatest mistake of the 20th century was to break up the
Soviet Union. He is intent on restoring the Russian empire. That is
what Vladimir Putin is all about. And what has been our response?
Fascinating. The President of the United States, in his press
conference yesterday, basically said, So what I announced and what the
European Council announced was that we are consulting and putting in
place the framework, the architecture for additional sanctions,
additional costs should Russia take the next step.
How does Vladimir Putin read that statement by the President of the
United States? He reads it by saying, We got away with it. We got
Crimea back.
Both the Senator from South Carolina and I predicted he would not
give up Sevastopol and he would invade if he felt it was necessary to
do so.
So that is where we are today. Does anybody believe that when the
President of the United States says ``the architecture for additional
sanctions, additional costs, should Russia take the next step''--how
does Vladimir Putin interpret that statement?
I wish to digress for a minute. There has been a lot of conversation
about what the reaction was to Georgia and the invasion of Georgia and
what the Bush administration did or did not do. I will let people judge
what the Bush administration did or did not do.
I will submit for the Record an opinion piece written by Senator
Lindsey Graham and Senator Joe Lieberman dated August 26, 2008, after
the invasion by Vladimir Putin into Georgia at the conclusion of my
remarks.
At that time--this is 2008--Senator Lieberman and Senator Graham
wrote:
There is disturbing evidence Russia is already laying the
groundwork to apply the same arguments used to justify its
intervention in Georgia to other parts of its near abroad--
most ominously in Crimea.
That is what Senator Graham and Senator Lieberman said 6 years ago.
They went on:
This strategically important peninsula is part of Ukraine,
but with a large ethnic Russian population and the
headquarters of Russia's Black Sea Fleet at Sevastopol.
Then Senator Lieberman and Senator Graham went on to argue for a much
more robust response than the Bush administration gave:
Specifically, the Georgian military should be given the
antiaircraft and antiarmor systems necessary to deter any
renewed Russian aggression.
Our response to the invasion of Georgia must include
regional actions to reassure Russia's rattled neighbors and
strengthen trans-Atlantic solidarity. This means
reinvigorating NATO as a military alliance.
It goes on and on.
Senator Lieberman and Senator Graham 6 years ago predicted this. I
wonder what lesson this President took from that event and their
predictions. The fact is--and it is with great sadness I tell my
colleagues--we will hear a lot of rhetoric, there will be a lot of
meetings, gatherings and conversations and threats about what needs to
be done. But for a broad variety of reasons, which I do not have the
time to go through, I predict to my colleagues now that the sanctions
that are in place, which are for a handful of people, will be the
extent of our reaction to the invasion of Crimea and the further
violation of Ukrainian territory from the east.
After Hitler invaded Austria in 1938, he gave a speech in Vienna,
from the balcony of a hotel in Vienna. We should look back at that
speech--and I will give more quotes from it. It is a carbon copy of
what Vladimir Putin said about Crimea. Hitler said they had to go in
and protect the German-speaking people and they had to do it with force
of arms. But guess what. They were going to have a referendum. And they
had--they used to call it plebiscites then--they had a referendum--a
plebiscite--in Austria, and guess what. Ninety-six percent of the
people voted that they wanted to be a part of Nazi Germany. This is an
old playbook Vladimir Putin is operating from.
So, tomorrow, fortunately, there is going to be a vote on some
assistance to our beleaguered friends in Ukraine. I believe military
assistance is a vital part of the assistance.
I ask my friend from South Carolina: Isn't it true the first thing
people need once they have been invaded, once part of their country has
been taken over, is the ability to defend themselves? And isn't it a
fact that the Ukrainian military, because of previous administrations,
has been emasculated and they only have about 6,000 troops they can
rely on? We just saw in Crimea their total inability to resist what the
Russians did to their fleet and to their bases.
Mr. GRAHAM. The Senator from Arizona is absolutely right.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, if I could interrupt to ask unanimous
consent that the article entitled ``Russia's Aggression Is a Challenge
to World Order'' by Lindsey Graham and Joe Lieberman, dated August 26,
2008, be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 26, 2008]
Russia's Aggression Is a Challenge to World Order
(By Lindsey Graham and Joe Lieberman)
In the wake of Russia's invasion of Georgia, the United
States and its trans-Atlantic allies have rightly focused on
two urgent and immediate tasks: getting Russian soldiers out,
and humanitarian aid in.
But having just returned from Georgia, Ukraine and Poland,
where we met with leaders of these countries, we believe it
is imperative for the West to look beyond the day-to-day
management of this crisis. The longer-term strategic
consequences, some of which are already being felt far beyond
the Caucasus, have to be addressed.
Russia's aggression is not just a threat to a tiny
democracy on the edge of Europe. It is a challenge to the
political order and values at the heart of the continent.
For more than 60 years, from World War II through the Cold
War to our intervention in the former Yugoslavia in the
1990s, the U.S. has fostered and fought for the creation of a
Europe that is whole, free and at peace. This stands as one
of the greatest strategic achievements of the 20th century:
the gradual transformation of a continent, once the scene of
the most violent and destructive wars ever waged, into an
oasis of peace and prosperity where borders are open and
uncontested and aggression unthinkable.
Russia's invasion of Georgia represents the most serious
challenge to this political order since Slobodan Milosevic
unleashed the demons of ethnic nationalism in the Balkans.
What is happening in Georgia today, therefore, is not simply
a territorial dispute. It is a struggle about whether a new
dividing line is drawn across Europe: between nations that
are free to determine their own destinies, and nations that
are consigned to the Kremlin's autocratic orbit.
That is the reason countries like Poland, Ukraine and the
Baltic States are watching what happens in the Caucasus so
closely. We heard that last week in Warsaw, Kiev and Tbilisi.
There is no doubt in the minds of leaders in Ukraine and
Poland--if Moscow succeeds in Georgia, they may be next.
There is disturbing evidence Russia is already laying the
groundwork to apply the same arguments used to justify its
intervention in Georgia to other parts of its near abroad--
most ominously in Crimea. This strategically important
peninsula is part of Ukraine, but with a large ethnic Russian
population and the headquarters of Russia's Black Sea Fleet
at Sevastopol.
The first priority of America and Europe must be to prevent
the Kremlin from achieving its strategic objectives in
Georgia. Having been deterred from marching on Tbilisi and
militarily overthrowing the democratically elected government
there, Russian forces spent last week destroying the
country's infrastructure, including roads, bridges, port and
security facilities. This was more than random looting. It
was a deliberate campaign to collapse the economy of Georgia,
in the hope of taking the government down with it.
The humanitarian supplies the U.S. military is now ferrying
to Georgia are critically
[[Page S1751]]
important to the innocent men, women and children displaced
by the fighting, some of whom we saw last week. Also needed,
immediately, is a joint commitment by the U.S. and the
European Union to fund a large-scale, comprehensive
reconstruction plan--developed by the Georgian government, in
consultation with the World Bank, IMF and other international
authorities--and for the U.S. Congress to support this plan
as soon as it returns to session in September.
Any assistance plan must also include the rebuilding of
Georgia's security forces. Our past aid to the Georgian
military focused on supporting the light, counterterrorism-
oriented forces that facilitate Tbilisi's contribution to
coalition operations in Iraq. We avoided giving the types of
security aid that could have been used to blunt Russia's
conventional onslaught. It is time for that to change.
Specifically, the Georgian military should be given the
antiaircraft and antiarmor systems necessary to deter any
renewed Russian aggression. These defensive capabilities will
help to prevent this conflict from erupting again, and make
clear we will not allow the Russians to forcibly redraw the
boundaries of sovereign nations.
Our response to the invasion of Georgia must include
regional actions to reassure Russia's rattled neighbors and
strengthen trans-Atlantic solidarity. This means
reinvigorating NATO as a military alliance, not just a
political one. Contingency planning for the defense of all
member states against conventional and unconventional attack,
including cyber warfare, needs to be revived. The credibility
of Article Five of the NATO Charter--that an attack against
one really can and will be treated as an attack against all--
needs to be bolstered.
The U.S. must also reaffirm its commitment to allies that
have been the targets of Russian bullying because of their
willingness to work with Washington. The recent missile-
defense agreement between Poland and the U.S., for instance,
is not aimed at Russia. But this has not stopped senior
Russian officials from speaking openly about military
retaliation against Warsaw. Irrespective of our political
differences over missile defense, Democrats and Republicans
should join together in Congress to pledge solidarity with
Poland, along with the Czech Republic, against these
outrageous Russian threats.
Finally, the U.S. and Europe need a new trans-Atlantic
energy alliance. In recent years, Russia has proven all too
willing to use its oil and gas resources as a weapon, and to
try to consolidate control over the strategic energy
corridors to the West. By working together, an alliance can
frustrate these designs and diminish our dependence on the
foreign oil that is responsible for the higher energy prices
here at home.
In crafting a response to the Georgia crisis, we must above
all reaffirm our conviction that Russia need not be a
competitor or an adversary. Since the collapse of the Soviet
Union, Democratic and Republican administrations have engaged
Russia, sending billions of dollars to speed its economic
recovery and welcoming its integration into the flagship
institutions of the international community. We did this
because we believed that a strong, prosperous Russia can be a
strategic partner and a friend. We still do.
But Russia's leaders have made a different choice. While we
stand ready to rebuild relations with Moscow and work
together on shared challenges, Russia's current course will
only alienate and isolate it from the rest of the world.
We believe history will judge the Russian invasion of
Georgia as a serious strategic miscalculation. Although it is
for the moment flush with oil wealth, Russia's political
elite remains kleptocratic, and its aggression exposed as
much weakness as strength. The invasion of Georgia will not
only have a unifying effect on the West, it also made clear
that Russia--unlike the Soviet Union--has few real allies of
strategic worth. To date, the only countries to defend
Russia's actions in the Caucasus have been Cuba and Belarus--
and the latter, only after the Kremlin publicly complained
about its silence.
In the long run, a Russia that tries to define its
greatness in terms of spheres of influence, client states and
forced fealty to Moscow will fail--impoverishing its citizens
in the process. The question is only how long until Russia's
leaders rediscover this lesson from their own history.
Until they do, the watchword of the West must be
solidarity: solidarity with the people of Georgia and its
democratically elected government, solidarity with our allies
throughout the region, and above all, solidarity with the
values that have given meaning to our trans-Atlantic
community of democracies and our vision of a European
continent that is whole, free and at peace.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, if people are wondering why Senator
McCain's name wasn't on that article--he is on everything else Joe and
I did--it is because he was running for President and just got the
nomination.
We were very much worried then, the three of us, that the Bush
administration wasn't doing enough, and we needed to help the Georgian
people as a signal not only to those in Georgia but other people in the
neighborhood.
Let's talk about the Ukrainian military. It has been devastated, it
has been gutted, because Yanukovych, the Ukrainian President, who won
the election by less than 1 million votes--if you take Crimea out of
Ukraine electorally, then no pro-Russian candidate inside Ukraine has
much of a chance to win. So now they have destroyed the balance of
power inside Ukraine politically. So as those left in Ukraine, the
Ukrainian people move west, they are going to have the ability to align
themselves with Europe. Putin is, in my view, very much likely to take
some eastern cities that may ask for his help, because the referendum
by the Ukraine to move west they opposed, but they can't stop because
of the electoral change.
So watch out for a move by Ukraine to integrating the European Union
in April or May when they have an election, and people in the east
create a fake fight and Russia uses that as a reason to go further into
the east.
But to Senator McCain's point: President Obama has conceded Crimea.
There is just no other way we can say it. Our European allies and our
President have basically said, If you do any more, we are going to get
tougher with you. The Senator from Arizona nailed this. What does that
say to Putin? I got Crimea. Seven people and I may be sanctioned, but I
have been given Crimea by Europe and the United States.
The sanctions we are talking about get tougher only if he moves
further into his sovereign neighbor.
Six thousand troops are combat-ready in Ukraine. Why? Because the
pro-Russian President and their Defense Minister, who got fired
yesterday, gutted the Ukrainian military, setting up a scenario such as
this, making it impossible for the Ukrainians to effectively defend
themselves.
Here is the question for us: Do we let the Russians get away with it?
They have been planning this for a while. Clearly, the pro-Russian
forces inside Ukraine took on the task of neutering the Ukrainian
military and they have done a heck of a good job. Should the United
States and our NATO partners, at the request of the Ukrainian people,
supply them with defensive weapons to rebuild the military, gutted by
pro-Russian elements? To me, the answer is yes. Because if we want to
make Putin think twice about what he does next, he has to pay a price
greater than he has for Crimea. If he gets away with this and he
doesn't pay any price, he is going to be on steroids. But if he thinks
about moving and he sees on the other side of Crimea a Ukrainian people
willing to fight with some capacity, that will change the equation.
Because it is one thing to cheer in Moscow for getting something for
almost nothing in terms of effort. It will be another thing to talk
about Russian soldiers getting killed to continue to be on the
aggressive path.
So if the NATO alliance, along with the United States, doesn't help
rebuild the Ukrainian military so they can defend themselves without
our troops being involved, we have made a historic mistake, because
everybody in the world is watching how this movie ends. The Iranians
are watching, after Syria, now Russia. Does anybody in their right mind
believe the Iranians take us seriously as a nation when it comes to
stopping their nuclear program?
So I say to Senator McCain, you have been a voice for realism,
understanding Putin for who he is. For years, you have been telling the
Senate and the country and the world at large: Watch this guy. There
have been a series of foreign policy failures that have added up to
make it confident to Putin that he can move forward without
consequences.
So I hope we can convince our colleagues in the Senate and the House
to honor a reasonable request by the Ukrainian people to help them
rebuild the military destroyed by pro-Russian forces.
Mr. McCAIN. Madam President, I would like to make a couple additional
points to my friend from South Carolina, and I notice the Senator from
New Hampshire is here.
In 1994, an agreement, a treaty was reached which divested Ukraine of
the world's third largest nuclear inventory. In return for Ukraine
turning over that inventory of nuclear weapons, there was a pledge made
by Russia, the United States, and the British that they would respect
the territorial integrity of Ukraine, including Crimea. That was a part
of the treaty. Obviously, Vladimir Putin violated that.
[[Page S1752]]
The second point is, look, I have no illusions or worry about the
long-term future of Russia. Russia is now a gas station masquerading as
a country. Once we get the LNG and other energy to the European
countries, it will dramatically reduce and eventually eliminate
Vladimir Putin's influence because there is nothing but corruption and
oligarchs in Russia today. One of the reasons Vladimir Putin wanted the
Crimea and did not want Ukraine to be independent is because he was
afraid this ``disease'' may spread to Russia. The Russian people are
also sick and tired of the kleptocracy and the corruption.
Finally, again we need--and we should have had in this legislation--a
commitment to help export our excess energy to the Europeans so they
then would be able to reduce their dependency--not just Ukraine but all
of Europe on their dependency on Russian energy.
So I have no doubt about the future of Russia. It will collapse like
a house of cards. But in the short term, what Mr. Putin will do in
committing further aggression--because this has raised his popularity
dramatically at home. One of the most respected people whom Senator
Graham and Senator Ayotte and I had to deal with over the years was Bob
Gates. Mr. Gates served this country in a variety of posts, the latest
of course being as an outstanding Secretary of Defense. This morning in
the Wall Street Journal he wrote a piece called ``Putin's Challenge to
the West.'' I am not going to read the whole thing.
I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Wall Street Journal, Mar. 25, 2014]
Putin's Challenge to the West
(By Robert M. Gates)
Russia has thrown down a gauntlet that is not limited to
Crimea or even Ukraine.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has a long-festering
grudge: He deeply resents the West for winning the Cold War.
He blames the United States in particular for the collapse of
his beloved Soviet Union, an event he has called the ``worst
geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century.''
His list of grievances is long and was on full display in
his March 18 speech announcing the annexation of Crimea by
Russia. He is bitter about what he sees as Russia's
humiliations in the 1990s--economic collapse; the expansion
of NATO to include members of the U.S.S.R.'s own
``alliance,'' the Warsaw Pact; Russia's agreement to the
treaty limiting conventional forces in Europe, or as he calls
it, ``the colonial treaty''; the West's perceived dismissal
of Russian interests in Serbia and elsewhere; attempts to
bring Ukraine and Georgia into NATO and the European Union;
and Western governments, businessmen and scholars all telling
Russia how to conduct its affairs at home and abroad.
Mr. Putin aspires to restore Russia's global power and
influence and to bring the now-independent states that were
once part of the Soviet Union back into Moscow's orbit. While
he has no apparent desire to recreate the Soviet Union (which
would include responsibility for a number of economic basket
cases), he is determined to create a Russian sphere of
influence--political, economic and security--and dominance.
There is no grand plan or strategy to do this, just
opportunistic and ruthless aspiration. And patience.
Mr. Putin, who began his third, nonconsecutive presidential
term in 2012, is playing a long game. He can afford to: Under
the Russian Constitution, he could legally remain president
until 2024. After the internal chaos of the 1990s, he has
ruthlessly restored ``order'' to Russia, oblivious to
protests at home and abroad over his repression of nascent
Russian democracy and political freedoms.
In recent years, he has turned his authoritarian eyes on
the ``near-abroad.'' In 2008, the West did little as he
invaded Georgia, and Russian troops still occupy the Abkhazia
and South Ossetia regions. He has forced Armenia to break off
its agreements with the European Union, and Moldova is under
similar pressure.
Last November, through economic leverage and political
muscle, he forced then-President Viktor Yanukovych to abort a
Ukrainian agreement with the EU that would have drawn it
toward the West. When Mr. Yanukovych, his minion, was ousted
as a result, Mr. Putin seized Crimea and is now making
ominous claims and military movements regarding all of
eastern Ukraine.
Ukraine is central to Mr. Putin's vision of a pro-Russian
bloc, partly because of its size and importantly because of
Kiev's role as the birthplace of the Russian Empire more than
a thousand years ago. He will not be satisfied or rest until
a pro-Russian government is restored in Kiev.
He also has a dramatically different worldview than the
leaders of Europe and the U.S. He does not share Western
leaders' reverence for international law, the sanctity of
borders, which Westerners' believe should only be changed
through negotiation, due process and rule of law. He has no
concern for human and political rights. Above all, Mr. Putin
clings to a zero-sum worldview. Contrary to the West's belief
in the importance of win-win relationships among nations, for
Mr. Putin every transaction is win-lose; when one party
benefits, the other must lose. For him, attaining, keeping
and amassing power is the name of the game.
The only way to counter Mr. Putin's aspirations on Russia's
periphery is for the West also to play a strategic long game.
That means to take actions that unambiguously demonstrate to
Russians that his worldview and goals--and his means of
achieving them--over time will dramatically weaken and
isolate Russia.
Europe's reliance on Russian oil and gas must be reduced,
and truly meaningful economic sanctions must be imposed,
knowing there may be costs to the West as well. NATO allies
bordering Russia must be militarily strengthened and
reinforced with alliance forces; and the economic and cyber
vulnerabilities of the Baltic states to Russian actions must
be reduced (especially given the number of Russians and
Russian-speakers in Estonia and Latvia).
Western investment in Russia should be curtailed; Russia
should be expelled from the G-8 and other forums that offer
respect and legitimacy; the U.S. defense budget should be
restored to the level proposed in the Obama administration's
2014 budget a year ago, and the Pentagon directed to cut
overhead drastically, with saved dollars going to enhanced
capabilities, such as additional Navy ships; U.S. military
withdrawals from Europe should be halted; and the EU should
be urged to grant associate agreements with Moldova, Georgia
and Ukraine.
So far, however, the Western response has been anemic. Mr.
Putin is little influenced by seizure of personal assets of
his cronies or the oligarchs, or restrictions on their
travel. Unilateral U.S. sanctions, save on Russian banks,
will not be effective absent European cooperation. The gap
between Western rhetoric and Western actions in response to
out-and-out aggression is a yawning chasm. The message seems
to be that if Mr. Putin doesn't move troops into eastern
Ukraine, the West will impose no further sanctions or costs.
De facto, Russia's seizure of Crimea will stand and, except
for a handful of Russian officials, business will go on as
usual.
No one wants a new Cold War, much less a military
confrontation. We want Russia to be a partner, but that is
now self-evidently not possible under Mr. Putin's leadership.
He has thrown down a gauntlet that is not limited to Crimea
or even Ukraine. His actions challenge the entire post-Cold
War order including, above all, the right of independent
states to align themselves and do business with whomever they
choose.
Tacit acceptance of settling old revanchist scores by force
is a formula for ongoing crises and potential armed conflict,
whether in Europe, Asia or elsewhere. A China behaving with
increasing aggressiveness in the East and South China seas,
an Iran with nuclear aspirations and interventionist policies
in the Middle East, and a volatile and unpredictable North
Korea are all watching events in Europe. They have witnessed
the fecklessness of the West in Syria. Similar division and
weakness in responding to Russia's most recent aggression
will, I fear, have dangerous consequences down the road.
Mr. Putin's challenge comes at a most unpropitious time for
the West. Europe faces a weak economic recovery and
significant economic ties with Russia. The U.S. is emerging
from more than a dozen years at war and leaders in both
parties face growing isolationism among voters, with the
prospect of another major challenge abroad cutting across the
current political grain. Crimea and Ukraine are far away, and
their importance to Europe and America little understood by
the public.
Therefore, the burden of explaining the need to act
forcefully falls, as always, on our leaders. As President
Franklin D. Roosevelt said, ``Government includes the act of
formulating a policy'' and ``persuading, leading,
sacrificing, teaching always, because the greatest duty of a
statesman is to educate.'' The aggressive, arrogant actions
of Vladimir Putin require from Western leaders strategic
thinking, bold leadership and steely resolve--now.
Mr. McCAIN. This is very important for all of our colleagues and the
American people to know, and they do not have to take Senator Graham's
and my word for it. Already we are accused of being partisan--politics
stops at the water's edge, all of that baloney. When they cannot rebut
the message, they shoot the messengers. This is former Secretary of
Defense Gates:
So far, however, the Western response has been anemic. Mr.
Putin is little influenced by seizure of personal assets of
his cronies or the oligarchs, or restrictions on their
travel. Unilateral U.S. sanctions, save on Russian banks,
will not be effective absent European cooperation. The gap
between Western rhetoric and Western actions in response to
out-and-out aggression is a yawning chasm. The message seems
to be that if Mr. Putin doesn't move troops into eastern
Ukraine, the West will impose no further sanctions or costs.
De facto, Russia's seizure of Crimea will stand and, except
for a handful of Russian officials, business will go on as
usual.
[[Page S1753]]
No one wants a new Cold War, much less a military
confrontation. We want Russia to be a partner, but that is
now self-evidently not possible under Mr. Putin's leadership.
He has thrown down a gauntlet that is not limited to Crimea
or even Ukraine. His actions challenge the entire post-Cold
War order including, above all, the right of independent
states to align themselves and do business with whomever they
choose.
Tacit acceptance of settling old revanchist scores by force
is a formula for ongoing crises and potential armed conflict,
whether in Europe, Asia or elsewhere. A China behaving with
increasing aggressiveness in the East and South China seas,
an Iran with nuclear aspirations and interventionist policies
in the Middle East, and a volatile and unpredictable North
Korea are all watching events in Europe. They have witnessed
the fecklessness of the West in Syria. Similar division and
weakness in responding to Russia's most recent aggression
will, I fear, have dangerous consequences down the road.
So we are not just even talking about Ukraine. We are not even
talking about that part of Europe. We are talking about the lesson that
bad people--whether they be Kim Jong Un or whether they be the Chinese
who want to increase their influence in the South China Sea or whether
they be the Iranians who continue to supply weapons to Hezbollah
fighters to the fight in Syria, which the resistance is losing--in case
you missed it, there was an interesting article this morning about how
jihadists will establish a base in Syria with which to export terrorism
throughout the Middle East and the world, including the United States
of America.
The President of the United States has to understand Vladimir Putin
for what he is and what his ambitions are and what he will do.
My friend from South Carolina and I are not sure what he will do now.
But I think it is obvious, with his troops amassed on the boarder of
Eastern Ukraine, he is contemplating further action. Whether he does
so, I am not sure, but I think his calculation has to do with the cost-
benefit ratio of further aggression against a sovereign nation.
I see my colleague.
Could I just make one more comment because my colleague was in
Ukraine recently. These are wonderful people. All they want is what we
have. They do not want to be part of Russia. They are tired of their
corrupt dictator, Yanukovych, whom they had. They are willing to stand
for weeks in freezing weather in Maidan--this huge square in Ukraine.
Madam President, 110 of them were assassinated by snipers.
Can't we at least give them some weapons with which to defend
themselves and speak up for them, rather than saying ``additional costs
should Russia take [the] next step.''
I yield for my colleague from New Hampshire.
Ms. AYOTTE. Madam President, I wish to thank my colleague from
Arizona and my colleague from South Carolina. I was in Ukraine on
Sunday, and I was in Maidan, along with two of my colleagues: Senator
Donnelly, who represents Indiana in the Senate, as well as
Representative Stephen Lynch, who is a Congressman who represents
Massachusetts.
We had an opportunity, actually, to see and meet Ukrainians. In fact,
when we went down to Maidan, there were 30,000 people there protesting.
Do you know what they were protesting? They were protesting the Russian
invasion and illegal annexation of Crimea. They were standing for their
country, and they were standing against Russian aggression.
In fact, one of the experiences we had is that as we walked along, so
many people came up to us and said: Thank you, America. Thank you for
standing with us. In fact, I met a mother and daughter who had come
from Crimea. They were waiving a flag--a Ukrainian flag--and they gave
me this, what I hold in my hand, and they put it around me. What they
wanted me to know is that they were from Crimea and they did not accept
the Russian aggression and invasion of their country. What they asked
us to stand for is to stand for the freedom of the Ukrainian people to
decide their future and to not let Russia interfere with their ability
to decide what they want for their country.
They are wonderful people. They are very patriotic. In Maidan there
were over 100 Ukrainians who were killed. Many of them were murdered by
snipers who were up on the rooftops, who were just killed in cold blood
by the Yanukovych government, the pro-Russian-backed government,
because they were simply doing what we in the United States of America
call coming out and stating their viewpoint, saying: We want a
government that is not corrupt. We want a government that will allow us
to have a say in our future. For that they were murdered in cold blood.
We are at an important moment for our country right now. What
happened in Crimea and what is happening in Ukraine matters very much
to the United States of America, because if we do not stop Russian
aggression toward Ukraine, then I think this very much threatens the
NATO alliance. It puts us in a position where our words do not have
meaning because we were a signatory to the 1994 Budapest Memorandum,
along with the United Kingdom.
Russia violated that memorandum by invading Crimea. They have made
further efforts to amass their troops on the boarder of Eastern
Ukraine. In fact, what they are also doing is sending armed Russian
agents into Eastern Ukraine to try--they are armed, they have money--
and they are trying to actually create artificial demonstrations in
Eastern Ukraine so they can use the very same excuse they used in
Crimea to go over and take more territory of Ukraine in violation of
international law and in violation of all standards among civilized
countries.
I believe it is time for us to set forth--I appreciate what the
President has done with the sanctions, but we need to do more. If we do
not do more now, then Russia--I fear that Vladimir Putin in particular
will move into the remainder of Ukraine and that we will undermine our
agreement on the Budapest Memorandum. But, most important, we have a
lot at stake.
First, as my colleagues have said, if we do not stand with NATO to
send a strong message to Vladimir Putin, by not just sanctioning
individuals, we should sanction segments of the Russian economy so he
understands there are serious consequences for invading another
country.
We should provide military assistance to the Ukraine military so they
can defend themselves. We should revisit our decision and reinstate the
memorandums of understanding that we have with Poland and the Czech
Republic for missile defense systems. We as a country should be looking
to help Europe reduce their dependency on Russian natural gas and oil,
and there are steps we can take that will be good for our economy but
will also be good for the safety and security of the world.
We should be doing all that now so Vladimir Putin, who is a
schoolyard bully, understands we are very serious.
Why does it matter? Not just NATO, but we had Ukraine give up their
nuclear weapons in exchange for the agreement of the United Kingdom and
the United States that we would respect their sovereignty, and they
felt they had assurances of security from us.
How are we going to deal with nuclear proliferation around the world
and get other countries to give up their nuclear weapons if we are not
serious and we do not say now: Vladimir Putin, we are serious--tough
sanctions, much tougher than have been in place. We are going to
support the Ukrainian military and we are not going to stand for any
more aggression against the Ukrainian people--because otherwise why
give up your nuclear weapons, again, if you are a country, if the
United States of America does not mean anything they say on an
agreement they have signed on to?
In addition, what will the Chinese do? In the Senkaku Islands they
have been very aggressive toward the territory of not only the Japanese
but also the Philippines, the Vietnamese, and they are watching. They
are watching whether we care whether Russia invades another country,
whether we care that Vladimir Putin is pushing the Ukrainian people
around.
That is why this matters, not just because we stand in solidarity
with the people of Ukraine--we do and we should--so they can decide
their future, not Vladimir Putin--they, the people of their country,
should decide their future--but also because it matters for us around
the world, not just China, not just nuclear proliferation,
[[Page S1754]]
but what do the ayatollahs in Iran think about how serious we are about
ending their nuclear weapons program.
This is an important moment for America, and it is time for our
President to really step forward. The initial steps he took were in the
right direction, but it is time not to continue saying there will be
further costs. The costs must be rendered now. The Senate will be
taking an important step in providing loan guarantees to Ukraine and a
scheme for sanctions, but ultimately I call on the President of the
United States to say to Vladimir Putin now--to recognize whom we are
dealing with, the former KGB colonel--to say to him: We are going to
impose sanctions on entire segments of your economy. We are going to
hurt your ability to do business in the world because you have invaded
another country. We are going to bolster NATO, and we are going to
reinstate missile defense systems in the Czech Republic and Poland,
that we will not accept this aggression.
It is time for the President to say this very clearly and to impose
the consequences on Russia now because after they invade Eastern
Ukraine, it will be too late.
Vladimir Putin needs to understand now that we are very serious about
this, that we will stand by our word under the Budapest Memorandum,
that we will stand with the Ukrainian people, and that we will make
sure that we will not accept aggressions from Vladimir Putin, and that
this school yard bully understands, through strength, that the United
States of America will not be bullied around, nor will our friends and
allies.
Mr. GRAHAM. Will the Senator yield for a question?
There is the Membership Action Plan, MAP--I think that is the
acronym--where a country gets ready to enter into NATO. Georgia would
like that. I think Ukraine now would like that. Here is the basic
tension; don't you agree?
A plurality before Crimea was invaded wanted to move into the
European Union and Ukraine. Now, I think clearly a majority, if you
take the Crimea out, wants to associate with the European Union. Putin
is saying hell no. So the Ukrainian people in the coming months are
going to make a move toward the European Union and alliances with NATO,
most likely, and the Russians are going to try to stop them.
I fear the way they will choose to stop them is not to try to
influence the vote but to try to grab some eastern cities where you
will have vocal minority Russian populations saying: Come here and help
your fellow Russians. We are being absorbed by a bunch of thugs in
Kiev. Senator McCain made a good point while we are talking. The theory
of the case for Russia is: We have a legitimate right to go into this
area to protect native Russians, ethnic Russians. That has no limit in
that region.
If we adopt the theory of the case, ignore international law, let him
break the 1994 agreement with no punishment for taking the Crimea, then
I hope you understand what comes next. The theory of this case can
apply to many countries in the region, not just Crimea and the Ukraine.
So we need to reject this theory of the case.
We need to make him pay a price for what he has done, not what he
might do. If he does not pay a price for what he has done, I can assure
you what he will do. He will do more. The last thought is that Senator
McCain and I and Senator Ayotte have been talking about the Al Qaeda
buildup in Syria.
The Director of National Intelligence has testified before the
country as a whole, before the Congress, that the Al Qaeda elements in
Syria are representing a direct threat to our European allies and to
our own homeland. There was a press report yesterday: What is your
Congress and your Commander in Chief doing about it?
We have been told as Members of the Senate that the 26,000-plus Al
Qaeda fighters, many of them European, some American, are amassing in
Syria. Al Qaeda leaders from the tribal regions in Afghanistan and
Pakistan are moving into Syria to organize this cabal. One of the goals
that they would like to achieve is to take this force that is in the
fight in Syria and disperse it back to Europe and the United States.
What are you doing about this threat, Mr. President? Members of the
Senate, you have been told--11, 12 years after 9/11--that Al Qaeda is
thinking about hitting us again. They exist in a certain part of the
world. They are amassing capability. Their leaders are moving in to
help organize this group. What is our response? What are we doing?
It is just not Ukraine. The whole world is melting down. I would end
with this thought. Ronald Reagan had a great slogan. It was not a
slogan. It was a world view: Peace through strength. Here is what I
will say to the times in which we live, and I will talk about this more
later. I want to come with my colleagues and talk about the Al Qaeda
threat in Syria and elsewhere.
Peace is an illusion when it comes to radical Islam. It can never be
achieved. But here is what can be achieved: security through strength.
We need to have as a Nation security policies, national security
policies that will deter aggression from nation-states and radical
Islamic organizations who do not fear death. We have no such policy. We
need to have security through strength. We are cutting our military. We
are gutting our ability to defend ourselves through reducing
intelligence capabilities at a time when the threats are on the rise.
This is the most dangerous time in American history--since the end of
the Cold War, in many ways since the end of World War II--because the
enemies of this Nation are getting stronger and we are getting weaker.
Somebody needs to change that calculation before it is too late.
So to Senator McCain and Senator Ayotte, both of you have been to the
Ukraine in the last couple of weeks. You have done the hard work of
traveling away from your constituents and your families to find out
first hand what is on the ground. I hope that people in the body will
listen to their experiences. There are a lot of Democrats who seem to
have the same experience.
Mr. McCAIN. I thank my colleague, and I appreciate his longstanding
support for freedom and democracy throughout the world, but also for a
very prescient piece that he and Senator Lieberman wrote 6 years ago
predicting the likelihood of the events that we have just observed
taking place. There is an article in the Washington Post: ``Three ways
NATO can bolster Ukraine's security,'' by Ian Brzezinski. I ask
unanimous consent that it be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Mar. 24, 2014]
Three Ways NATO Can Bolster Ukraine's Security
(By Ian J. Brzezinski)
NATO's response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine has drawn a
red line, but it is one that leaves Ukraine militarily
isolated, fending for itself. If the West's economic and
diplomatic sanctions are to deter Moscow from further
military aggression, they must be complemented by a robust
defensive strategy to reinforce Ukraine's armed forces.
When Russia invaded Crimea, it mobilized 150,000 troops
along Ukraine's eastern frontier. Most of those forces still
menace Ukraine, with some 20,000 troops still occupying the
peninsula while provocateurs sent by Moscow continue to stir
unrest in the country's eastern regions.
NATO's response has, by contrast, been underwhelming. The
United States and Britain reinforced the air space of
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania with a handful of fighter jets,
and AWACs patrols fly over Poland and Romania. The United
States deployed about a dozen F-16s to Poland and sent an
additional ship to the Black Sea. No ally appears to have
mobilized any ground forces.
When Ukrainian Prime Minster Arseniy Yatsenyuk met with
President Obama this month, his request for weapons that
would enable his military to better defend against Russia's
massed forces was politely declined. Instead, the Obama
administration offered uniforms and military meals.
In a similarly negative move, Vice President Biden visited
Warsaw and Vilnius, Lithuania, last week to reassure them of
the U.S. military commitment to their security, but he
bypassed Kiev. This was surely noted by Moscow, as was
Obama's recent statement that he would not allow the United
States to get involved in a ``military excursion'' in
Ukraine.
These U.S. and alliance actions constitute a red line that
depicts Kiev on the outside and on its own. This must be
deeply disillusioning for Ukrainians who in recent months
have so courageously expressed their desire for freedom and a
place in Europe--and whose forces participated in a NATO
collective defense exercise as recently as November. This red
line can only reassure Vladimir Putin and his military
planners, whose use of unmarked military personnel--and the
plausible deniability they provided--in Crimea reflected at
least initial concern about potential responses from the
West.
[[Page S1755]]
There are prudent defensive measures the United States and
NATO can and should take to bolster Ukraine's security.
First, Yatsenyuk's request for military equipment should be
immediately approved, and anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons
should be included. Equipment and weapons could quickly be
transferred from prepositioned U.S. military stocks in
Europe.
If NATO cannot attain the consensus to initiate such
assistance, then Washington should forge a coalition of the
willing or act on its own. These weapons would complicate
Russian military planning and add risk to its operations
against Ukraine. U.S. equipment in particular would bring
back unpleasant memories of when Soviet forces encountered
Western weapons in Afghanistan.
Second, the alliance or a U.S.-led coalition should back
that assistance with the deployment of intelligence and
surveillance capabilities and military trainers to Ukraine.
This would provide not only needed situational awareness and
help the Ukrainian military maximize its defensive
capacities, but it would also force Moscow to consider the
potential political and military repercussions of any actions
that affect that presence. The deployment of military
trainers to Georgia was one of the more effective elements of
the U.S. effort to bolster Georgia's security after it was
invaded by Russia in 2008.
Third, NATO allies and partners should soon conduct a
military exercise in Ukraine as part of the effort to train
the Ukrainian military. The alliance's plan to wait until its
next scheduled exercise in Ukraine, this summer, could
incentivize Russia to take additional military action before
then.
The NATO Response Force, created to deploy on short notice
a brigade-level force backed by combat air support, is well
suited for such an exercise. The force offers a means to
demonstrate Western resolve prudently and rapidly. It has the
potential to significantly reinforce Ukraine's defense
against a sudden Russian offensive, but it is not big enough
to jeopardize Russia's territorial integrity.
Each of these initiatives would complicate Putin's
ambitions regarding Ukraine and could be executed in the near
term. None would present a threat to Russia. They would,
however, amend the red line the alliance has mistakenly
created, assure Ukrainians that they are not alone and force
Moscow to consider the possibility of a much more costly and
prolonged military conflict. The absence of a firm Western
response will only encourage Putin to act aggressively again,
be it to drive deeper into Ukraine, make another attempt to
seize Georgia, expand Russia's occupation of Moldovan
territory or grab other areas that were once part of the
Soviet Union.
NATO's response to this crisis is critical to both
Ukraine's security and the alliance's long-term future. A
NATO summit planned for September is to focus on the
alliance's way forward in a new world. But what it does to
assist Ukraine today and in the coming weeks will have a far
more profound influence on its future and transatlantic
security.
Mr. McCAIN. It goes on to say:
These U.S. and alliance actions constitute a red line that
depicts Kiev on the outside and on its own. This must be
deeply disillusioning for Ukrainians who in recent months
have so courageously expressed their desire for freedom and a
place in Europe--and whose forces participated in a NATO
collective defense exercise as recently as November. This red
line can only reassure Vladimir Putin and his military
planners, whose use of unmarked military personnel--and the
plausible deniability they provided--in Crimea reflected at
least initial concern about potential responses from the
West.
One of the more remarkable returns to the days of the Soviet Union
was when Vladimir Putin had the press conference and was asked if those
were Russian military in Crimea, and he said: Well, they can buy old
uniforms from most any store in the region.
He not only denied that Russian troops were there, but he added to
the flat-out lie with a statement so ridiculous that he must have known
that we knew that he was absolutely lying through his teeth. Let me
just say to my colleagues what we need to do is we must recognize the
reality that President Putin is not, and will never be, our partner. He
will always insist on being our adversary and working to revise the
entire post Cold War vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace--and
the security architecture that supports it. Our policy must begin with
the reality of what Vladimir Putin is, what his ambitions are, and what
he is willing to do.
We have to support Ukraine's emergence as a successful democracy with
a thriving economy, fighting corruption, and with a strengthened
national unity. We must ensure that the March elections in Ukraine
occur on time, freely, and fairly. We must meet Ukraine's request for
immediate military assistance as part of a larger, long-term initiative
to help the Ukrainian armed forces rebuild and reform into an effective
force that can deter aggression and defend their nation; support
countries such as Moldova and Georgia in deepening democratic,
economic, and military reforms that can hasten their integration into
the Euro-Atlantic community; expand sanctions under the Magnitsky Act;
increase targeted sanctions against Putin's sources of power,
especially for corruption; push for an arms embargo against Russia;
prevent defense technology transfers; use the upcoming NATO summit to
enlarge the alliance; move Georgia into the Membership Action Plan;
expand NATO cooperation with Ukraine; conduct significant contingency
planning within NATO to deter aggression and defend alliance members,
especially along the eastern flank; strategically shift NATO military
assets eastward to support deterrence.
We must take these actions. None of them, by the way, entail the
commitment of American troops. I also want to make one additional
comment. I hope that the Senator from New Hampshire would comment as
well. Whenever I see a news story--no matter which network it is on--
the overwhelming majority of American people do not want to have
anything to do with Syria.
The overwhelming majority of Americans do not want to have anything
to do with Ukraine. We do not even want to assist the people of
Ukraine. We do not want to assist the people of Syria that are fighting
and struggling--140,000 of whom have been slaughtered already in the
most atrocious fashion. I say to my colleagues and to the American
people: We cannot ignore the lessons of history. We cannot revert to
the 1930s when isolationist impetus in this country kept us out of
being prepared for a conflict.
If it had not been for Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the actions he
took in the late 1930s, we would have had an even worse time after
Pearl Harbor. It is up to the President of the United States to inform
the American people of what our vital national security interests are.
That does not mean involvement in another war.
But we cannot leave the world because the world will not leave us. So
the President of the United States--rather than announcing that if the
Russians go any further there will be punishment for it, the President
of the United States needs to go before the American people and say:
Here is what we are facing. We are facing what Senator Graham just
talked about: the rise of Al Qaeda across the Middle East; the failure
in Syria, which is now becoming a breeding ground for Islamic
extremism; the Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea; the
Iranian talks which are ``failing;'' and of course this latest and most
outrageous aggression committed by Vladimir Putin.
The world is a dangerous place. It cries out for American leadership.
As Lindsey Graham said, there was a guy, in the words of Margaret
Thatcher, who won the Cold War without firing a shot. It is called
peace through strength. It is through being steadfast.
Right now, when the Chinese announced that they are increasing their
defense spending by 12.2 percent, we are announcing that we are cutting
our defense dramatically. That is a long series of cuts in defense,
which can put this Nation's national security interests further in
danger.
I thank my colleague from New Hampshire for going to Kiev. It is an
uplifting and wonderful experience to see how much they want to be like
us, how much they appreciate what little we do, how much it matters to
them to be able to be part of Europe and free, and to have an economic
system that is not beset with the corruption and kleptocracy that
devastated their economy.
They need our help. I hope tomorrow we will be passing legislation
which will be the first step in providing that assistance to this
Nation. I say to my colleagues, the people of Ukraine will be watching
us. They are watching what we do. The sooner we guarantee $1 billion of
loan guarantees to them, the sooner we impose these sanctions which are
embodied in this bill in a bipartisan fashion, the better it will be
for the people of Ukraine to know that we stand with them.
Ms. AYOTTE. Madam President, I want to thank the senior Senator from
Arizona for his leadership and to really frame what Ronald Reagan said.
It is
[[Page S1756]]
so important at this moment. He said: Of the four wars in my lifetime,
none came about because the U.S. was too strong. So when we talk about
peace through strength, we are talking about ensuring that we do not
have to get involved in another conflict. Before I went to Ukraine I
was in Afghanistan. One of the commanders that I was speaking with in
Afghanistan said to me: You know, Senator Ayotte, I worry about
America's span of attention. I am worried. I have fought here. I have
done multiple tours here. We sacrificed here. I am really worried. I
understand how people at home view where things are in Afghanistan. But
for us just to throw our hands up right now and what that will do--I am
just worried that we are forgetting the lessons of what happened on
September 11, when we thought that we did not have to be engaged, when
we thought that the fight could stay over here and that this country
Afghanistan, which was a haven for Al Qaeda, that they would just leave
us alone.
Unfortunately, in this fight with Al Qaeda, they won't leave us
alone. Now we are facing a situation in Syria where our Secretary of
Homeland Security or our Director of National Intelligence has said the
threat of Al Qaeda in Syria is a threat to our homeland.
As we look at events unfolding around the world, what is happening in
Ukraine does matter to the United States of America.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired.
Ms. AYOTTE. I ask unanimous consent for 1 additional minute.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Ms. AYOTTE. I would say in order that we don't have to deal with wars
here and that we hopefully don't have to send our men and women in
uniform to war, we have to maintain a strong position in the United
States and Ukraine using the strongest sanctions we can, having a
prepared military, and supporting our allies to ensure that we don't
fall back into forgetting the lessons we have seen. When America
disengages, it becomes dangerous for America. That is what this is
about.
I am pleased we are going to pass bipartisan legislation to support
Ukraine. I ask the President to issue even stronger sanctions against
Russia, Vladimir Putin, and to ensure we stand with the people of
Ukraine, because when we stand with them we stand for ourselves as well
and what we believe in.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.
Health Care
Mr. MURPHY. Yesterday, healthcare.gov saw about 1.2 million visits to
the site. The call centers, which are busy enrolling people at a pace
that is now exceeding 50,000 to 100,000 people a day, saw 390,000 phone
calls.
A new poll just came out suggesting that a full 60 percent of
Americans want the Affordable Care Act to stay in place, and if they
want changes, they only want minor changes. Only 11 percent of people
in this poll said they want to repeal and replace the law, and only 18
percent said they wanted to repeal it completely.
It is not rocket science to figure out why we have hundreds of
thousands of people lining up as we approach the deadline for
enrollment seeking to get care. It is not rocket science why there are
over 1 million people only yesterday alone going to the Web site trying
to find out what their options are.
The simple fact is that even today, as we stand on the brink of the
enrollment deadline, there are still millions of Americans who remain
on the outside of the best health care system in the world. There are
still millions of families who are waking up today, as they have week
after week, year after year, wondering how they are going to pay the
medical bills that are piling up for a sick father and worrying what
would happen if their child were diagnosed with a disease, having no
way to pay for it. That is a reality still today for millions of
families. Many of them, frankly, have stayed away from the Web site
because of the misinformation that has been spread by opponents of the
health care law.
Now as we are coming to the enrollment deadline, we are seeing a
surge of interest, much of it from families who are desperate to
finally get access to health care insurance that will allow them to
avoid the fate of millions of other Americans who have fallen into
bankruptcy, have lost their homes, have lost their cars, and who have
lost their savings simply because of a mistimed illness.
I was pleased today to see the President make a very simple
announcement. What he said is that people who are in line trying to
apply for health care insurance when the deadline hits on Monday are
going to get a shot to complete their application.
For very complex cases, for instance, women who are in a situation of
extreme domestic violence who don't want to apply jointly and have to
apply themselves, they are going to be able to have a little extra time
as well. For most of the people I represent, that is just common sense.
If someone is desperately in need of health care and if they have
gone months, years, and maybe even decades without health care and they
have this chance--a chance that will expire Monday this year--then if
they are in line trying to fill out an application, they should be able
to get through that application even if the midnight clock hits.
I heard my friend from Wyoming speak on the floor earlier today and
criticize this announcement from the President. I thought it was
worthwhile to come to the floor and make it clear that if someone is
criticizing a simple decision to allow people a little bit of extra
time, they are essentially rooting for people to stay outside of the
ranks of those who are insured. They are essentially guaranteeing that
people who could get insurance, because they have the ability now over
the course of the next few days to sign up, aren't going to be able to
get it.
Of course, I think people understand this concept because there is
plenty of precedent. When folks rush home from work late on election
day to go vote, they often see very long lines outside of the polling
place. But we don't shut down the polls at 8 o'clock when there is a
line outside. We allow people who are in line to vote because they
worked hard to get there, to get in line. They deserve a chance to
express their choice in an election. That is essentially what the
President has announced today, that individuals who are in line on
March 31 are going to get a chance to sign up, because why on Earth
would we deny people the ability to get insurance? I get it that there
are people who oppose this law, who want it repealed, and many people
of good faith who want it replaced with something else. But the reality
of here and now is that there are millions of people who are going onto
the Web site every day. There are hundreds of thousands of people who
are calling, and they deserve a chance to get health care insurance, to
be able to treat their loved ones for the diseases that they have today
or may incur.
I would note that there is precedence to this. When President Bush
was managing the enrollment process for Medicare Part D, he did, in
fact, the same thing. He extended the enrollment deadline for people
who were in process and for complex cases. People who were trying to
sign up for Medicare Part D at the enrollment deadline received extra
time, and there were plenty of Republicans who supported that effort.
I come to the floor today to make it clear that for a lot of folks it
makes sense that if people are so desperate for health care and they
are in the process of filling out these applications, they should get
the chance to finish the job.
I am continuing to receive letters and emails from people who have
gone through the process and whose lives have been transformed. I
simply want to make sure that on Monday, if people are in the process
of signing up, they don't get foreclosed from the possibility of
experiencing a reality such as one of my constituents, Sean Hannon,
from Weston, CT. I will finish by reading a letter he sent to our
office.
Speaking for himself and his wife he said:
As working freelancers, my wife and I are not covered by
company health plans and we have had to buy private health
insurance out of pocket. It has been our largest financial
burden. Last year, our monthly premium for Golden Rule was
$1,216. That came to $14,592 annually. This plan also came
with a huge deductible that needed to be met completely
before any payout.
This year, Golden Rule increased our premium to $1,476 a
month, or $17,712 annually.
On February 1, thanks to the Affordable Care Act, we were
able to switch from Golden Rule to Connecticare on the CT
Exchange.
[[Page S1757]]
It wasn't easy to go through enrollment, but we had great
assistance from a woman at the enrollment center in New
Haven, and she stuck with us until we got it right.
Let me tell you what the new healthcare plan has done for
us . . .
First and foremost, we lowered our monthly premium of
$1,475 to $309. Let me spell that out so you know it wasn't a
typo: three hundred and nine dollars. That is a savings of
nearly 80%!
So now I am sure you are thinking that we must have made a
huge sacrifice in quality of care or services. Just the
opposite. We have lost none of the benefits we previously
had. We were able to keep all of our doctors, our primary GP
and specialists. They all accept the insurance.
While we still have a high deductible, unlike the previous
plan that didn't pay anything until the deductible was met,
we now have co-pays for doctor visits of $30, and procedures
such as CAT scans and MRIs are $75 for each visit, and the
remainder of the expense is covered COMPLETELY, even before
the deductible is met.
And we have the peace of mind of not being dropped or
penalized for pre-existing conditions.
They finish by saying:
Despite the messed up rollout and the attendant growing
pains of a massive program, ObamaCare has been a Godsend, and
we are overwhelmed and ecstatic over the dramatic difference
this has made in our family budget.
We are sharing all of this personal information here
because there is an aggressive campaign underway to dismantle
this valuable program. The misinformation being put out there
is skewing public opinion and this must not happen. . . .
This treasure is ours to lose if we do not speak up now.
Yesterday 1.2 million people went to the Web site and 400,000 people
called in to seek help. I imagine those numbers will continue to
escalate as we move through the weekend. They deserve to be able to get
to a reality that Sean Hannon and his family are experiencing now. They
deserve to have a chance at paying lower premiums, 80 percent savings,
for some individuals, to finally get insured for the diseases,
illnesses, and conditions that have plagued these families for years.
I applaud the President for allowing these families the ability to
complete their applications, and I hope that many of them get to see
the same final reality that the Hannons of Weston, CT, have.
I yield back the remainder of my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Coons). The Senator from Wyoming.
Mr. BARRASSO. Mr. President, I come to the floor, having heard my
colleague's concerns and story of a family who was helped by the
President's health care law. We want people in this country to be
helped. My concern is there are a lot of people who are actually being
hurt by the President's health care law. We shouldn't have to hurt
people, specifically people who have had insurance, to try to help
people who haven't had insurance. That is the big concern that my
friend from Connecticut referred to as I came to the floor this morning
to discuss.
I have grave concerns about the impact on the people of Wyoming and
all around the country as we are getting letters and concerns. We were
told on the floor that all of these stories--nine of us were reading
different stories--that all of these are lies.
These are not lies. These are people hurt by the President's health
care law. We see them in States all around the country.
We don't know how many people have signed up, how many have gone to
the Web site. The White House can't even tell us if they know how many
have insurance.
Sure, they may have had a lot of people visit the Web site. I wonder
how many people have actually paid to have insurance? What the
President asked for is he said: We are going to get 30 million people
who didn't have insurance to have insurance.
It looks as if there may be fewer than 2 million who go through that.
We know that fewer than 1 in 10 young people--the people who are
supposed to pay for this program--young people paying more so that
older, sicker people will pay less, those people aren't signing up.
Only 1 in 10 of those eligible at that age is signing up.
That is what we are seeing across the country, and that is why the
worry is that there is going to need to be a big bailout of this
program because the money that is being spent by the taxpayers is not
getting the job done. They are not doing it in a way to actually help
the people who need help without hurting so many other people, the 5
million people who received letters of cancellation.
I hear my friend and colleague from Connecticut. It is not only
people--one person who may have gotten insurance in Connecticut who may
have been helped in that situation. The impact on jobs and communities
has been dramatic. When I looked at the State of Connecticut, there was
a story in the New York Times only last month about the impact of this
law that my colleague and friend has voted for that has now been
changed over two dozen times. They are interviewing a superintendent of
schools in Meriden, CT.
We just heard a story of somebody who was helped by the health care
law. Now let's look at what has happened to the superintendent of
schools in Meriden, CT, Mark Benigni. He is also a board member of the
American Association of School Administrators.
In an interview with the New York Times, he said that the new health
care law was having ``unintended consequences for school systems across
the Nation.''
We have a letter from somebody in Connecticut, but let's see what
happened to school systems across the country. Maybe they have children
in school, I don't know.
The article states:
In Connecticut, as in many States, significant numbers of
part-time school employees work more than 30 hours a week and
do not receive health benefits.
We know the health care law defines a workweek as anything above 30
hours. They have people who are working part time with more than 30
hours, and according to the health care law those are full-time
employees. So they have workers with more than 30 but who do not
receive health benefits, and he says:
Are we supposed to lay off full-time teachers so that we
can provide insurance coverage to part-time employees?
That is a question asked by the superintendent of schools in a town
in central Connecticut. He says:
If we have to cut five reading teachers to pay for the
benefits for substitute teachers, I'm not sure that would be
best for our students.
The impact of this health care law and the mandate and the costs go
way beyond the health care of an individual or a family or a community.
It goes to so many other things, including the education of our young
people. And those are some of the tradeoffs and the unintended
consequences that have developed since passing a 2,700-page health care
law.
Whether they delay the signup date to allow more people to sign up,
as a doctor, my concern is for those people who do sign up, what kind
of care are they going to get. Are they going to be able to keep their
doctor, which the President promised. The deadline date is less
important than the kind of care people can get with the insurance they
are mandated to buy as a result of the health care law, and pay a lot
more than they would have paid had the law not been passed. Will they
be able to keep their doctor? Will they be able to see a doctor?
We know there is a shortage coming of about 90,000 physicians, half
of them specialists, half of them primary care physicians around the
country. This is coming in the next 5 or 6 years. We know the things
that are happening along those lines with not enough nurses, not enough
physician assistants, not enough EMTs, paramedics--across the board not
enough people to take care of the population of this country. Having
insurance is not enough to provide care.
The President made promises that are not being kept. That is a
concern I have when I hear the deadline is extended. My concern is what
happens after they sign up. Will they be able to get the care they
need?
Last week, the Associated Press reported the results of a poll of all
these different cancer hospitals. My wife is a cancer survivor, so I
know how important it is for people to have the peace of mind to get
the care they need. Of the 19 hospitals that responded to the
Associated Press, only 4 of the 19 said, yes, they will be able to
accept all of the plans of the people who are signing up on the Web
site in those States where those hospitals are located. So it is not
just a matter of keeping your own doctor, but it is getting the doctor
you need at a time of family crisis, personal family concern--the time
when people are most vulnerable. Will the
[[Page S1758]]
fact they have some coverage bought through a Web site actually help
them get the care they need? And will the doctor who happens to see
them--even if they are able to keep their own doctor--be able to spend
the time interacting with the patient or, with all the additional
paperwork and time-consumption activities, will the doctor have to cut
the visit short, spend time looking more at the computer screen than
looking at the patient? There are complaints in every State of the
Union from patients who are complaining either to their doctor or the
nurse at the office or at the checkout area of the office saying, you
know, I would have liked to have had the doctor look more at me and not
so much at the computer screen.
There are many components of this health care law that are harmful to
health care delivery and to patient care in this country, and so the
President decides to unilaterally delay a part of the law that this
last week or the week before the Secretary of Health and Human Services
said will not be done; this is the deadline; this is it. When is the
law not the law anymore? When it is just Swiss cheese? When do you
trust somebody, take them at their word? Words have meanings.
It is time for this President and this administration to actually
realize the American people see what is happening. Each time they do a
delay or do a change or do this or that, it has a huge impact on
people's lives as they try to decide what to do and what matters and
what doesn't matter under this administration. People are very
disappointed as a result of the health care law. Those who were looking
for something better haven't found it.
We still don't know how many people actually have paid for insurance.
We may know how many went to the Web site, but we don't know how many
of those who bought insurance through the Web site actually had their
own insurance and got one of those letters--of the 5 million people who
got letters of cancellation--canceling their insurance or how many were
uninsured.
It looks as though the Web site doesn't even want to look into that.
On the paper application there is actually a box to check off. It says:
I didn't have insurance but now I am going to get it. The Web site left
that off. I don't know if that was ineptitude on the part of the
designers of the Web site or if it was left off or fell through the
cracks in the disastrous rollout. I don't know, but it wasn't there. So
the administration, which said our goal is that of the 30 million
people who do not have insurance, getting them insured, will never know
the answer to that. Then there is the question of who are these folks,
in terms of young or old, sick or not sick. And we know of those
eligible, only about 1 in 10 has signed up.
But the big concern is--regardless of some of these things the
President is doing to delay this and let others sign up or not sign up
for a bit of time--what kind of care are they going to get? Whether
they are insured through the Web site this week, next week, or the week
after, what kind of care is going to be available to them? And what
happens when they find the cost of the care--as for so many people I
hear from in Wyoming--is much higher than they were paying before? And
if they had a policy they liked--or are still finding, if they didn't
have insurance--many of them still think the rates are unaffordable.
I thank the Chair. I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. VITTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. VITTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to be recognized
for up to 10 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Unanimous consent Request--H.R. 3521
Mr. VITTER. Mr. President, I come to the floor again to try to move
forward on a bill with near unanimous support. In fact, with regard to
the actual substance of the bill, within the four corners of the bill,
it has unanimous support because it would advance 27 community-based
health care clinics for veterans in the VA system immediately, around
the country, which would serve hundreds of thousands of veterans in
communities that absolutely need this type of expanded community-based
clinic. Two are in my State--one in Lafayette, one in Lake Charles, LA.
All of these community-based clinics--including the ones in Lafayette
and Lake Charles--have been fully authorized by the VA and throughout
the process. They have been on the books. We have been planning on them
and moving forward with them for some time. But they have hit a series
of bureaucratic glitches.
For the Lafayette and Lake Charles facilities in particular, first
they hit a big VA glitch when the VA just screwed up--and those are
their words, not mine--just screwed up in the letting process to put
out contracts to locate land and to build or lease these facilities.
Because of that bureaucratic mistake, the VA lost a whole year in the
process in terms of moving forward with these clinics that are fully
approved, fully authorized.
During that year of delay, out of the blue CBO decided to score how
these clinics are financed differently than it ever did before. I won't
go into the weeds, but suffice it to say that under this new scoring
method, it created a scoring issue, which it never did before. Well,
that was an additional hurdle and additional point of delay to which we
had to respond. We overcame it with a proposal that ensures the VA
funds and handles this correctly so there is no scoring issue. The bill
passed the House nearly unanimously. In fact, the vote in the House was
346 to 1. As the Presiding Officer knows, not much passes either body
nearly unanimously, but this did with very widespread bipartisan
support, 346 to 1. This is the bill which has come over here to get
final approval.
With the addition of an amendment to help pay for any costs
associated with the bill--and the amendment has been fully vetted and
is supported in a bipartisan way--with the addition of an amendment, we
have no opposition here in the Senate on the actual substance of my
proposal, on moving forward with these 27 important VA clinics around
the country, two of which are in Louisiana.
Unfortunately, the only objection that appears to reside here in the
Senate is from the Senator from Vermont, Mr. Sanders, who does not
object to this bill as amended, who does not object to the substance
within the four corners of this bill, but who simply wants his much
bigger, much broader VA bill passed. I applaud his passion to advocate
for it, but there is significant concern with that much bigger, much
more complicated proposal. There are 43 Senators, including myself, who
have very significant concerns about that proposal.
I think it is really unfortunate for him to block something where
there are no concerns--it has been vetted, it has bipartisan support,
and every conceivable substantive issue has been worked out--simply to
hold that as hostage for a much broader bill that has concerns and
opposition from almost half of the Senate, 43 Senators. So I hope we
can avoid that, and I come to the floor to ask for unanimous consent.
I think the American people want us to work together. I think the
American people want us to agree on things we can agree on. There is a
lot to fight about, there is a lot to wrestle with, there is a lot to
disagree about, and we should work on that stuff too, toward an
agreement. I am open to doing so with Senator Sanders. But in the
meantime, I firmly believe the American people want us to agree where
we do agree. Don't create disagreements that don't exist. They want us
to move forward where we can move forward. They want us to make
progress where we can and keep working on the rest.
In that spirit, I ask unanimous consent that the Veterans' Affairs
Committee be discharged from further consideration of my bill, H.R.
3521, and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration; that my
amendment, which is at the desk, be agreed to; the bill, as amended, be
read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be laid
upon the table.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. SANDERS. Reserving the right to object.
[[Page S1759]]
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, I appreciate the interest my colleague
from Louisiana has on this very important issue. I agree with him that
we want to expand VA health care, that we have run into a bureaucratic
morass, and there are 27 facilities in 18 States that can and should be
approved. If the Senator from Louisiana is prepared to join with me, we
can pass his concern today or within the next couple of weeks, along
with many other provisions the veterans community is deeply concerned
about.
During the last government shutdown, it is not widely known but the
truth is that we were 7 to 10 days away from a situation where
veterans--disabled veterans, veterans who have pensions--were not going
to get their benefits. The comprehensive bipartisan legislation that
received 56 votes here on the floor--unfortunately, not the vote from
my colleague from Louisiana but 56 votes, and we are working to get the
60 votes we need to overcome a Republican point of order, and we are
going to get those 60 votes--makes sure we do have advanced
appropriations so no disabled veteran will not get a check in the event
of another government shutdown.
My colleague from Louisiana may or may not think that is an important
issue. I don't know. I think it is an important issue. And I can tell
him the reason the legislation I introduced has the support of the
American Legion--and, by the way, 500 of them were here this morning at
a very interesting hearing--has the support of the VFW, the DAV, the
Vietnam Veterans of America, the Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of
America, Gold Star Wives of America, and virtually every organization
is because they understand that the veterans community has very serious
problems we have to address.
My friend from Louisiana may or may not have concerns about making
sure that every veteran gets their benefits in an expedited way and
that we don't have this backlog. Our legislation addresses that. My
friend from Louisiana may or may not be concerned that there are
veterans who want to take advantage of the post-9/11 GI bill--which
over 1 million people are now having advantage of--and are having
problems with getting instate tuition. Our legislation addresses that.
Our legislation for the first time makes sure dental care will be part
of VA health care. Our legislation addresses the reprehensible
situation faced by many women and men in the military who had to deal
with sexual assault. We think they should get the care they need. And
on and on and on.
So we have a comprehensive piece of legislation which is supported by
virtually every veterans organization in this country. We received 56
votes--1 person was absent who would have voted for it--57 votes, and
we are now working with some of our Republican colleagues to make sure
we get the 60 votes. And I say to my colleague from Louisiana, work
with us. Bring some of your other colleagues on board. Please don't
tell me this is too expensive. If it is too expensive to take care of
our veterans, then let's not go to war in the first place.
So I give my colleague from Louisiana the opportunity now to do
something really extraordinary, to do something the veterans' committee
wants.
I object to the proposal from my colleague from Louisiana, and in its
place I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the
consideration of Calendar No. 297, S. 1950; that a Sanders substitute
amendment, the text of S. 1982, the Comprehensive Veterans Health and
Benefits and Military Retirement Pay Restoration Act, be agreed to; the
bill, as amended, be read a third time and passed; and the motions to
reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no
intervening action or debate.
If we pass this right now, we deal with the Senator's concerns and a
lot of other concerns.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard to the request of the
Senator from Louisiana.
Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Vermont?
Mr. VITTER. Mr. President, I object on behalf of 43 Senators,
including myself.
Reclaiming the floor and reclaiming my time, I would say we all want
to work very hard to help veterans. We all acknowledge that the health
care and work claim backlog issues are extremely important. That is why
I am very involved in all of those issues across the board. That is
why, for instance, I am an active member of the claims backlog working
group, working with the VA to improve that situation and proposing
focused legislation. We all care very much about that.
But right now Senator Sanders' comprehensive bill has significant
concerns in opposition--43 Senators, over 40 percent of the whole body.
I do object on behalf of myself and the rest of those folks. I do
commit to continuing to work on those issues, but I also express real
regret that when this body is very divided on the important details of
that bill--and the details do matter--we don't come together on
something we agree on, and we can't accomplish a few important steps at
a time.
Perhaps Senator Sanders thinks that if we do this, somehow it takes
away momentum for his larger bill. I think that is nonsense. These 27
clinics in 18 States are important, but they are a trivial part of that
broader bill. They are a trivial part of all of the proposals in that
broader bill. I don't think it takes away any momentum in any way,
shape, or form for that broader bill. I will continue to be just as
committed and just as interested in VA health care issues and working
down the claims backlog and everything else. These clinics are a tiny
part of that. So he doesn't lose any advantage. He doesn't lose any
momentum. We could move forward on something we do agree on and build
from there. I think that is more reasonable and more constructive.
There is literally no disagreement among any of us in this body about
these clinics. I have worked hard with several other colleagues to
address every question and every concern out there. The amendment at
the desk erases some of those concerns. We have covered the waterfront
on this clinics issue in particular.
I am very disappointed that we can't move forward as a first step and
agree on what we agree on. We disagree on enough. Let's agree on what
we agree on. Let's move forward on what we agree on and pass these 27
clinics and start that progress and certainly continue to work on
important compromise on the much bigger piece represented by the
Sanders bill.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to use leader time
for a few minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Health Care
Mr. REID. Mr. President, the junior Senator from Wyoming has come to
the floor several times recently talking about the fact that examples
he and other Republicans have given dealing with ObamaCare, examples
they think are bad, I call lies. That is simply untrue. I have never
come to the floor, to my recollection, and said a word about any of the
examples Republicans have given regarding ObamaCare and how it is not
very good. But I have come to the floor--I think my friend, the junior
Senator from Wyoming, must be getting mixed up about what I have said
about the Koch brothers and what they have done regarding health care.
But it is easy to get mixed up because I think it is hard to separate
the Koch brothers from the Republican caucus, anyway.
Mr. President, I have asserted and I will continue to assert that the
Koch brothers are trying to buy America, and they are doing it in a
number of different ways. They don't believe in Social Security. They
don't believe in minimum wage. They don't believe in benefits--
unemployment benefits. They don't believe in environmental laws. As you
know and read in the paper, they have a chemical plant. They were fined
about $400,000 over the last week or 10 days and ordered to pay about
$50 million to bring it up to standard because it was deleterious to
the health of people in the area.
The Koch brothers are running false and misleading ads all around the
country against Democratic Senators dealing with health care. Do they
care about health care? Of course not. These are false and misleading
ads, and they have gone so far as to have actors there pretending they
are from the States,
[[Page S1760]]
and they not only have done that in one State; they used the same actor
in different States. So the record should be very clear. Yes, I have
called many, if not most, of the anti-Obama ads by the Koch brothers
false and misleading because they are.
Vote on Cooper Nomination
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there is now 2
minutes of debate, equally divided, prior to a vote on the Cooper
nomination.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
Mr. REID. I yield back all time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back.
Mr. MENENDEZ. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the nomination
of Christopher Reid Cooper, of the District of Columbia, to be United
States District Judge for the District of Columbia?
The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk called the roll.
The result was announced--yeas 100, nays 0, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 84 Ex.]
YEAS--100
Alexander
Ayotte
Baldwin
Barrasso
Begich
Bennet
Blumenthal
Blunt
Booker
Boozman
Boxer
Brown
Burr
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Chambliss
Coats
Coburn
Cochran
Collins
Coons
Corker
Cornyn
Crapo
Cruz
Donnelly
Durbin
Enzi
Feinstein
Fischer
Flake
Franken
Gillibrand
Graham
Grassley
Hagan
Harkin
Hatch
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Heller
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (WI)
Kaine
King
Kirk
Klobuchar
Landrieu
Leahy
Lee
Levin
Manchin
Markey
McCain
McCaskill
McConnell
Menendez
Merkley
Mikulski
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Risch
Roberts
Rockefeller
Rubio
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Scott
Sessions
Shaheen
Shelby
Stabenow
Tester
Thune
Toomey
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Vitter
Walsh
Warner
Warren
Whitehouse
Wicker
Wyden
The nomination was confirmed.
Vote on Harpool Nomination
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there is now 2
minutes of debate equally divided prior to a vote on the Harpool
nomination.
The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. LEAHY. I yield back all time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, all time is yielded back.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the nomination
of M. Douglas Harpool, of Missouri, to be United States District Judge
for the Western District of Missouri?
Mr. WICKER. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
desiring to vote?
Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr.
Menendez) is necessarily absent.
Mr. CORNYN. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the Senator
from Tennessee (Mr. Corker).
Further, if present and voting, the Senator from Tennessee (Mr.
Corker) would have voted ``yea.''
The result was announced--yeas 93, nays 5, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 85 Ex.]
YEAS--93
Alexander
Ayotte
Baldwin
Barrasso
Begich
Bennet
Blumenthal
Blunt
Booker
Boozman
Boxer
Brown
Burr
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Chambliss
Coats
Cochran
Collins
Coons
Cornyn
Cruz
Donnelly
Durbin
Enzi
Feinstein
Fischer
Flake
Franken
Gillibrand
Graham
Grassley
Hagan
Harkin
Hatch
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Heller
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (WI)
Kaine
King
Kirk
Klobuchar
Landrieu
Leahy
Lee
Levin
Manchin
Markey
McCaskill
McConnell
Merkley
Mikulski
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Roberts
Rockefeller
Rubio
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Scott
Sessions
Shaheen
Stabenow
Tester
Thune
Toomey
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Vitter
Walsh
Warner
Warren
Whitehouse
Wicker
Wyden
NAYS--5
Coburn
Crapo
McCain
Risch
Shelby
NOT VOTING--2
Corker
Menendez
The nomination was confirmed.
Vote On McHugh Nomination
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there is now 2
minutes of debate equally divided prior to a vote on the McHugh
nomination.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. I yield back time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, all time is yielded back.
Mr. GRASSLEY. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the nomination
of Gerald Austin McHugh, Jr., of Pennsylvania, to be United States
District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania?
The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
The result was announced--yeas 59, nays 41, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 86 Ex.]
YEAS--59
Baldwin
Begich
Bennet
Blumenthal
Booker
Boxer
Brown
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Coats
Collins
Coons
Donnelly
Durbin
Feinstein
Franken
Gillibrand
Hagan
Harkin
Hatch
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Hirono
Johnson (SD)
Kaine
King
Klobuchar
Leahy
Levin
Manchin
Markey
McCain
McCaskill
Menendez
Merkley
Mikulski
Murkowski
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Reed
Reid
Rockefeller
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Shaheen
Stabenow
Tester
Toomey
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Walsh
Warner
Warren
Whitehouse
Wyden
NAYS--41
Alexander
Ayotte
Barrasso
Blunt
Boozman
Burr
Chambliss
Coburn
Cochran
Corker
Cornyn
Crapo
Cruz
Enzi
Fischer
Flake
Graham
Grassley
Heller
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (WI)
Kirk
Landrieu
Lee
McConnell
Moran
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Risch
Roberts
Rubio
Scott
Sessions
Shelby
Thune
Vitter
Wicker
The nomination was confirmed.
Vote on Smith Nomination
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Baldwin). Under the previous order, there
is now 2 minutes of debate equally divided prior to a vote on the Smith
nomination. Who yields time?
Mr. CORKER. Madam President, I yield back all time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the nomination
of Edward G. Smith, of Pennsylvania, to be U.S. District Judge for the
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
Mr. CORKER. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
The result was announced--yeas 69, nays 31, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 87 Ex.]
YEAS--69
Alexander
Ayotte
Barrasso
Bennet
Blunt
Boozman
Brown
Burr
Carper
Casey
Chambliss
Coats
Coburn
Cochran
Collins
Coons
Corker
Cornyn
Crapo
Cruz
Durbin
Enzi
Fischer
Flake
Graham
Grassley
Hatch
Heitkamp
Heller
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (WI)
Kaine
King
Kirk
Klobuchar
Landrieu
Leahy
Lee
Levin
Manchin
McCain
McCaskill
McConnell
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Nelson
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Risch
Roberts
Rubio
Scott
Sessions
Shelby
[[Page S1761]]
Thune
Toomey
Vitter
Warner
Whitehouse
Wicker
NAYS--31
Baldwin
Begich
Blumenthal
Booker
Boxer
Cantwell
Cardin
Donnelly
Feinstein
Franken
Gillibrand
Hagan
Harkin
Heinrich
Markey
Menendez
Merkley
Mikulski
Murray
Rockefeller
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Shaheen
Stabenow
Tester
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Walsh
Warren
Wyden
The nomination was confirmed.
____________________