[Congressional Record Volume 160, Number 4 (Wednesday, January 8, 2014)]
[House]
[Pages H46-H56]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONGRESSIONAL BLACK CAUCUS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 3, 2013, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) is
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with many Members to
mark President Lyndon Baines Johnson's 1964 State of the Union Address.
Let me first take a moment to thank Leader Pelosi; our whip, Steny
Hoyer; and the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, Congresswoman
Marcia Fudge, for their tremendous leadership in leading our agenda for
economic justice and for jobs.
This is truly a historic day in our fight to provide every American
with a pathway out of poverty. This morning, we were joined here at the
Capitol by Linda Johnson Robb, President Lyndon Baines Johnson and Lady
Bird Johnson's eldest daughter, to mark the 50th anniversary of her
father's State of the Union speech in which he declared an
unconditional war on poverty. At the time of his speech, the Nation's
supplemental poverty rate was approximately 26 percent; 36 percent of
low-income households struggled with food insecurity; and more than a
third of American seniors were living in poverty.
And let me tell you, President Johnson got it. He recognized in his
speech that poverty is a national problem requiring national
organization and support. He knew that in a great society it is
absolutely essential that we prioritize investments that lift millions
out of poverty. As a result of his vision, his daughter reminded us
this morning of the bipartisan and bicameral effort that followed,
benchmark antipoverty legislation passed during the Johnson
administration, including--and I want to remind everyone of these major
initiatives that have significantly changed the lives of millions of
Americans--the Civil Rights Act, the Urban Mass Transportation Act, the
Criminal Justice Act, the Food Stamp Act, the Older Americans Act,
Social Security amendments, the Voting Rights Act, the Housing and
Urban Development Act, the Public Works and Economic Development Act,
the Department of Housing and Urban Development Act, the Amendment to
the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Higher Education Act, the
Child Nutrition Act, the Child Protection Act, and the National School
Lunch Act, in addition to Head Start, Job Corps, of course food stamps,
now known as SNAP, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.
The result of these policies and programs are undeniable. The poverty
rate was cut nearly in half by the mid-1970s. They even had a personal
impact on many of us here, a personal impact on me, providing a
critical bridge over troubled waters when I was a single mother in the
seventies, trying to raise two boys and go to college. And I am forever
grateful to the American people for being there for me when I needed
them.
And we know that today, 50 years later, these critical antipoverty
programs continue to provide that support for vulnerable Americans and
people living on the edge. Today, the Nation's supplemental poverty
rate is now 16 percent, well below what it was in 1964. The programs
put in place after the war on poverty, they work. They create economic
security, return people to their dignity, and provide opportunities for
Americans to lift themselves out of poverty.
According to a report released by the Center for American Progress
yesterday, without the safety net initiated as a part of the war on
poverty, ``poverty rates today would be nearly double what they
currently are.'' And I will now insert that report into the Record.
[From americanprogress.org, Jan. 7, 2014]
Key Findings From Our New National Poll
One-quarter to one-third of Americans, and even higher
percentages of Millennials and people of color, continue to
experience direct economic hardship. Sixty-one percent of
Americans say their family's income is falling behind the
cost of living, compared to just 8 percent who feel they are
getting ahead and 29 percent who feel they are staying even.
Twenty-five percent to 34 percent of Americans report serious
problems falling behind in rent, mortgage, or utilities
payments or being unable to buy enough food, afford necessary
medical care, or keep up with minimum credit card payments.
While these numbers have somewhat retreated over the last
five years, they are still shockingly high, and the
disparities across demographic groups underscore how uneven
the current recovery has been.
A majority of Americans have a direct personal connection
to poverty. Fifty-four percent of Americans say that someone
in their immediate or extended families is poor, a figure
that has actually increased 2 points
[[Page H47]]
since we conducted our first poll in. Nearly two in three
African Americans (65 percent) report a direct connection to
poverty, while 59 percent of Hispanics say the same.
Americans vastly overestimate the annual income necessary
to be officially considered poor. Perhaps expressing a more
realistic understanding of the economy than official
government measures currently capture, Americans on average
estimate that it takes just over $30,000 in annual income for
a family of four to be considered officially in poverty--
about $7,000 more than the government's poverty line. Most
respondents in the focus groups were shocked to hear that the
official poverty line was as low as it is; many suggested
that it represents a disconnect with the reality of rising
prices over the last few years. Americans on average also
report that it would take more than $55,000 in annual income
to be considered out of poverty and safely in the middle
class.
Americans now believe that nearly 40 percent of their
fellow citizens are living in poverty. When we conducted our
2008 poll, 13.2 percent of Americans were living below the
federal poverty line, but our survey found that Americans
guessed the number to be 29 percent. Today, with unemployment
at pre-financial crisis levels and a recovery ostensibly
underway for several years, government statistics tell us
that 15 percent of Americans live below the poverty level.
The public, however, believes that number is now 39 percent--
a stunning 10-point increase that flies in the face of
economic indicators such as the unemployment rate, consumer
confidence, the financial markets, and gross domestic
product, or GDP.
Americans strongly believe that poverty is primarily the
result of a failed economy rather than the result of personal
decisions and lack of effort. In a forced choice test of
ideas, nearly two in three Americans (64 percent) agree more
with a structural argument about the causes of poverty--
``Most people who live in poverty are poor because their jobs
don't pay enough, they lack good health care and education,
and things cost too much for them to save and get ahead,''
underscoring the current economy's failings in the areas of
wages, health care, education, and cost of living. In
contrast, only 25 percent of Americans agree more with a
personal cause--``Most people who live in poverty are poor
because they make bad decisions or act irresponsibly in their
own lives.'' Even white conservatives and libertarians prefer
the structural vision of a failed economy over personal
reasons for poverty by a wide margin (63 percent to 29
percent).
Retrospective evaluations of the ``war on poverty'' are
mixed, but Americans across ideological and partisan lines
believe the government has a responsibility to use its
resources to fight poverty. Americans do not generally have a
favorable impression of the term ``the war on poverty''
without additional context about the programs and goals
associated with the larger project. But after introducing
information to describe the war on poverty and its impact, an
overwhelming percentage of Americans--86 percent--agrees that
the government has a responsibility to use some of its
resources to combat poverty. Moreover, a majority (61
percent) feels that the war on poverty has made a difference,
albeit not a major difference, in achieving its goals (41
percent say war on poverty has made a ``minor difference'';
20 percent say it has made a ``major difference'').
Retrospective evaluations of the war on poverty, however, are
heavily divided by ideology, partisanship, and race. Nearly 7
in 10 (69 percent) white liberals and progressives believe
the war on poverty has worked, and more than 6 in 10 (64
percent) white conservatives and libertarians believe the
opposite.
Despite mixed feelings about the original war on poverty,
there is strong support for a more realistic goal of reducing
poverty by half over the next 10 years. Asked whether they
would support or oppose ``the President and Congress setting
a national goal to cut poverty in the United States in half
within ten years,'' 7 in 10 Americans said they would support
such a goal--40 percent of the public would strongly support
the goal--and only 22 percent would oppose it. This figure is
quite similar to the 74 percent of support reported in the
first study in 2008. Support for a national goal of cutting
poverty in half is very strong among African Americans (87
percent support, 58 percent strongly) and reaches roughly 80
percent among both Millennials (79 percent) and Latinos (79
percent). Sixty-five percent of whites support this goal as
do a majority of Democrats (89 percent), Independents (66
percent), and Republicans (54 percent).
The public is clear about its priorities for reducing
poverty--jobs, wages, and education. Asked which two areas
they believe are most important for new investments, 40
percent of Americans choose ``creating jobs and increasing
wages''; 30 percent choose ``job training and workplace
preparation''; 25 percent choose ``elementary and secondary
education''; 23 percent choose ``college access and
affordability''; and 21 percent choose ``early childhood
education.''
Americans also express very strong support for a number of
policies to help reduce poverty rates with particular
intensity around jobs, wages, and education but also on more
traditional safety net items. Of the 11 policy ideas tested,
five proposals received 80 percent or higher total support
and 50 percent or higher strong support from Americans. These
five policy proposals are: help low wage workers afford
quality child care (86 percent total support, 52 percent
strong support); expand nutrition assistance to provide
families with healthy food and enough to eat (85 percent
total support, 50 percent strong support); make universal
pre-kindergarten available for all children (84 percent total
support, 59 percent strong support); expand publicly funded
scholarships to help more families afford college (84 percent
total support, 54 percent strong support); and increase the
minimum wage and make sure it rises with inflation (80
percent total support, 58 percent strong support). A second
tier of anti-poverty proposals with roughly three-quarters
total support and more than 40 percent strong support
includes ideas for expanded tax credits like the Earned
Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit and access to
affordable health coverage, as well as proposals for a new
national jobs program and more refinancing of mortgages.
Policymakers should feel confident that the American public
will support efforts to expand economic opportunity, increase
access to good jobs and wages, and maintain a robust social
safety net. Harsh negative attitudes about the poor that
seemingly defined political discussions throughout the 1980s
and 1990s have given way to public recognition that many
Americans--poor and middle class alike--are facing many
pressures trying to stay afloat and get ahead in the
difficult economic environment. Supporters of anti-poverty
efforts should not be complacent in their efforts, however,
and should recognize that although Americans back government
action to reduce poverty, questions remain about the
structure and scope of these efforts and how effective they
have been over time.
Let me give you an example. SNAP lifted 5 million people out of
poverty in 2012 alone; and according to a new report by the White
House, released yesterday, unemployment benefits reduced poverty by
nearly 1 percent in 2012 alone.
Without Social Security, nearly half of our Nation's seniors would
live in poverty; and since 2008, unemployment insurance has kept 11
million people out of poverty, including 2.5 million children and
adults in 2012.
We are going to talk about not only the history this evening but also
about the challenges ahead.
I will now yield to Congresswoman Yvette Clarke from New York to
speak about many of the challenges which remain, in addition to a
historical perspective on the war on poverty.
Ms. CLARKE of New York. I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, five decades after President Johnson declared a war on
poverty, economic inequality is pervasive in our society; and our work
to reduce substantial disparities in income and wealth must continue.
But we must not forget that the war on poverty has and will continue to
improve the lives of millions of Americans.
For who among us would tell a senior citizen that Medicare was a
failure? Or tell the parents of a child who attends preschool under
Head Start that that program doesn't work? Who among us would tell the
families who have had access to desperately needed--and often
lifesaving--health care as a result of Medicaid that that program was
not worth the cost?
Mr. Speaker, our work has not yet been completed. In December, we
returned home to share the holiday season with our families, to gather
at the dinner table, and to exchange gifts. However, millions of
Americans were not as fortunate because Congress returned home without
extending unemployment benefits to 1.3 million Americans, not including
the millions of people who rely on them and their families.
If unemployment benefits are not extended, approximately 5 million
Americans are expected to lose emergency unemployment benefits over the
next 12 months; and of that number, 383,000 are New Yorkers.
Additionally, the lapse in unemployment benefits is likely to result in
an increase in demand for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance
Program, known as SNAP.
This is occurring at a time when the Republicans are contemplating
making $40 billion in cuts to nutrition assistance. Already, 3,185,000
New Yorkers are dealing with the impacts of the SNAP benefit cut that
happened this past November due to an expiration of funding made
available under the American Recovery Act.
This is unfair. This is unjust. It makes no sense and, more
importantly, it does not help Americans regain their economic footing.
But we have the ability to correct this mistake by extending
unemployment benefits and preventing further cuts to SNAP.
Congress can affirm the common priorities that we share as a Nation
and
[[Page H48]]
work together to make them a reality. We, as a Congress, must continue
to work together to end poverty in America. Having said that, I yield
back to the gentlelady in remembrance of President Johnson's 50-year
war on poverty. We need to take up the battle once again.
Ms. LEE of California. I now yield to the gentleman from North
Carolina, Congressman G.K. Butterfield.
Mr. BUTTERFIELD. I thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee)
for yielding and also for her passion and her extraordinary work on the
issue of poverty and related causes.
Mr. Speaker, 50 years ago, President Lyndon B. Johnson made a very
bold pronouncement. He declared a national war on poverty. President
Johnson helped pave the way for so many low-income families, and I am
proud today to recognize his immeasurable contributions to the battle
against poverty.
I understand that President Johnson's daughter is still on Capitol
Hill. She visited with the Congressional Black Caucus today, and I just
wanted to publicly thank her and thank the Johnson family for their
contributions to America.
Just last year, we commemorated the 50th anniversaries of the March
on Washington and Dr. Martin Luther King's historic speech, imploring
all Americans to aspire towards a society of equality and acceptance.
Dr. King's speech illustrated the racial realities faced by people of
color since before even the Civil War.
In 1964, President Johnson delivered a historic State of the Union
Address right in this Chamber that exposed the tough racial
inequalities present in the 1960s. He gave voice to the poor by
contrasting the stark economic differences between the wealthy and the
poor, and inspired a series of transformative laws, including the Civil
Rights Act and the Economic Opportunity Act. Those laws, Mr. Speaker,
established the first Federal framework to combat the racial and
economic and educational and even employment inequities that were
pervasive in our society. The landmark legislation enacted during the
Johnson administration built upon the principles of the Declaration of
Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, the New Deal, and the
civil rights movement.
The work began by President Johnson more than a half a century ago
continues today with no less urgency. While national poverty metrics
have improved since the war on poverty began, income inequality is
still a major problem today, and pockets of persistent poverty remain
all across our country. In my congressional district, one in four
people that I represent, including 36 percent of our children, live at
or below the poverty level.
Income inequality in America is getting worse. I want to say that
again for emphasis: income inequality in America is getting worse, not
better. And the gap between the haves and the have-nots continues to
widen. The poverty rate now is the highest it has been since 1994; and
in some parts of my district, median household incomes have dropped--
have dropped since the year 2000.
This is a fitting week to recognize the anniversary of the war on
poverty, as the Senate considers extending the emergency unemployment
insurance for 3 months or more. More than 170,000 unemployed North
Carolinians are considered long-term unemployed and have been searching
for work for more than 26 weeks.
Last year, North Carolina Governor Pat McCrory dealt a devastating
blow to the long-term unemployed by reducing State unemployment
benefits, which caused the Federal Emergency Unemployment Compensation
program to dissolve in our State. The Governor made this decision
knowing its harmful impacts, making North Carolina the only State in
the country to end emergency jobless benefits for its citizens. That
decision forfeited $780 million in urgently needed Federal benefits for
long-term unemployed North Carolinians and cost our State $1.5 billion
in economic activity.
We must stand up against those like Governor McCrory who seek to
disenfranchise the less fortunate by continuing President Johnson's
work, by extending the emergency unemployment insurance and other
critical programs that help families through difficult times. We cannot
afford to turn a blind eye to those who are most in need. We are not
that type of country.
Ms. LEE of California. I thank the gentleman from North Carolina.
Now I would like to yield to the Democratic whip, Steny Hoyer, whose
Democratic Whip's Task Force on Poverty, Income Inequality, and
Opportunity I am honored and proud to chair. I thank him very much for
being here and for his tremendous leadership.
Mr. HOYER. I thank the gentlelady for taking this time. I thank the
gentlelady even more for taking the time and the focus and being
indefatigable in making sure that the richest Nation on the face of the
Earth focuses on the least of these in our country. I thank her for her
leadership. I am proud that she is working on the Task Force on
Poverty, Income Inequality, and Opportunity. And in chairing that
effort for our caucus, she is doing an extraordinary job.
{time} 1630
It is time, however, that all of us continue to do an extraordinary
job. When President Johnson stood in this Chamber at that rostrum, Mr.
Speaker, on January 8, 1964, he declared an ``unconditional war on
poverty in America.'' That has been said so many times today. He
launched a legislative agenda that led to the creation of Medicare,
Medicaid, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and nutrition
assistance for those at risk of going hungry, particularly our
children.
Today, thanks to that war on poverty, infant mortality has
substantially decreased, childhood malnutrition has fallen
significantly, and college graduations have risen.
But that is not to declare victory. There is much yet to be done. The
poverty rate for senior citizens in 1959 was 35 percent. Today, it is 9
percent thanks to the New Deal and Great Society programs. Food stamps
continue to keep as many as 4 million Americans out of poverty, which
is why it is so critical to provide robust SNAP funding in the farm
bill, Mr. Speaker.
Fifty years, a half a century after President Johnson launched the
war on poverty, as we take stock of the progress we have made, we must
be candid in assessing the difficult challenges that remain before us.
That is what Congresswoman Lee is bringing to our attention and to the
attention of the country.
Following the Great Recession, and with long-term unemployment higher
than it was a few years ago, millions of our fellow Americans are today
teetering on the edge of poverty while others still have yet to escape
its grasp. In 2012, according to the Center on Budget and Policy
Priorities, nearly 50 million people in America were poor in the
richest land on the face of the Earth, and more than one in five of
those were children.
States and local governments, under pressure from reductions in
Federal funding for domestic programs, are struggling to maintain the
safety net that, for a generation, have placed a floor under those who
have lost a job, fallen ill, or were born into dire circumstances.
As middle class families have strained under the difficult conditions
of the recession and its consequences, the lowest-income Americans have
been forced to endure a severe lack of opportunities to enter the
middle class. We want to promote jobs. We want to make sure the middle
class can succeed, support themselves and their families and have the
kind of life that we dream of and promise as an American. We also want
to make sure that those who are not middle class can get into the
middle class.
In his State of the Union address in 1964, President Johnson said
this:
Very often, a lack of jobs and money is not the cause of
poverty but the symptom. The cause may lie deeper in our
failure to give our fellow citizens a fair chance to develop
their own capacities, in a lack of education and training, in
a lack of medical care and housing, in a lack of decent
communities in which to live and bring up their children.
Poverty is the result, not the cause. Central to our ability to
sustain the American dream is our responsibility to one another to make
upward mobility possible.
Right now, 1.4 million Americans--right now, Mr. Speaker--are
worrying about meeting their basic needs since emergency unemployment
insurance was cut off on December 28 of last year,
[[Page H49]]
3 days after Christmas, the season of giving, the season of caring, and
the season of thinking about those who are in need. Every week that
goes by without turning this lifeline back on will see another 72,000
Americans lose their emergency income.
Congress has the ability to restore these benefits right now, and
Democrats, proud of our history leading the war on poverty, will
continue to push and demand for that extension. Democrats will keep
fighting for a strong, secure, and growing middle class by working to
raise the minimum wage--and I see my friend from Maryland (Mr. Delaney)
in the back of the Chamber; Congressman Delaney has been leading an
effort in our State to make sure that we raise the minimum wage--and
making sure the Affordable Care Act expands access to quality health
care as intended.
We must also create a pathway to citizenship and opportunity for
undocumented workers who are living in the shadows in poverty as part
of comprehensive immigration reform, and we must be vigorous in
enforcing our laws that prevent discrimination in housing, hiring, and
access to education.
Mr. Speaker, if we are to make serious progress in the war on poverty
in the years to come, it will have to be as a result of both parties
working together to prioritize economic opportunity and upward
mobility.
Mr. Speaker, I will say that there are Republican leaders, and I
applaud them for it, who are talking about and focusing on those in
poverty, those who have little in our country. I applaud them for
talking, but talk is not enough. We must invest in making sure that
they can avail themselves of the promise of America, not by telling the
most vulnerable Americans that they will have to fend for themselves,
that their fellow citizens will not lend a helping hand during their
time of need.
I'm glad, Mr. Speaker, that President Obama has chosen to make
reducing economic inequality a focus in 2014. This, Mr. Speaker, ought
to be our sacred charge: to carry on the work that President Johnson
and others began, without pause, until hunger, homelessness, and
economic insecurity, in any form, no longer endanger the promise of our
Nation.
I thank the gentlelady for her leadership and for yielding.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you very much for that very powerful
message, Mr. Hoyer.
Let me now yield to Representative Danny Davis from Illinois who
continues to remind us of the formerly incarcerated individuals who
have families and children living below the poverty line.
Mr. DANNY K. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I certainly want to
thank the outstanding gentlewoman from California for yielding.
I am pleased to join with my colleagues to celebrate the 50th
anniversary of the war on poverty declared by President Lyndon Johnson,
a historic moment in our Nation's history when he affirmed a national
priority to support those in need.
One of the reasons that I got involved and ran for public office was
because of the war on poverty and the programs it created. The war on
poverty called for citizen involvement and participation to strengthen
America. As I got more involved and more engaged, the more aware I
became of the difficulties faced by individuals, families, and
communities. Ultimately, I decided I would run for public office.
The war on poverty has improved the lives of millions of low-income
Americans through the creation of critical safety net programs such as
the ESE Act assistance, Medicare, Medicaid, increased Social Security
benefits, Head Start, legal assistance, investment in K-12 education,
Federal college aid and loans, a permanent food stamp program, expanded
housing assistance for low-income people, community health centers,
mental health programs, and we could go on and on to talk about the
programs.
But the real reality is that we still have not fulfilled the dream of
seriously reducing and eradicating poverty. So we must not only
remember, we must not only talk, but we must act. And one of the best
ways to start is to provide right now--right now--resources for
individuals who are unemployed.
I thank the gentlewoman.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you.
Let me now yield to the gentlelady from California, Congresswoman
Susan Davis, whom I served with in the California Legislature, who
continues to remind us that middle-income individuals are worried at
this point now of falling into the ranks of the poor. Thank you for
being here.
Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I certainly want to thank my
colleague, Congresswoman Lee, for this opportunity and for, really, the
privilege of working with her for so many years.
Today, the 50th anniversary of the war on poverty, reminds us all
that more work must be done. And if I could relate on a personal level,
I don't believe that I would have had an opportunity to continue my
education without having been about to further that at the time of the
war on poverty. As someone who wanted to go into social work, it
certainly was an opportunity for me to do that and to make a difference
in that area.
One of the most important steps that we can take is to make pre-K
available to all American children. Today, only 69 percent of American
4-year-olds are enrolled in early childhood education programs--only 69
percent. You might be surprised to learn that that troubling statistic
places us near the bottom--near the bottom--in terms of access among
our advanced country OECD peers, in the bottom. In our global economy,
that means many American children start behind least when they can
afford to. They just cannot make it beyond that.
The stakes to address this issue today have never been higher. Over
the last decade, we have learned that early childhood education makes a
big difference. We have learned that the achievement gap begins before
our kids even reach kindergarten, and we have learned that quality pre-
K leads to better life outcomes in school, in careers, and in personal
health. The research, indeed, shows that children who attend preschool
are more likely to graduate high school, earn higher pay, and live more
productive lives.
Sadly, we are just not putting these lessons of the war on poverty
when we began to address these issues, we are not putting these lessons
into action. The argument for universal pre-K is not just a lofty moral
imperative. That sounds good. No. It is good science and it is good
economics. By some estimates, the return on investment is nearly seven
to one. And that is why most economists agree that pre-K is a great
investment; it is not just another expense.
I know that parents throughout San Diego and across our country just
want to give their kids the very best start in life, and we should be
working together to make that happen, to make sure all our kids get a
real chance to succeed. And that, Mr. Speaker, would be one gigantic
step to elevate our children out of poverty.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you very much for your leadership and
for being here with us tonight, Congresswoman Davis.
I would now like to yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Rangel), someone who has been a fighter and a warrior for many, many
years and who continues to remind us of our moral obligation, our
religious obligation for many, to ensure that we continue this fight in
the war on poverty.
Mr. RANGEL. Let me first thank the gentlelady from California for
carrying this torch during a time that there seems to be such a lack of
sensitivity to the poor. As with Lyndon Johnson, there was a
concentration of those people who vote--that is, the middle class--and
somehow even now, 50 years later, we have a lot of concerns, and
rightly so, about the middle class, but somehow the poor have just been
written off. And the gentlelady from California and our minority leader
together have reminded us that we have a basic obligation here that if
you want to take care of the country and our spiritual needs, the poor
cannot be excluded.
So in listening more recently to the words that President Johnson
spoke in the joint session in 1964, it was really an act of courage to
talk about something that too many people seemed to be embarrassed
about, and the fact is that we had a national obligation to take care
of the lesser of our brothers and sisters.
[[Page H50]]
Today we can take for granted Medicaid, Medicare, expansion of Social
Security, incentives for our children, and earned income tax credits.
All of it was done not as Blacks and Whites or northerners and
southerners or Democrats and Republicans, but with a spirit that that
was a part of the reason that we were sent to Congress, to make this a
stronger Nation.
{time} 1645
And it is interesting how moved so many people in the world were to
hear the breath of fresh air coming from Rome and from the Pope, not a
message to Catholics but a message to the world in pointing out that we
have a responsibility to God, to thank Him or Her for what has been
given to us; but, more importantly, to follow those Biblical guidelines
that say that we have an obligation to think in terms of the lesser of
our brothers and sisters. And so whether we are seeking warmer clothes
or assistance during times of ill health, it seems to me that we have
this political and we have this spiritual need.
Finally, I would like to say to the gentlelady and those listening, I
think from a patriot's point of view and from an economist's point of
view and from a nationalist's point of view and from a national
security point of view, this Nation cannot survive with expansion of
the poor, the poverty of the middle class, and the wealthy just
accumulating wealth by standing by doing nothing.
What made this country great are not the rich and the poor, but those
people who can hope to achieve for their children through education and
hard work, to achieve anything that is possible for humankind to do,
and this is what built that Nation. And today, it is frightening as we
see the disparity between the very poor and the very wealthy, to see
that even talks about it would have Presidents and Members of Congress
to be called socialists and, indeed, even the Pope. But the fact
remains that unless we have people who have the ability to purchase,
unless we have small businesses that are responsible for most all of
the jobs in this country, unless we have people manufacturing and
providing goods and services, then we don't have an economy.
And so no matter which way you look at it, from a political or
economic point of view, if our Nation is not going to succeed in terms
of economic security, it can no longer be concerned with its national
security and the leadership position that we hold in the world.
So let me thank the gentlelady for constantly reminding us that this
isn't a one-day job that we have to do. This isn't a Kennedy, Lyndon
Johnson, Democrat, Republican issue. This is something that the world
is watching what we do with our own, and hoping that once we get our
act together, perhaps we can do more for the world.
Ms. LEE of California. I want to thank the gentleman for reminding us
tonight of our moral obligation to the most vulnerable in our country.
Thank you for being here.
How much time do I have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from California has 27
minutes remaining.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you very much.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlelady from Illinois (Ms. Duckworth),
who will speak on behalf of not only her constituents but the entire
country. She has come to Congress, hit the ground running, and
continues to remind us of our veterans and the sacrifices that they
have made, and to ensure their economic security. So many live on food
stamps, unfortunately, as we speak. So thank you for being here.
Ms. DUCKWORTH. I thank the gentlelady.
Mr. Speaker, Lynn Richards of Elgin, Illinois, a town in Illinois
that is well known for manufacturing everything from Elgin watches all
of the way through to the Elgin street sweeper, still in use today,
Lynn Richards of Elgin, Illinois, needs her unemployment insurance
extended. In April, she lost her manufacturing job of 3 years. She and
her husband kept their family afloat with the help of unemployment
insurance. And now, 10 months later, she is pregnant with her second
child. She said recently:
I have been working since I was 20 years old. I have never
had this much trouble getting a job in my life. I have
applied to 200 places, and I have gotten less than 10 calls
and just a couple of interviews. No employer wants to hire
someone who is pregnant.
Lynn is just one of 80,000 Illinoisans who have lost their
unemployment insurance. I understand what these families are facing.
When I was a teenager, my father, a combat veteran, was in his mid-
fifties and had worked since he had enlisted in the Marine Corps at 16.
He lost his job. My dad did everything he could to find work, but was
turned down again and again. My mother took in sewing, and I took a
minimum-wage job to help make ends meet. Eventually my dad got a job,
but Federal assistance programs were there to help keep my family
afloat. Many Americans want to find work, but simply cannot. Punishing
these families by taking away unemployment benefits is a terrible
mistake.
The absence of unemployment insurance is jeopardizing the economic
progress that we are making. By removing the benefits to 80,000
Illinois families, we are taking more than $25 million out of our
economy every week. Let's put partisanship aside and extend
unemployment insurance now for our families and our businesses.
I thank the gentlelady from California again for her leadership on
this issue.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro) whose subcommittee I serve on, the
Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Health, and Human Services.
Ms. DeLAURO. I thank the gentlelady for her leadership and her
indefatigable pursuit of this cause and the focus of not just this
caucus but the country on the issue of poverty and of the poor.
Fifty years ago today, President Lyndon Johnson stood right behind
where I stand now and urged the Congress to join him in working to end
poverty in the United States. He said to this body:
We have in 1964 a unique opportunity and obligation--to
prove the success of our system; to disprove those cynics at
home and abroad who question our purpose and our competence.
If we fail, if we fritter and fumble away our opportunity
in needless, senseless quarrels between Democrats and
Republicans, or between the House and Senate, or between
Congress and the administration, then history will judge us
harshly. But if we succeed, if we can achieve these goals by
forging in this country a greater sense of union, then and
only then can we take full satisfaction in the State of the
Union.
That opportunity and obligation to prove we can work together, and to
do everything we can to end poverty in America, remains with us in
2014. And right now, we are failing that solemn obligation to the
American people.
For decades, slowly but surely our efforts in fighting poverty have
been making a difference. If you include the social safety net that
President Johnson and later generations helped to construct, the
poverty rate fell from 26 percent in 1967 to 16 percent in 2012.
This was achieved because, in the past, we have always worked to
ensure that a rising tide lifts all boats, that the gains of prosperity
are felt broadly, and that in tough times, Americans who fall behind
have a chance to get back on their feet.
But recently, we have seen this House majority choose to break this
long-standing compact, to turn their backs on the most vulnerable
Americans. Consider what they are trying to do to food stamps, our most
important anti-hunger program. Food stamps help to feed over 47 million
Americans, nearly half of whom are children. For decades, Republicans
and Democrats have worked together to pass a farm bill that does right
by struggling Americans, even while working to support our farmers.
But even though 99 percent of food stamp recipients live below the
poverty line, this majority severed food stamps from the farm bill.
They tried to cut food stamps by $40 billion, meaning 4 million
Americans would be denied food.
Even the final conference bill will reportedly cut roughly $8.5
billion from the program and deny critical food aid to over 800,000
households. Cutting this aid means kids can no longer concentrate in
school because they are quite literally starving. It means seniors
getting sick and going to the hospital because they can no longer
afford proper nourishment.
To take another example, look at what is happening with unemployment
[[Page H51]]
insurance. In the past, as far back as the Eisenhower administration,
Congress has worked to extend unemployment benefits when the jobless
rate was in the 5-7 percent range.
But last month, even though unemployment remains above 7 percent,
this House majority refused to work to extend these important benefits.
The benefits have expired. What that means is that 1.3 million American
men and women have already lost their unemployment insurance, including
26,000 in my State of Connecticut.
Many are people who had jobs. They lost them through no fault of
their own, and who in this difficult economy, and even despite
education, training, and job experience, still cannot find a job. Even
as the stock market is at record levels, we are telling these Americans
you are on your own. We are pulling up the ladder on them and closing
the hatch. It is wrong. It is not what America is about. Slashing these
programs will hurt and derail our economic recovery.
Our top priority in this Congress should be to do everything that we
can to create jobs, help workers, help families get back on their feet.
That is the moral responsibility of good government.
In the words of Pope Francis, we should all be ``working to eliminate
the structural causes of poverty, to promote the integral development
of the poor. This means education, access to health care, and above all
employment.'' That is the great and the still unfinished cause that
Lyndon Johnson dedicated us to 50 years ago.
This Nation is watching. It is time for all of us to step up, work
together and do the right thing.
Again, I thank the gentlelady for your focus on this critical issue.
Ms. LEE of California. I thank you so much for not only talking the
talk, but walking the walk each and every day.
I yield now to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Delaney) and thank
you so much for your tremendous leadership.
Mr. DELANEY. I thank the gentlelady for yielding me this time this
afternoon and for her leadership on this issue.
Mr. Speaker, as we all know, today marks that historic day, the 50-
year anniversary of President Johnson declaring a formal war on
poverty. And on such a day, we must take note of the progress we have
made and remind ourselves of the work that has to be done. Across 50
years, if you take into account the effects of programs this government
has put in place to target those on poverty, we have significantly
reduced the rate of poverty. We have in particular reduced the rate of
poverty for our seniors. These facts are first evidence of the notion
that the government can make a difference against this problem.
But we also know that more has to be done. Fifty million Americans
live in poverty, including about a quarter of which are our children,
our most vulnerable citizens, children who have their whole lives in
front of them and are struggling in poverty. We must make a difference
against this, and to do that we must do three things.
First, we need to continue to fund the programs that are proven to
make a difference in the lives of those living in poverty like food
stamps, like funding Head Start.
Second, we need to raise the minimum wage in this country. Right now
in 2014, in the wealthiest country in the world, in many States if you
work 40 hours a week and earn the minimum wage, you live below the
poverty line. That just doesn't pass the look-yourself-in-the-mirror
test. The minimum wage for decades has significantly trailed the growth
in our economy. We need to raise the minimum wage. That will make a
meaningful and impactful difference in the lives of those struggling in
poverty.
And, finally, we need to create jobs. Jobs are the most direct way to
lift people out of poverty; and through a job, people have personal
dignity. To make a difference in the jobs crisis in this country, we
need to invest in education across the long term. That will make a
disproportionate difference in terms of the number of people living in
poverty. But in the short term, we need to do things to get people to
work now, like investing in our infrastructure. This is very important
work for us to do, Mr. Speaker.
I will close by reflecting on some of the words of President Johnson.
He said this fight would not be short and easy, and he was right. We
have been at this for 50 years.
He also said no single weapon would suffice, and he was right about
that as well. We need to be raising the minimum wage. We need to be
investing in jobs. We need to be funding critical programs like food
stamps and Head Start.
And then he said that we must not rest until this war is done. And to
honor the tens of millions of people who have lived unfortunately in
poverty over the last 50 years and the tremendous number of people who
have fought this battle, and to live up to the standard of our maker,
we must recommit ourselves to this battle.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you very much.
Let me now yield to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee), my good
friend who constantly throughout his life has been waging this war on
poverty. Thank you for being with us.
{time} 1700
Mr. KILDEE. I thank the gentlelady from California (Ms. Lee) for her
leadership and her stewardship of this important obligation that we are
here to commemorate.
Mr. Speaker, it was 50 years ago today that President Johnson stood
at that podium right in front of us. I can still conjure the images of
that speech. Of course, these are images of black and white recordings
of President Johnson standing there. It reminds me of the special
obligation that we are called to and that he articulated so well half a
century ago. I was 5 years old when he gave that speech. But like many
I know here, I was sort of a precocious kid, and I was really, really
interested in our government and in politics, and I followed it from a
very young age--even that tender age of 5.
I remember as a kid in the 1960s and early 1970s going through school
thinking that the great struggles--the civil rights struggle, the
women's rights movement, this war on poverty--were the big fights of
our generation. In some ways, I almost felt at that point in time a
moment had passed me by never imagining that when the time came so many
years later and I would have an opportunity to serve in Congress that
we are actually still fighting those same fights, that we are still
engaged in that same struggle.
Fifty years later, after President Johnson's speech, in the
wealthiest society ever imagined, we are still fighting this war on
poverty. In fact, we are seeing recently growing disparity, growing
inequality in our society. We have not eradicated poverty. In fact, we
haven't yet gotten to the point where we can say we are close.
We do continue that battle. The battle over unemployment insurance,
for example, is a part of that same fight. Some in this body would
choose to continue their crusade to cut that important program. We have
to remind ourselves that just since 2008, 11 million Americans have
been saved from poverty because they were able to have that
unemployment insurance available to keep them whole until they could
find new meaningful, rewarding work.
So instead of cutting these important programs--Head Start, our
nutrition programs, the programs that actually change the trajectory of
the lives of those who are struggling to find their way in our
society--we ought to be doubling those investments, we ought to be
making sure that no American ever has to wonder if they will fall below
that common floor of decency that we all would agree should be part of
any civilized society.
We should have a minimum wage in this country that guarantees that
people who work full time don't live in poverty. Fifty years later, we
have got a lot of work to do.
I heard the other day--I will close by saying this--I heard the other
day a Member of the other body make a comment that perhaps we ought to
simply acknowledge that in this Nation we have lost the war on poverty,
when 50 years ago a quarter of our society was living in poverty and
today that number is 16 percent. While we know we have a long way to
go, we know that these programs actually do work. We have to ask
ourselves what kind of country, what kind of society do we
[[Page H52]]
want to be? I think if we answer the question right we will live up to
the challenge that President Johnson laid down 50 years ago.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have
remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from California has 17
minutes remaining.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
We have many Members who still would like to speak, which really
let's us know the importance of this issue.
I yield to Congresswoman Grace Meng from New York, a freshman from
New York who has hit the ground running, is representing her
constituents in a bold and brilliant way. Thank you for being with us.
Ms. MENG. Thank you. I again also want to thank the gentlelady from
California for her tremendous efforts in speaking up and advocating for
so many people who are voiceless.
Mr. Speaker, I come before you today to commemorate the 50th
anniversary of the war on poverty. Our Nation has had many successes
over the last 50 years. Medicaid, Medicare, SNAP, and Pell Grants are
incredible programs that help our entire country. However, even with
these successful programs which deserve our recognition, this is not a
time for celebration.
After five decades, many would think that our congressional leaders
were still committed to fighting poverty and reducing the gap between
the haves and have-nots. I would still think that we are committed to
helping hardworking Americans who have fallen on rough times through no
fault of their own.
The war on poverty is far from over. Instead of pressing the issue,
we are retreating from it. 1.3 million Americans just lost their
unemployment insurance and are suffering from long-term joblessness. If
we don't renew the program, 383,000 New Yorkers will lose access to
benefits over the next 12 months. We would also be responsible for
preventing an increase of GDP by 0.2 percent and the blocking of
200,000 jobs.
For me, and I know for many in this Chamber, inflicting avoidable
pain on this country is unacceptable. With no political gimmicks, we
must vote to renew unemployment insurance now.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you very much.
Let me yield now to Congressman Pete DeFazio from Oregon, who has
some stories he would like to tell about his constituents and what they
are going through.
Mr. DeFAZIO. I thank the gentlelady.
Mr. Speaker, on the 50th anniversary, the Republicans just got it a
little bit wrong. The war on poverty, they thought it was the war for
poverty as they are dismantling one by one the most important programs
that help lift and keep people out of poverty, like extended
unemployment insurance.
Let me read a few subjects here.
Roseburg, Oregon. A 61-year-old woman working since she was 14:
I don't know if it is my age, but I am having great
difficulty finding a job.
A 62-year-old woman from Coos Bay, Oregon, went back to her former
employer and said: ``Are you hiring?'' He said: ``You can't be serious.
Not at this time of year. Come back in the spring.'' Unfortunately, she
can't make it until spring.
A Eugene veteran. A two-income family, but she lost her job:
Since I haven't been able to find a job, we are close to
losing our house and declaring bankruptcy. I am actively
seeking employment every day.
Then we go to Springfield, Oregon, my hometown. We have a woman whose
son is in the Army. She says:
I can't find a job. I have been looking. I have to give
notice to my landlord and become homeless.
Then Corvallis, Oregon. A 54-year-old man. He had been working his
whole life since 17. In his last job, he was there for 13 years, but he
can't find a job and he is going to be forced into homelessness.
Then, finally, another gentleman from Springfield, Oregon:
$330 a week I received wasn't much, but it helped keep me
from having to go to food banks and asking for help. We went
just before Christmas. The food bank had run out of food. I
have to decide now whether to buy medicine or food or heat my
house.
That is the legacy of the cruel cuts of these Republicans. These are
people, hardworking Americans who lost their jobs through no fault of
their own and they want to work. If they fall into poverty, they lose
their home, they lose their cell service, their telephone, their car.
How are they ever going to get a job? We need to help them now before
they fall even more off the cliff. Extend unemployment benefits today
as a celebration that we, as the American people, do not tolerate
poverty in this country.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you for that very powerful statement and
for sharing those stories. All of us have stories very similar, but
thank you for your constituents' testimonies.
I yield to Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur from Ohio. I am privileged to
serve with Congresswoman Kaptur on the Appropriations Committee, who
constantly speaks for the voiceless. Thank you for being here.
Ms. KAPTUR. Congresswoman Lee of Oakland, thank you so much for
raising the consciousness of a Nation again.
I rise to join my colleagues tonight in support of raising
consciousness about how important the programs have been over the years
to reduce poverty in our country since the half-century-old effort of
the war on poverty started by Lyndon Johnson, a Democrat, who wanted to
replace despair with opportunity.
Mr. Speaker, at this time, I would like to place into the Record an
executive summary of the Council of Economic Advisors, dated January
2014, that summarizes the great progress that has been made: poverty in
our country declining by more than a third since 1967 because of
important programs that Democrats created--Social Security, Medicare,
the earned income tax credit, and unemployment compensation, which is
being tested as we speak here today. The speaker from Ohio, where
unemployment has just gone up, should bring up that bill to extend
unemployment benefits that impacts millions of Americans across our
country.
People who understand the value of work, they don't want any subsidy,
they want a job--they want a job. The most important work we can do is
to create jobs, but when they can't get a job, then to give them their
earned benefits.
What is great about this evening is I was thinking back to the
1960s--I was pretty young back then--but there was a book written by
Michael Harrington, ``The Other America.'' For whatever reason--maybe
it was because President Kennedy was President--that book became almost
like a small Bible. People read it and it raised their consciousness. I
can remember President Kennedy campaigning in the mines in West
Virginia and raising consciousness again about the conditions of miners
and what they were enduring.
It is very important that we have that same kind of effort across our
country to raise consciousness about how important these programs are
for our children, for our seniors, for those who are out of work. By
working together we, as a people, really do make a difference.
Congresswoman Lee, I want to thank you tonight for being part of that
clarion call to raise consciousness of people who really care. The
majority of Americans really do. As they are listening to Wall Street
announce bigger and bigger and bigger bonuses, they know that there is
a war on the middle class right now. So many Americans are falling out
of that middle class. They know something is wrong. They want us to
champion jobs here in Washington, D.C., and they want to make sure that
that safety net is there for them if they hit the skids.
I just thank you so very much for doing this. I thank all of my
colleagues who took the time tonight to be here and to issue a clarion
call for consciousness for jobs in this country, for extending
unemployment benefits, for maintaining Social Security, for maintaining
the earned income tax credit, and making sure that our vigilant efforts
continue to eliminate poverty in this country.
[From The Council of Economic Advisers, Jan. 2014]
The War on Poverty 50 Years Later: A Progress Report
Executive Summary
``Unfortunately, many Americans live on the outskirts of
hope--some because of their
[[Page H53]]
poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many
because of both. Our task is to help replace their despair
with opportunity. This administration today, here and now,
declares unconditional war on poverty in America. I urge this
Congress and all Americans to join with me in that effort.''
--President Lyndon B. Johnson, January 8, 1964
Fifty years ago, in January of 1964, President Lyndon B.
Johnson declared a ``War on Poverty'' and introduced
initiatives designed to improve the education, health,
skills, jobs, and access to economic resources of those
struggling to make ends meet. While there is more work to do,
in the ensuing decades we have strengthened and reformed many
of these programs and had significant success in reducing
poverty. In this report, the Council of Economic Advisers
presents evidence of the progress made possible by decades of
bipartisan efforts to fight poverty by expanding economic
opportunity and rewarding hard work. We also document some of
the key steps the Obama Administration has taken to further
increase opportunity and economic security by improving key
programs while ensuring greater efficiency and integrity.
These steps prevented millions of hardworking Americans from
slipping into poverty during the worst economic crisis since
the Great Depression.
Poverty has declined by more than one-third since 1967.
The percent of the population in poverty when measured to
include tax credits and other benefits has declined from 25.8
percent in 1967 to 16.0 percent in 2012.
These figures use new historical estimates of the Census
Bureau's Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM) anchored to
today's poverty thresholds. The SPM is widely acknowledged to
measure poverty more accurately than the official poverty
measure, which excludes the value of refundable tax credits
and benefits like nutrition assistance and has other
limitations.
By anchoring the measure to today's poverty standards we
are able to ask how many people in each year since 1967 would
have had inflation-adjusted family resources below the 2012
SPM poverty thresholds.
Despite real progress in the War on Poverty, there is more
work to do.
In 2012, there were 49.7 million Americans grappling with
the economic and social hardships of living below the poverty
line, including 13.4 million children.
While the United States is often seen as the land of
economic opportunity, only about half of low-income Americans
make it out of the lowest income distribution quintile over a
20-year period. About 40 percent of the differences in
parents' income are reflected in children's income as they
become adults, pointing to strong lingering effects from
growing up in poverty.
This significant decline in poverty is largely due to
programs that have historically enjoyed bipartisan
support and increase economic security and opportunity.
A measure of ``market poverty,'' that reflects what the
poverty rate would be without any tax credits or other
benefits, rose from 27.0 percent to 28.7 percent between 1967
and 2012. Countervailing forces of increasing levels of
education on the one hand, and inequality, wage stagnation,
and a declining minimum wage on the other resulted in
``market poverty'' increasing slightly over this period.
However, poverty measured taking antipoverty and social
insurance programs into account fell by more than a third,
highlighting the essential role that these programs have
played in fighting poverty.
Programs designed to increase economic security and
opportunity lifted over 45 million people from poverty in
2012, and led to an average of 27 million people lifted out
of poverty per year for 45 years between 1968 and 2012.
Cumulatively these efforts prevented 1.2 billion ``person
years'' of poverty over this period.
Social Security has played a crucial role in lowering
poverty among the elderly. Poverty among those aged 65 and
older was 35 percent in 1960. Following rapid expansions in
Social Security in the 1960s and 1970s, poverty among the
elderly fell to 14.8 percent in 2012.
These programs are especially important in mitigating
poverty during recessions. Despite an increase in ``market
poverty'' of 4.5 percentage points between 2007 and 2010, the
poverty rate, appropriately measured, rose only 0.5
percentage points due to both existing programs and immediate
actions taken by President Obama when he took office in
response to the worst financial crisis since the Great
Depression.
``Deep poverty''--defined as the fraction of individuals
living below 50 percent of the poverty line has declined as a
result of these programs. Without government tax credits or
other benefits, 19.2 percent of the U.S. population would
have been in deep poverty in 2012, but only 5.3 percent were
in deep poverty when these benefits are included.
Programs that strengthen economic security and increase
opportunity continue to be essential in keeping millions
of Americans out of poverty and helping them work their
way into the middle class.
Social Security benefits reduced the 2012 poverty rate by
8.5 percentage points among all individuals, and by 39.9
percentage points among those aged 65 or older.
Tax credits such as the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and
Child Tax Credit (CTC) reduced the 2012 poverty rate by 3.0
percentage points among all individuals, and by 6.7
percentage points among children.
The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)--
formerly known as the Food Stamp Program--reduced poverty in
2012 by 1.6 percentage points among all individuals, and by
3.0 percentage points among children.
Unemployment Insurance (UI) reduced poverty by 0.8
percentage points in 2012.
Antipoverty programs have been increasingly oriented around
rewarding and encouraging work and are an important
source of opportunity for low-income working families.
Both the EITC and the partially refundable component of the
CTC increase the reward to work, offsetting payroll taxes and
providing a supplement to labor market earnings. Research has
shown this increases work and earnings, and increases
participation in the workforce, particularly for single
parents.
Some traditional antipoverty programs have been redesigned
to encourage and promote work. The vast majority of Americans
receiving nutrition assistance have a job or are either too
young to work, are over age 65 or are disabled. Meanwhile,
bipartisan welfare reform signed by President Clinton in 1996
strengthened work requirements and put a greater emphasis on
employment.
Despite concerns that antipoverty programs may discourage
employment, the best research suggests that work disincentive
effects are small or nonexistent for most programs.
Programs that help fight poverty and provide economic
security touch a wide swath of Americans at some point in
their lives.
Programs that fight poverty help a broad range of Americans
get back on their feet after economic misfortune. For
example, about half of taxpayers with children used the EITC
at some point between 1979 and 2006, and over two-thirds of
Americans aged 14 to 22 in 1979 received income from SNAP,
AFDC/TANF, Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or UI at some
point between 1978 and 2010.
Social Security Old Age and Survivors' Insurance, Social
Security Disability Insurance, and UI are available to all
Americans with a steady work history. These social insurance
programs play an important role in keeping out of poverty
those who retire, experience a work-limiting disability, lose
a parent or spouse, or lose a job through no fault of their
own.
The economic and social benefits from these programs go
beyond just helping reduce poverty in the current
generation.
Increased access to SNAP for children has been found to
lead to better health and greater economic self-sufficiency
in adulthood.
Increased family income in childhood from the EITC and CTC
leads to higher student achievement.
The long-term effects of Head Start and other high-quality
preschool programs include higher educational attainment,
employment, and earnings, and lower rates of teen pregnancy
and crime, as beneficiary children become teenagers and young
adults.
President Obama's policies to restore economic security and
increase opportunity have helped reduce poverty.
The Affordable Care Act ensures all Americans have access
to quality, affordable health insurance, by providing the
resources and flexibility states need to expand their
Medicaid programs to all people who are in or near poverty as
well as financial help so hardworking families can find a
health plan that fits their needs and their budgets.
The President significantly expanded the refundability of
the Child Tax Credit, making it available to millions of
working parents who were previously ineligible. He also
expanded the EITC for larger families, who face
disproportionately high poverty rates, and for low-income
married couples. Together these expansions benefit
approximately 15 million families by an average of $800 per
year. The President is proposing to make these tax credit
improvements permanent and also to raise the minimum wage.
The Administration has advanced investments in early
learning and development programs and reforms for coordinated
State early learning systems. President Obama has proposed
the expansion of voluntary home visiting programs for
pregnant women and families with young children; Early Head
Start-Child Care Partnerships to improve the quality of care
for infants and toddlers; and high-quality preschool for
every child.
President Obama has advanced reforms of the nation's K-12
education system to support higher standards that will
prepare students to succeed in college and the workplace;
pushed efforts to recruit, prepare, develop, and advance
effective teachers and principals; and encouraged a national
effort to turn around our lowest-achieving schools. The
Administration has also put forward proposals to redesign the
Nation's high schools to better engage students and to
connect 99 percent of students to high-speed broadband and
digital learning tools within the next five years.
President Obama has proposed Promise Zones where businesses
partner with local communities hit hard by the recession to
put people back to work and communities can develop and
implement their own sustainable plans for a continuum of
family and community services and comprehensive education
reforms.
President Obama has proposed increased employment and
training opportunities for adults who are low-income or long-
term unemployed, and summer and year-round opportunities for
youth along with reforms to
[[Page H54]]
our unemployment system to make it more of a re-employment
system, and community college initiatives to reform our
higher education system and support training partnerships
with business in high-demand industries.
Other achievements include making college more affordable
by reforming student loan programs, raising the maximum Pell
Grant, and establishing the American Opportunity Tax Credit
which is the first partially refundable tax credit for
college; placing 372,000 low-income youth into summer and
year-round employment in 2009 and 2010; improving access to
school meal programs that help children learn and thrive; and
extending minimum wage and overtime protections to nearly all
home care workers to help make their jobs more financially
rewarding.
The fundamental lesson of the past 50 years is that we have
made progress in the War on Poverty largely through
bipartisan efforts to strengthen economic security and
increase opportunity. As our economy moves forward, rather
than cut these programs and risk leaving hardworking
Americans behind, we need to build on the progress we have
made to strengthen and reform them. Going forward, we can't
lose sight of the positive part government can continue to
play in reducing economic hardship and ensuring access to
economic opportunity for all citizens. At the same time,
sustainable improvements are only possible if we create jobs
and speed the economic recovery in the short run, raise
economic growth in the long run, and work to ensure that the
benefits of a growing economy reach all Americans.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you for that very powerful statement,
Congresswoman Kaptur.
I yield now to our assistant leader, my good friend Congressman
Clyburn from the great State of South Carolina, who constantly and
consistently talks about prioritizing and targeting resources to area
needs, to the poor and low-income communities. Thank you for being
here.
Mr. CLYBURN. I thank the gentlelady for yielding me the time.
Mr. Speaker, when President Johnson stood in this Chamber 50 years
ago and declared war on poverty, the richest country in the world had a
poverty rate of 19 percent. President Johnson cautioned us on that
evening that the war on poverty would be a long one and not an easy
one. Yet, 9 years later, in 1973, the poverty rate in this country had
dropped to 11 percent. We were most definitely winning the war on
poverty.
Unfortunately, after its initial success, many politicians found
success running down the achievements the war on poverty had on many
Americans. Politicians scapegoating so-calling ``welfare queens''
furthered a narrative that the war on poverty was not worth fighting.
Yet, I can show you firsthand examples in my home State of South
Carolina where the war on poverty did, in fact, succeed.
For example, Medicare and Medicaid, both war on poverty initiatives,
have made a tremendous difference in the health security of older
Americans and those of modest means. In fact, at the time of the
institution of Medicare, the poverty rate among seniors was over 30
percent. Today, the poverty rate among seniors has dropped to beneath
10 percent.
{time} 1715
It is important to remember that, a year after President Johnson made
that speech, we passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965. That, to me, was
to empower poor people, to empower people of color to go to the polls,
to get registered and to vote to make their own statements as to how to
fight the war on poverty.
Today, we in the Congressional Black Caucus have been calling for our
government to do across the board what we did in our so-called
``stimulus bill,'' and that is to institute a 10-20-30 initiative to
direct funds to targeted areas so that 10 percent of all of this money
can go into those communities where 20 percent or more of the
population have been locked beneath the poverty level for the last 30
years. If we were to begin to target these persistent poverty counties,
we would, in fact, eliminate poverty, and we would see all of our
people who are living in poverty get beneath the 10 percent that we
think will be tolerable over the next 10 years.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you so much for being here with us and
for your leadership, Mr. Clyburn.
Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman has 1 minute remaining.
Ms. LEE of California. Let me yield now to the gentlelady from Texas,
Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. I want to thank the gentlelady from California for
her leadership.
Mr. Speaker, simply, we can begin to attack poverty in 2014 by
extending the unemployment benefits for 1.3 million Americans.
Thank you, President Johnson, as we honor the fight against the
poverty that has encompassed so many Americans. The war on poverty is a
war to be won. We thank you for VISTA, the Child Nutrition, the
National School Lunch, the Food Stamp program, the Community Action
Programs, the Indian Reservation Programs, and Legal Services.
I served on the board of the Gulfcoast Legal Services, and we say to
our colleagues: if you would look at the red that is on these sheets,
you will know that poverty does not belong to any one Member. It
belongs to all Members. All States have individuals who are living
below the poverty line. It is time to continue the fight against
poverty through unemployment insurance, through job training, through
the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, through child care, and
Head Start--a vital, vital, vital transition of opportunity for poor
children. It is time to continue that fight.
It is our pledge and our commitment, along with legislation that I
intend to introduce, to give enhanced training to those who are
chronically unemployed, to keep the dream of President Johnson's alive
and to extinguish poverty as we know it in the United States of
America.
President Lyndon Johnson:
``. . . we have the power to strike away the barriers to
full participation in our society. Having the power, we have
the duty.''
It has been 50 years since President Lyndon Johnson declared war on
poverty, an initiative to endure the ideals and principles of President
John Fitzgerald Kennedy, with hopes to rid our nation of the plague and
disparity of poverty.
Social programs established by the War on Poverty provide invaluable
aid to the elderly, the seriously disabled, members of working
households, and children and spouses of deceased workers.
National Successes Of The War On Poverty
Major initiatives include: The Social Security Act 1965; Food Stamp
Act of 1964; The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964; Job Corps;
Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA).
Programs established during the era of President Johnson and those
created since as result of his initiative have cut poverty nearly in
half.
In 2012, programs kept 45 million people, to include 9 million
children, out of poverty according to the Census Bureau's Supplemental
Policy Measure (SPM).
If benefits were taken away, the poverty rate in America would be 29
percent under the SPM, but with them, the rate is 16 percent.
Cumulatively, programs developed during the War on Poverty have
prevented 1.2 billion ``person years'' of poverty.
One of the demographics most affected by poverty was the elderly. In
1960, 35 percent of those ages 65 and older lived in poverty. With the
implementation of Social Security, poverty among the elderly fell to
14.8 percent in 2012.
Programs Encourage Work And Create Rewarding Opportunities For Low-
Income Families
The Earned Income Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit have not only
reduced the poverty rate by 3.0 percentage points among all individuals
and 6.7 percentage points among children, they reward work by
offsetting payroll taxes and providing a supplement to labor market
earnings.
Research shows these tax credits increases work and earnings, and
increases participation in the workforce, especially for single
parents.
DESPITE TREMENDOUS SUCCESS, WE HAVE TO KEEP MOVING
Though substantial progress has been made in the War on Poverty, in
2012 nearly 50 million Americans, including 13.4 million children,
remained below the poverty line.
As result of these impoverished conditions, our American youth is
subject to substandard housing, homelessness, inadequate food and
nutrition, poor childcare, lack of access to health care, and dangerous
neighborhoods.
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Poorer teenagers and young children are at a significant risk for
poor academic achievement, dropping out of school, behavioral problems
and delays in development.
The American Opportunity Tax Credit makes college more affordable by
being the first partially refundable tax credit for college, placing
372,000 low-income youth into summer and year-round employment in 2009
and 2010.
POVERTY STATISTICS IN TEXAS AND THE 18TH CONGRESSIONAL District
Eighteen percent of households in the state of Texas from 2009
through 2011 ranked second in the highest rate of food insecurity only
the state of Mississippi exceed the ratio of households struggling with
hunger.
In the 18th Congressional District and estimated 151,741 families
lived in poverty.
INITIATIVES TAKEN To PREVENT POVERTY IN TEXAS AND THE 18th
CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT
H.R. 3773, Unemployed Jobhunters Protection and Assistance Act of
2013 will reinstate vital benefits for 64,294 Texans and maintain
benefits for 4,112 Texans per week slated to lose them.
Unemployment insurance payments provide partial income replacement to
unemployed workers who meet the requirements of State law.
The State of Texas requires that the unemployed insurance payments
only go to persons who are unemployed at no fault of their own.
Unemployment payments beyond 26 weeks in the state of Texas are made
as a direct result of Federal funds sent to the states to extend
unemployment insurance payments.
To continue to receive unemployment benefits in the State of Texas an
unemployed person must be actively looking for work and provide
evidence of their continued job search by reporting where they:
submitted an application; had a job interview; or submitted a resume.
According to the White House Council of Economic Advisers and the
Department of Labor, Texas will lose 11,766 jobs if unemployment
insurance payments are not reinstated.
IN SUMMARY
Throughout the 50-year history on the War on Poverty, great progress
has been made largely due to bipartisan efforts to strengthen economic
security and increase opportunity.
At this crucial time in our history, it is important to maintain the
vision established by President Johnson, to continue to combat poverty
with our maximum effort. Cutting programs now will only undermine 50
years of hard-work to better the lives of millions of Americans.
WAR ON POVERTY LEGISLATION AND PROGRAMS
VISTA (Volunteers in Service to America)--Provided an opportunity for
individuals, 18 and over, to join the War on Poverty. Volunteers would
work with migrant laborers, on Indian reservations in urban and rural
community action programs, in slum areas, hospitals, schools and in
institutions for the mentally ill and retarded.
Child Nutrition Act of 1966--This was an anti-hunger program started
by President Johnson as part of his ``War on Poverty''. It created the
special milk and school breakfast programs.
National School Lunch Act of 1968--This act extended the school lunch
program to include children who participated in ``service
institutions''.
Food Stamp Act of 1964--Made the Food Stamp Program permanent,
strengthened the agricultural economy, and provided improved levels of
nutrition among low-income households
Community Action Programs of 1965 (CAP)--Under these programs the
government was to provide both financial and technical assistance for
locally designed and operated programs. Funds could be used for trips
for slum children, remedial reading, job counseling, day care services
etc.
Migrant Assistance--The act authorized $35 million for loans and
grants in 1965 for development of programs to aid migrant workers in
housing, sanitation, education, and day care of children.
Indian Reservation Programs--Health, educational and job training
programs are typical components of Indian projects. As a component of
the Community Action Program, projects for Indians were established on
31 reservations housing 60,000 for America's Indians during the year of
1965.
Legal Services (1965)--This program provided (1) legal representation
for the poor, (2) research into the legal problems of poverty, (3)
education of the disadvantaged about legal rights and responsibilities,
and (4) advocacy of improvements in the law affecting the poor.
Small Business Loans--Title IV authorized the Director to make 15-
year repayable loans to establa or strengthen small businesses and help
them to employ the long-term unemployed.
Rural Loans--The Office of Economic Opportunity Director was
authorized to make 15-year loans of up to $2,500 to low-income rural
families who could not get credit elsewhere.
Economic Opportunity Act of 1964--Created the Jobs Corps and the
Community Action Program
Things You Should Know About Poverty in America
The number of Americans living in poverty (less than
$22,314 for a family of four) stands at 46 million people or
15.1 percent of population.
The actual number of poor Americans living in poverty
nearly increased 20 percent since the publication of The
Other America in 1962.
Economic growth didn't trickle down: Since 1980, GDP has
doubled while poverty rates have remained essentially flat.
Americans in deep poverty: 20.5 million Americans, or 6.7
percent of the population, have an income less than HALF of
the poverty line (less than $11,157 for a family of four).
This rate has doubled since 1976.
Children Under Age 18 in poverty: 16.4 million, 22 percent
of all children, including 39 percent of African-American
children, 35 percent of Latino children, and 12 percent of
white children.
People in Single female-headed families (with children)
have a poverty rate of 42 percent.
Roughly one in three americans live at twice the poverty
level or less (less than $44,628 for a family of four):
That's more than 103 million people.
Half the jobs in the country now pay less than $33,000 a
year, and a quarter pay less than the poverty line of $22,000
for a family of four; but public policies including the
Earned Income Tax Credit, the Child Tax Credit, Supplemental
Security Income, and Social Security, kept 40 million people
from falling into poverty in 2010.
Poverty rate among the elderly was reduced by nearly half
between 1967 and 1975, and reached a historic low of 8.9
percent in 2009, due in large part to Social Security.
Ms. LEE of California. Thank you.
Mr. Speaker, I have Congresswoman Schakowsky and Congressmen Green
and Bishop here, who would like to insert their statements into the
Record. We had an overwhelming number of Members who attended, and they
did not have the opportunity to speak tonight.
General Leave
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, all Members will have 5
legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on the subject of
this Special Order.
There was no objection.
Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
Mr. BISHOP of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, on this day in 1964, President
Johnson's called on our nation to launch an `unconditional war on
poverty'. Exactly 50 years later, we can state with confidence two
truths.
The programs resulting from Johnson's War on Poverty have improved
the lives of Americans of all ages in innumerable ways.
True, the war on poverty has not been won.
I submit that now is NOT the time to end our battle.
Today, there are nearly 50 million Americans grappling with the
economic and social hardships of living below the poverty line,
including 13.4 million children.
In my district in Southwest Georgia alone, more than one in four
people and almost one of every two children fall below the poverty
line.
And yet without programs such as unemployment insurance, Rural Tax
Credits, school lunch programs, affordable housing, Medicare, Medicaid,
Job Corps, SNAP, TRIO, and others, where would we be?
In Georgia alone:
Over 29,000 children from low-income families would be without
critical early stage developmental resources provided by Head Start and
Early Head Start.
Over 1.8 million low-income individuals and families would lose the
ability to choose healthy food options through SNAP for themselves and
their children.
And so on.
America's War on Poverty has gone beyond just helping reduce our
poverty rate. It has educated, fed, housed, and trained millions of
Americans, giving them hope and preparing them for a more successful
tomorrow.
By many estimates, the reduction in poverty has drastically improved
the way of life for many Americans over the past 50 years.
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Lastly, and most importantly, we must remember that the label `poor'
means more than a cold numeric value attributed to one's earning
potential. We must remember that America's poor have a face. That face
exists today!
They are the homeless, freezing in the cold, because their job does
not pay enough to cover the rent or because they have no job. They are
children who cannot concentrate at school because hunger fills their
daytime thoughts. They are uninsured Americans who, before the passage
of the Affordable Care Act, could not afford quality health insurance.
They are hard working Americans just striving to make ends meet and,
like the majority of us, gripped with the goal of creating a better
life for themselves and loved ones.
We cannot turn our back on them now.
We must continue to fight the war on poverty--and we must win!
We must rededicate ourselves to the values that Lyndon Johnson lifted
up 50 years ago.
Values that set a moral standard for America and for which we still
must strive. Values that were given to us over 2,000 years ago by Jesus
in the parable of the Sheep and the Goats found in the 25th Chapter of
Matthew.
For when I was hungry and you gave me something to eat, I was thirsty
and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me
in. I needed clothes and you clothed me, I was sick and you looked
after me. And whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers
and sisters of mine, you did for me.
President Johnson took that to heart 50 years ago. And we today must
do the same.
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