[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 152 (Tuesday, October 29, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7601-S7603]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Budget Conference
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I rise to talk about an opportunity--
actually something good that this body could do for the American people
and for our economy and for the taxpayers. Tomorrow, the Senate budget
conference that was established as part of this recent agreement that
was made over reopening the government and extending the debt limit
will meet. This will be the first public meeting of the group. We have
had some other meetings, including the one I just had with some of the
Members of that group, but this is the first opportunity for us to meet
as House Members and Senate Members, Republicans and Democrats, in this
budget conference, and it could not come soon enough.
The opportunity we have with this group is that in the wake of what
happened at the beginning of this month--which was, again, a government
shutdown and then a debt limit debate and then pushing right up against
the debt limit--the opportunity we have now is to finally deal with
this issue of government shutdowns and to deal with the underlying
problem of overspending that forces us to extend the debt limit time
and time again.
So let's start with government shutdowns.
The agreement opened the government for 3 months. That is right. In
January, we once again come to this cliff where the government shuts
down unless we act. So Merry Christmas and Happy New Year everybody. In
January we hit this again.
It does not have to be that way. Earlier this year I introduced, with
Senator Tester from Montana, bipartisan legislation that would have
prevented the last shutdown and would prevent all shutdowns in the
future. It is called, appropriately, the End Government Shutdowns Act.
It is pretty simple, and it addresses several critical issues we saw
firsthand during this last shutdown.
It would end the chaos we saw on Federal services and citizens who
depend on them. It would give government agencies the predictability
they need to plan their budgets based on these appropriations levels.
It would add certainty to the economy, and more certainty in the
economy is certainly needed right now as we try to bring back the jobs.
It would also take away the pressure for these haphazard, last-minute
budget deals, which inevitably have stuck in them little provisions
that nobody finds out about because they are all done at the last
minute to avoid a government shutdown.
Here is how this would work: When we do not have spending bills
agreed to by the time the fiscal year comes to an end--and that would
be October 1--then the spending continues just as it was the previous
year. So it is the same level of spending, except that automatically it
would begin to reduce spending after 120 days and 90 days. So Congress
would have 120 days to come together and figure out a budget. That is
the carrot. The stick is that after 120 days the spending would be
ratcheted down 1 percent and then again every 90 days another 1
percent.
I think it has become painfully obvious that Congress needs
encouragement to get its work done, and this certainly would be
encouragement. By the same token, we would not have these government
shutdowns. That gradual decline in spending, by the way, would treat
all spending equally. So all discretionary spending would be treated
the same way--no exceptions for liberal spending priorities or
conservative spending priorities. It would be the same for everybody.
Both sides of Congress would feel the pain, and both sides then might
be more willing to actually get the work done.
Is this the ideal solution to end government shutdowns? No, it is
not. The ideal solution is that Congress actually does its work, which
is our constitutional duty--the power of the purse--and that is to sit
down and have these appropriations bills pass. That requires oversight
of the agencies and departments which are badly in need of it. It then
requires prioritizing spending in
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12 different areas. That is how it should work. This legislation, the
End Government Shutdowns Act, would actually encourage that to work,
again, because it would establish this situation where, instead of
doing a last-minute deal where you can kind of throw in these
provisions that Appropriations Committee members might want, you
actually have to go through the process; otherwise, it just continues
the spending from the previous year and then ratchets it down over
time.
Sadly, Congress has shown it is pretty much incapable of doing
appropriations bills without some sort of pressure. The Congress has
not completed all regular appropriations bills by the October 1
deadline since 1997. Here in the Senate, actually, over the past 4
years, during the current administration, the Obama administration, and
under Democratic control here for the last 4 years, we have passed all
of one appropriations bill on time. So that is 1 out of 48 that has
been done on time. It was a MILCON bill in about 2011, as I recall.
Congress does better with a deadline. Again, we see this with the
debt limit and with what we just went through these last few weeks. We
can do better. This legislation would keep the impetus for Congress to
act without including the threat of another costly and destructive
shutdown. I think it is a good idea. It is one that is already
bipartisan. It should be adopted by both sides. We had a vote on it
earlier this year. It got nearly half of this Chamber. I hope others
will take a look at it. I think particularly with what we have just
gone through, it is something our constituents would think would make a
lot of sense. I hope it gets the support it deserves in this body.
Of course, in addition to dealing with government shutdowns in this
budget conference that we are meeting on this week, we also have a
chance to address the debt limit--which is going to come up soon also
because February 7 is the date that was chosen there. Now some say,
well, the Treasury Department can use extraordinary measures to shift
that beyond February 7. I suppose they could. But instead, why not deal
with the underlying problem--why we need to extend the debt limit--
which is the overspending.
It is as though you have maxed out on the credit card. It is a lot
like that. We can spend only at a certain level in Congress, and then
we have to have statutory authority to go beyond that limit. When you
max out on the credit card, you do not just go to the bank and say: I
would like to extend it. You have to deal with the underlying problem;
otherwise, you cannot keep your credit card and you cannot keep your
credit.
So dealing with the debt limit is the other part that I think gives
us an opportunity. Over the past 2 weeks I know the administration has
said repeatedly: Even though we would not negotiate on the debt ceiling
before, even though the President refused to talk to Congress about
it--which was unprecedented, by the way; no President in history has
ever said that--but he said over the last couple weeks: If you all
extend the debt limit and if you reopen government, then I will talk.
So now is the time to talk, and the President should talk. I have
worked for two Presidents: President Bush 41 and President Bush 43.
They did talk to Congress about debt limits. Why? Because it is a tough
vote, because our constituents get it, because it is akin to maxing out
on the credit card and they want to know we are not just going to
extend it again without doing something about the underlying problem.
So this budget conference gives us the opportunity to do that, and I
hope the administration will engage with us.
It has been 4 years since we have had a budget conference. Think
about that. The debt has gone up $5.9 trillion since we had the last
budget conference around here. Almost $6 trillion later we are sitting
down again, and things are only going to get worse if we do not do
something to deal with the underlying problem.
The two-thirds of the budget that is on autopilot--the mandatory
spending--obviously is where not just the biggest part of the budget is
but the fastest growing part of the budget. It includes vital programs
to our seniors, for those in poverty--Medicaid, Medicare, Social
Security--vital but unsustainable. These programs cannot be sustained
in their current form. By the way, that is not me saying it. That comes
from data from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. The
President himself has talked about this. By the way, the Congressional
Budget Office says that Social Security and health care entitlements
alone are 100 percent of the long-term increase in deficits. Revenues
are starting to pick up. The discretionary spending is now being
capped. The issue is this part that is on autopilot. By the way, it is
66 percent of spending now. It is 77 percent of spending in 10 years.
The health care entitlements alone are going to increase 100 percent
over the next 10 years based on what the Congressional Budget Office
has told us.
I have heard rumblings in the press that this upcoming budget
conference is just going to kick the can further down the road; in
other words, we are not going to deal with the issue. We are going to
say let's just extend the debt limit a little bit further and push off
the issue.
I think it is time for the can to kick back. If the can kicks back,
that means we will actually tackle some of these tough problems. After
all, that is why the American people hired us. That is why they sent us
here. If we are not going to do it now, I do not know when we are going
to do it. I think divided government is actually an opportunity to do
it.
It is time for leadership in the Senate and the House, and certainly
from the President. It is time to come to the table. As I said earlier,
the President has indicated he now is willing to do it. Do so in good
faith and try to put our country on a stable fiscal path. If we do
nothing, by the way, if we allow these annual deficits to continue,
they will more than quadruple. Annual deficits will more than quadruple
to $3.4 trillion within three decades. That is based on the
Congressional Budget Office.
We already have a debt that is about $140,000 per household in
America. We are talking about annual deficits quadrupling. If we let
mandatory spending reach that point where it becomes 100 percent of the
deficit--which is what they project--if we allow our national debt to
reach two and a half times the entire size of our economy--it is about
the size of our economy now, and it would go up to two and a half times
the size of our economy--it will be the next generation that will pay,
and pay dearly, and our legacy will be one of bankruptcy, skyrocketing
interest rates, skyrocketing unemployment rates, and the collapse of
these vital programs we talked about earlier: Medicaid, Medicare, and
Social Security.
Again, this is not ideology; this is math. It is fact, and it is fact
that has been reiterated by the Congressional Budget Office, the
trustees of Social Security, the trustees of Medicare, their trust
funds time and time again.
This is our opportunity to begin to do something about it--at least
take the first steps--both in terms of ending government shutdowns, as
I talked about, but also dealing with this underlying problem that
everybody acknowledges and that has to be dealt with if we are not
going to have for future generations these issues of bankruptcy, higher
interest rates, lower value of the dollar, higher unemployment.
The single greatest act of bipartisanship in this Congress over the
past few decades has been overpromising and overspending. We created
this mess together, and we can only get out of it working together. I
have suggested where we can start: $600 billion in the President's own
budget. In his own budget he has $600 billion-plus in savings on
mandatory spending over the next decade. But whatever we do, I think we
can call agree that we are tired of the gridlock, we are tired of the
stalemates, we are tired of getting nothing done.
It is time to make some progress, and this is an opportunity to do
it. These past few weeks have been trying. They have been tough on the
American people, as they have looked at us and said: Wow. Are these
guys going to figure it out? And we just kicked the can down the road.
But we also set up this process and this structure. Let's take
advantage of it. Let's use this opportunity to do something important
for the future of our country and for the good of the people we
represent. Let's seize it.
I yield back my time.
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The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.