[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 47 (Tuesday, March 25, 2014)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1701-S1702]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RUSSIA
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, sometimes it takes a sudden, flagrant
breach of international order to dispel a President's naivete about an
adversary. The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan had that effect on
President Carter, and one can only hope that Russia's annexation of
Crimea will have a similar impact on President Obama.
Only recently the President was describing his Russian reset--those
were his words--as a success. In other words, he was still calling the
reset a success after Moscow had done the following things--and I think
it is worth recalling the litany of things Vladimir Putin and Russia
have done notwithstanding President Obama's hopeful intention to reset
that relationship. Here is what Moscow has done:
They brutalized domestic human rights activists.
They tortured and murdered anticorruption whistleblower Sergei
Magnitsky.
They unleashed a barrage of anti-American propaganda.
They threatened to target U.S. missile defense sites with offensive
weapons.
They vetoed numerous United Nations resolutions regarding Syria,
where Bashar al-Assad has now killed roughly 150,000 civilians. They
vetoed those resolutions. They also ignored U.S. demands to stop aiding
Bashar al-Assad, period. It is well known and documented that Russia
regularly sends weapons to Assad to use on his own people.
Russia has denounced U.S. sanctions against Iran as undisguised
blackmail. This is a country seeking a nuclear weapon that would
destabilize the entire region--and perhaps worse--in the Middle East.
Russia has expelled USAID from their country and pulled out of the
Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program designed to reduce the
threat of nuclear weapons.
Russia has also banned American citizens from adopting Russian
children and offered asylum to NSA leaker Edward Snowden.
That is quite a list. As you can see, while President Obama said he
wants to reset that relationship with Russia, Vladimir Putin has
basically thumbed
[[Page S1702]]
his nose at the United States and the international order. Yet none of
that has kept President Obama from calling this relationship with Putin
and Russia a success.
If we consider the three biggest U.S. diplomatic victories often
attributed to this reset the President likes to talk about--greater
Russian cooperation in Afghanistan, the New START arms control treaty,
and the Russian support for U.S. sanctions in Iran--only the first one
looks like a genuine, durable achievement from the vantage point of
March 2014.
The New START treaty was a dangerous giveaway. In addition to
jeopardizing U.S. missile defense plans, it reduced the number of
American nuclear launchers and warheads while allowing Russia to
increase the size of its own arsenal.
As for the Iran sanctions endorsed by the U.N. Security Council
members in June of 2010, these were less significant than the
unilateral U.S. sanctions that Congress forced upon President Obama
despite his objections in December 2011. For that matter, the
administration has now unilaterally decided to loosen U.S. sanctions--
and thereby relinquish some of the best leverage we have on Tehran--to
keep them from crossing that red line and acquiring a nuclear weapon.
What did we get for that? We got minor concessions and more hollow
promises.
As with other U.S. adversaries, the Iranians are watching Ukraine to
see how President Obama responds. In the modern era, cross-border
military invasions of sovereign States have been a blessedly rare
occurrence. Yet Vladimir Putin has now launched two of them in less
than 6 years. The Secretary General of NATO has called Russia's armed
seizure of Crimea ``the gravest threat to European security and
stability since the end of the Cold War.'' Europe remembers the primary
location for two world wars during the last century. They remember, and
they remember what happened in 1938 which, unfortunately, bears an
eerie resemblance to some of the initial steps being taken by Vladimir
Putin and Russia today, and they remember what happened after that,
casting the world into a terrible war in which millions of people lost
their lives in World War II.
President Obama's initial response was to sanction 11 Russians and
Ukrainians, leaving Putin's inner circle and his favorite oligarchs
untouched, and they drew mocking rebukes from the Kremlin. Last
Thursday, the President decided to ramp up the sanctions by issuing new
sanctions that did go a little further, targeting four oligarchs and 16
government officials, including Putin's Chief of Staff, along with a
prominent Putin-linked financial institution.
In addition, President Obama declared he had now signed a new
Executive order. Remember, the President said he has a phone and a pen.
Well, he has been using them--not necessarily working with Congress but
he has been using them. He has issued a new Executive order that gives
us the authority to impose sanctions not just on individuals but on key
sectors of the Russian economy. The problem with that is that sanctions
imposed on Russia's economy are going to hurt Europe and invariably end
up inflicting damage even on the U.S. economy. But I hope the President
uses this authority to send Putin a message and finds a way to thread
the needle to exact the costs he said he would exact on Putin for this
lawless act.
In my view, the sanctions should also target Rosoboronexport. This is
a State-owned Russian arms dealer that has been supplying the Assad
regime and Syria with weapons, and it has become the Grand Central
Station of corruption. The U.S. Pentagon has inexplicably been buying
Mi-17 helicopters from Rosoboronexport to supply the Afghan military,
despite numerous alternatives. I am happy to report the senior Senator
from Indiana Mr. Coats has introduced an amendment that would terminate
these contracts and prohibit all business dealings with companies that
cooperate with Rosoboronexport, and I am a proud cosponsor of that
amendment. I hope the majority leader, as Senator McConnell, the
Republican leader, implored this morning, will allow an open amendment
process so reasonable amendments designed to improve this bill will be
allowed to be voted on.
As America responds to Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine,
sanctions will remain a critically important tool, but sanctions alone
are not enough. They should be accompanied by at least three other U.S.
policy moves.
First, the United States needs to assess the military needs of
Ukraine and other Eastern European countries and then swiftly
dispatch--or facilitate the purchase of--whatever resources may be
required. Offering military ration kits rather than serious military
assistance is a joke. It is a bad joke, and it is an insult to our
friends in Kiev and freedom-loving people within the orbit of Russia.
Second, we should enhance and expand our European missile defense
system with upgrades such as a new X-Band radar and more capable
interceptors. We should also increase our overall missile defense
budget. This is something Putin hates but which is a legitimate
expenditure of self-defense monies to help keep the world safer,
particularly from the threat of an Iranian missile.
Third, we should dramatically accelerate the approval process for
U.S. companies seeking to export liquefied natural gas. Congress can
take the lead here by amending the 1938 Natural Gas Act, an antiquated,
Depression-era law that has become an obstacle to economic growth and
U.S. foreign policy interests. Even in the short term, most of our LNG
exports would go to Asia, it is true, rather than Europe, but it would
increase overall the supply, and expediting and expanding those exports
would increase that global supply, help push down prices, and signal to
Vladimir Putin that Washington is determined to squeeze his gas
revenues and break his energy stranglehold on Eastern Europe. That is
why members of both political parties have called for boosting and
accelerating LNG exports as quickly as possible. Those can begin to
flow from the United States as early as 2015, thus increasing supply,
alleviating dependency on other sources, and send a very important
message to Mr. Putin.
All of the actions I have described would send a powerful message to
Moscow and help maximize our diplomatic leverage in the current crisis.
The March 20 sanctions were a good start. The legislation that is
crafted by my friend from Tennessee, the ranking Republican on the
Foreign Relations Committee, along with Senator Menendez, the chairman,
are a good start, but there is more that can be done and should be
done. I hope the majority leader will allow a reasonable and rational
process to allow other Members in the body to participate by adding
their constructive ideas to this legislation, which will pass by the
end of the week, but I think there are a multitude of good ideas that
could be added to it to make it even stronger and send an even more
effective message to Vladimir Putin and, hopefully, discourage him from
acting further in his naked aggression in Ukraine.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Schatz). The Senator from Tennessee.
Mr. CORKER. Mr. President, I wish to ask about my time, but before
the Senator from Texas leaves, I wish to thank him for his comments and
his involvement in this issue. I appreciate his coming to the floor. I
think this is an important issue for us to be debating and I firmly
support the open amendment process that has been alluded to.
If I could, I wish to inquire as to how much time is remaining at
this point.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is 4 minutes remaining on the Republican
side.
Mr. CORKER. I was afraid that might be the case. I wonder if I could
ask unanimous consent to speak for 8 minutes or so.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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