[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 164 (Monday, November 18, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8084-S8086]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RETIREMENT CRISIS
Ms. WARREN. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about the retirement
crisis in this country--a crisis that has received far too little
attention and far too little response from Washington.
I have spent most of my career studying the economic pressures on
middle-class families--families who worked hard, who played by the
rules, but who still found themselves just hanging on by their
fingernails. Starting in the 1970s, even as workers became more
productive, their wages flattened, while core expenses such as housing
and health care and sending their kids to college kept going up.
Working families did not ask for a bailout. Instead, they rolled up
their sleeves. They sent both parents into the workforce. But that
meant higher childcare costs, a second car, and higher taxes. So they
tightened their belts more, cutting spending wherever they could.
Adjusted for inflation, families today spend less than they did a
generation
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ago on food, clothing, furniture, appliances, and other flexible
purchases. When that still was not enough to cover rising costs, they
took on debt--credit card debt, college debt, debt just to pay for the
necessities.
As families became increasingly desperate, unscrupulous financial
institutions were all too happy to chain them to financial products
that got them into even more trouble--products where fine print and
legalese covered the true costs of credit. These trends are not new.
There have been warning signs for years about what is happening to our
middle class.
One major consequence of these increasing pressures on working
people--a consequence that receives far too little attention--is that
the dream of a secure retirement is slowly slipping away.
A generation ago, middle-class families were able to put away enough
money during their working years to make it through their later years
with dignity. On average, they saved about 11 percent of their take-
home pay while working. Many paid off their homes, got rid of all their
debts, and retired with strong pensions from their employers. And when
pensions, savings, and investments fell short, they could rely on
Social Security to make up the difference.
That was the story a generation ago. Since that time the retirement
landscape has shifted dramatically against our families. Among working
families on the verge of retirement, about a third have no retirement
savings of any kind and another third have total savings that are less
than a year's annual income. Many seniors have seen their housing
wealth shrink as well. According to AARP, in 2012, one out of every
seven older homers was paying down a mortgage that was higher than the
value of their house.
And just as they need to rely more than ever on pensions, employers
are withdrawing from their traditional role in helping provide a secure
retirement. Two decades ago, more than a third of all private sector
workers--35 percent--had traditional defined benefit pensions--pensions
that guaranteed a certain monthly payment that retirees knew they could
depend on. Today that number has been cut in half. Only 18 percent of
private sector workers have defined benefit pensions. Employers have
replaced guaranteed retirement income with savings plans, such as
401(k) plans, that leave the retiree at the mercy of a market that
rises and falls and sometimes at the mercy of dangerous investment
products. These plans often fall short of what retirees need and nearly
half of all American workers do not even have access to those limited
plans. This leaves more than 44 million workers without any retirement
assistance from their employers.
Add all of this up--the dramatic decline in individual savings and
the dramatic decline of guaranteed retirement benefits and employer
support in return for a lifetime of work--and we are left with a
retirement crisis, a crisis that is as real and as frightening as any
policy problem facing the United States today.
With less savings and weaker private retirement protection, retirees
depend more than ever on the safety and reliability of Social Security.
Social Security works. No one runs out of benefits and the payments do
not rise or fall with the stock market. Two-thirds of seniors rely on
it for the majority of their income in retirement, and for 14 million
seniors--14 million--this is the safety net that keeps them out of
poverty. God bless Social Security.
And yet even Social Security has been under attack. Monthly payments
are modest, averaging about $1,250, and over time those benefits are
shrinking in value. This puts a terrible squeeze on seniors.
With tens of millions of people more financially stressed as they
approach retirement, with more and more people left out of the private
retirement security system, and with the economic security of our
families unraveling, Social Security is rapidly becoming the only--
only--lifeline that millions of seniors have to keep their heads above
water. And yet instead of taking on the retirement crisis, instead of
strengthening Social Security, some in Washington are fighting to cut
benefits.
Just this morning the Washington Post ran an editorial mocking the
idea of a looming retirement crisis. To make sure no one missed the
point, they even put the words ``retirement crisis'' in quotation
marks.
No retirement crisis? Tell that to the millions of Americans who are
facing retirement without a pension. Tell that to the millions of
Americans who have nothing to fall back on except Social Security.
There is a $6.6 trillion gap between what Americans under 65 are
currently saving and what they will need to maintain their standard of
living when they hit retirement. Mr. President, $6.6 trillion--and that
assumes that Social Security benefits are not cut. Make no mistake,
there is a crisis.
The call to cut Social Security has an uglier side to it too. The
Washington Post framed the choice as more children in poverty versus
more seniors in poverty. The suggestion that we have become a country
where those living in poverty fight each other for a handful of crumbs
tossed off the tables of the very wealthy is fundamentally wrong. This
is about our values, and our values tell us that we do not build a
future by deciding first who among the vulnerable will be left to
starve.
Look at the basic facts. Today Social Security has a $2.7 trillion
surplus. If we do nothing, Social Security will be safe for the next 20
years and even after that will continue to pay most benefits. With some
modest adjustments, we can keep the system solvent for many more
years--and we could even increase benefits.
The tools to help us build a future are available to us now. We do
not start the debate by deciding who gets kicked to the curb. We are
Americans. We start the debate by figuring out how to create better
efficiencies, how to make small changes that will make the system
fairer, how to grow the pool of those who contribute, and how to
rebuild the system that every single one of us can rely on to make sure
there is a baseline in retirement that no one falls below.
We do not build a future for our children by cutting basic retirement
benefits for their grandparents. No. We build a future for our kids by
strengthening our economy, by investing in education and infrastructure
and research, by rebuilding a strong and robust middle class in which
every kid gets a chance and the most vulnerable have a strong safety
net.
The most recent discussion about cutting benefits has focused on
something called the chained CPI. Supporters of the chained CPI say it
is a more accurate way of measuring the cost-of-living increases for
seniors. That statement is simply not true. Chained CPI falls far short
of the actual increases in costs that seniors face. Pure and simple,
chained CPI is just a fancy way to say cut benefits.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics has developed a measure of the real
impact of inflation on seniors. It is called the CPI-E. If we adopt it
today, it would generally increase the benefits for our retirees, not
cut them. Social Security is not the answer for all of our retirement
problems. We need to find a way to tackle the financial squeeze that is
crushing our families. We need to help families start saving again. We
need to make sure more workers have access to better pensions. But in
the meantime, so long as those problems continue to exist and as long
as we are in the midst of a real and growing retirement crisis, a
crisis that is shaking the foundations of what was once a vibrant and
secure middle class, the absolute last thing we want to do is cut
Social Security benefits. The absolute last thing we should do in 2013,
at the very moment that Social Security has become the principal
lifeline for millions of our seniors, is allow the program to be
dismantled inch by inch.
Over the past generation, working families have been hacked at,
chipped, and hammered. If we want a real middle class, a middle class
that continues to serve as the backbone of our country, then we must
take the retirement crisis seriously. Seniors have worked their entire
lives and have paid into this system. But right now more people than
ever are on the edge of financial disaster once they retire. The
numbers continue to get worse. That is why we should be talking about
expanding Social Security benefits, not cutting them.
Senator Harkin from Iowa, Senator Begich from Alaska, Senator Sanders
from Vermont, and others have been
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pushing hard in that direction. Social Security is incredibly
effective. It is incredibly popular. The calls for strengthening it are
growing louder day by day.
The conversation about retirement and Social Security benefits is not
a conversation just about math. At its core this is a conversation
about our values. It is a conversation about who we are as a country
and who we are as a people. I believe we honor our promises. We make
good on a system that millions of people paid into faithfully
throughout their working years. We support the right of every person to
retire with dignity.
I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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