[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 152 (Tuesday, October 29, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7585-S7595]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DISAPPROVAL OF THE PRESIDENT'S EXERCISE OF AUTHORITY TO SUSPEND THE
DEBT LIMIT--MOTION TO PROCEED
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I move to proceed to S.J. Res. 26.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will report the motion to
proceed.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
Motion to proceed to Calendar No. 223, S.J. Res. 26, a
joint resolution relating to the disapproval of the
President's exercise of authority to suspend the debt limit,
as submitted under section 1002(b) of the Continuing
Appropriations Act, 2014 on October 17, 2013.
I yield the floor.
Reservation of Leader Time
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the
leadership time is reserved. Under the previous order, the time until
12:30 p.m. will be equally divided and controlled between the two
leaders or their designees.
[[Page S7586]]
The Senator from Utah.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, before I make my remarks, I understand the
distinguished Senator from Tennessee has been waiting to make some
remarks himself. I ask unanimous consent that he go first, and then if
Senator Baucus is here, he goes second, and I go third, but if Senator
Baucus is not here, I will go second.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
The Senator from Tennessee is recognized.
Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Utah. If that
suits his convenience, I appreciate that courtesy very much. I will not
take more than 8 or 10 minutes.
The President should ask the Secretary of Health and Human Services,
Kathleen Sebelius, to resign her position because of the disastrous
rollout of ObamaCare.
Taxpayers have spent $400 million to create exchanges that--after
3\1/2\ years--still don't work. As a result, the White House had to
announce last night that the key enforcement mechanism to their
individual mandate--a $95 fine that increases every year--will be
waived until the end of March of next year. That may be fine for those
currently without insurance, but for the millions being forced into the
exchanges and losing their current insurance, there is no relief, just
higher prices, a likely lapse in insurance coverage, a broken Web site,
and broken promises.
We already know of 1.5 million Americans who are losing their
policies because starting January 1, many insurance policies they now
have will not be legal under ObamaCare, and because the exchange will
not be working, they will not be able to choose another policy. This
chart gives an example of what is going on. Just in three States--
California, Florida, and New Jersey--there are 1.4 million insurance
policies that will not be valid after January 1 because they are not
legal under ObamaCare.
Compare that number, 1.4 million, to the number of Americans in those
three States who have reportedly applied or enrolled on the Web site
for insurance, 7 or 8 percent of all the people who will lose their
current policy have applied for a different policy through the
exchange. That is what is going on with families across this country as
people worry about health care.
These are policies in the individual market. There are 19 million
Americans in the individual market. We also heard on NBC News over the
last couple of days that the Obama administration knew that 47 to 60
percent of the policies in the individual market would not be legally
offered under ObamaCare. Yet they still said to people: ``If you like
your insurance, you can keep it.''
At some point there has to be accountability. Expecting this
Secretary to be able to fix what she has not been able to fix during
the last 3\1/2\ years is unrealistic. It is throwing good money after
bad. It is time for her to resign and for someone else to take charge.
No private sector chief executive would escape accountability after
such a poor performance. The principle of accountability is not and
should not be foreign to the public sector.
Admiral Hyman Rickover, father of the nuclear navy, told his
submarine captains they were not only accountable for their ships, they
were also accountable for the nuclear reactors on their ships. If
anything went wrong with the reactor, their career in the Navy was
over, the Admiral said. As a result of that dose of accountability,
since the 1950s, there has never been a death as a result of a problem
with a nuclear naval submarine reactor.
Americans deserve that kind of accountability in the implementation
of the new health care law. Instead, the Secretary appears not even to
have told the President about known problems with the ObamaCare Web
site in the months and days leading up to the launch. Despite repeated
requests, she has refused to tell Congress or the public the reasons
the ObamaCare Web site continues to fail, while insisting on more time
and an undisclosed amount of money to fix it.
Before the Internet, RCA knew how many records Elvis was selling
every day, Ford knew how many cars they were selling every day, and
McDonald's could tell us how many hamburgers they were selling each
day. Yet, here we are in the advanced stages of the Internet age and,
under Secretary Sebelius's leadership, the Obama administration will
not tell us how many Americans have tried to sign up for ObamaCare, or
how many have actually signed up, or what level of insurance they have
purchased, or in what ZIP Code they live. Not only will they not tell
us, they have done their best to keep us from finding out.
With WikiLeaks and Edward Snowden spilling our beans every day, what
is happening on the ObamaCare exchanges is the best kept secret left in
Washington, DC. The National Security Agency could learn some lessons
from Secretary Sebelius.
Later today I will ask unanimous consent to approve a six-page bill I
introduced yesterday to require the administration to answer these
questions every week. Secretary Sebelius is not responsible for
enacting ObamaCare, but she has been responsible for 3\1/2\ years for
implementing it. Now many Americans have only a few weeks to purchase
new insurance or be without health insurance. To expect the Secretary
to correct in a few weeks what she has not been able to do in 3\1/2\
years is unrealistic.
It is time for the President to ask the Secretary of Health and Human
Services to resign.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Utah.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, during the debt limit impasse in 2006,
then-Senator Obama stated:
The fact that we are here today to debate raising America's
debt limit is a sign of leadership failure. Leadership means
the buck stops here. Instead, Washington is shifting the
burden of bad choices today onto the backs of our children
and grandchildren. America has a debt problem and a failure
of leadership, and Americans deserve better.
That was former Senator Barack Obama.
At that time our gross debt was $8.3 trillion. It is now well above
twice that, currently standing at $17.1 trillion, which is over 100
percent of the size of our economy.
During that same 2006 debt limit debate, then-Senator Biden said:
My vote against the debt limit increase cannot change the
fact that we have incurred this debt already and will no
doubt incur more. It is a statement that I refuse to be
associated with the policies that brought us to this point.
That was then-Senator Biden. Things have certainly changed since
2006.
Now President Obama and Vice President Joe Biden preside over an
administration which tells us that raising the debt limit is merely a
matter of paying our bills and is a reflection of decisions made in
Congress. Yet while it is ostensibly true that the Congress has the
power to raise the debt limit, it is not true that Congress makes
spending decisions unilaterally, with no role being played by the
executive branch. No amount of spending can be enacted without the
President signing it into law.
In addition, the President submits a budget every year. The White
House also issues policy statements and veto threats on spending bills
on a more or less frequent basis. And, of course, every administration
works with Congress to enact its domestic agenda which inherently
includes setting priorities on Federal spending. So, in short, the
commonly repeated notion that questions surrounding spending and the
debt limit are Congress's and Congress's alone to answer is simply an
attempt by this administration to avoid accountability on these issues.
Ultimately, regardless of what President Obama and those in his
administration are saying now, both Congress and the executive branch
are to blame for our current predicament.
The President has exercised his authority to suspend the debt limit
under the Continuing Appropriations Act of 2014, which he signed into
law on October 17. On October 16, public debt subject to the limit was
around $16.7 trillion. On October 17--the very next day--public debt
subject to the limit was over $17 trillion. In one day, Treasury
increased the debt subject to the limit by over $328 billion. Let me
repeat that. The debt increased by over $328 billion in a single day.
That brings the increase in total public debt under this administration
to more than $6.4 trillion, an amount that is, by all accounts,
unprecedented.
[[Page S7587]]
Echoing earlier sentiments of then-Senator Biden, I refuse to be
associated with the policies that brought us to this point.
The debt limit debate provides us with an opportunity to reexamine
our Nation's fiscal course and take steps to correct it. Sadly, we have
a President who appears unwilling to have that conversation. Instead,
he apparently wants to press forward, full steam ahead, on our already
unsustainable course, saddling future generations with unheard-of debts
and broken entitlement promises in the process. Unfortunately, as the
Congressional Budget Office has made clear, over the course of
President Obama's administration, the Federal Government has recorded
the largest budget deficits relative to the size of the economy since
1946, causing our debt to soar, as we all know. Federal debt as a
percent of the economy's annual output is higher than at any point in
U.S. history, except for a brief period around World War II.
CBO makes three other points equally clear. No. 1, our debt path is
unsustainable, threatening our economy and putting us at risk of a
fiscal crisis. No. 2, the root of our fiscal problem is Federal
spending, not a lack of revenue. No. 3, the main source of our spending
problem is our unsustainable entitlement programs. That being the case,
any serious talk about raising the debt limit must include a real,
concrete discussion about entitlement reform.
As every credible analyst tells us, we need to face the fiscal facts
and enact serious structural reforms to our entitlement programs. So
far, President Obama has been unwilling to even engage in this
discussion. These days, every fiscal discussion with the White House
begins and ends with demands for additional tax hikes to fuel even more
spending. I guarantee it will be spending, not paying down the national
debt or paying down what we owe; it will be to spend more.
Of course, the President will occasionally resurrect offers he has
made in past failed fiscal negotiations to include small entitlement
changes, including, for example, movement to a different price index
for certain cost-of-living adjustments, but at the same time the
President and his administration have made clear that even those small
entitlement changes will only be on the table if tax hikes are
delivered first. That is the President's precondition for even
entertaining tax reform or entitlement reform, even on the heels of a
more than $630 billion tax hike at the beginning of this year and
another $1 trillion in revenue delivered courtesy of ObamaCare.
Entitlement reform is not an option, it is a necessity.
Structural reforms to our health care entitlements should not hinge
on another tax-and-spend operation. And structural reforms to Social
Security should not be held hostage to another tax hike.
Earlier this year I personally presented to the President, in detail
and in writing--again, I emphasize I personally gave him this--five
reform proposals relating to Medicare and Medicaid that have received
bipartisan support--Democratic and Republican support--in the past. I
asked him to consider the proposals and have since asked members of his
administration to likewise give the proposals consideration.
By the way, when we had our supper at the White House in the family
dining room, I brought it up again. By the way, I brought it up with
the Secretary of the Treasury over and over. I did not wait until an
impending debt limit debate. Rather, I put my proposals forward in a
good-faith effort to begin timely discussions. Unfortunately, thus far,
I have not received even the slightest response, while the clock on
Medicare and Medicaid keeps ticking, and both of them are running more
and more deficits as we speak. By the way, the five points were
bipartisan. They were bipartisan measures that both Democrats and
Republicans supported.
The situation with Social Security isn't much better. The trustees of
the trust funds embedded in the Social Security system, including top
administration officials such as the Treasury Secretary, have, in no
uncertain terms, urged Congress to act quickly on reforming the
retirement and the disability insurance programs to move them toward
sustainability. Quite simply, it would be folly to approve of yet
another debt limit increase without also working to address these
programs, which are the main drivers of our debts and deficits.
Therefore, I disapprove of the President's exercise of an authority
to suspend the debt limit, and I urge all of my colleagues to similarly
disapprove.
The recent debt limit impasse and the impasse of 2011 also provided a
good deal of information about lack of accountability of the Treasury
Department and of our regulatory agencies.
I currently serve as the ranking member on the Senate Finance
Committee which has oversight responsibility toward the Treasury
Department. To fulfill those responsibilities, I have been asking
questions of Treasury about debt and cash management procedures, and I
have repeatedly been stonewalled by the Treasury Department. I don't
know that I have ever seen this happen before in either Republican or
Democratic administrations.
For example, when we have approached the debt limit, I have asked
questions about how much cash our Nation has in the till, only to find
that Treasury won't tell me and that they prefer the Congress rely on
estimates from think tanks and Wall Street firms.
Furthermore, during the most recent debt limit impasses,
administration officials were busy frightening seniors, our troops, and
financial market participants about whether they would be paid in the
event the Treasury were to run out of cash. Officials also identified
threats of massive financial instability stemming from a breach of the
debt limit and of potential disruption from a downgrade of the rating
on U.S. Government securities.
So, naturally, I asked Treasury and, in fact, every voting member of
the Financial Stability Oversight Council, or FSOC, to provide Congress
and the American people information regarding the plans they had in
place to respond to such catastrophes. Out of close to 20 letters I
sent to FSOC members, I received only 3 responses. Apparently, the
FSOC, which was empowered by the so-called Dodd-Frank Act to monitor
and respond to merging threats to financial stability, does not
identify or share response plans with respect to any threat that could
emerge as a result of government policies.
That being the case, I believe we should strip FSOC of any notional
oversight of financial stability and call it what it really is: another
unrestrained regulatory agency created only to enact additional
regulations.
After the fact, we have found that Treasury and some financial
regulators had plans for how to respond to a debt limit breach or a
ratings downgrade. Yet none of these plans were shared with Congress.
Put simply, if we are going to empower a Federal regulatory body such
as the FSOC to develop contingency plans to respond to threats to
financial stability, then that body should be required to share those
plans with the American people. Sadly, thus far that has not been the
case.
Another thing I have learned from our recent debt limit impasses is
that we need to take a closer look at the Treasury Department's use of
so-called extraordinary measures, which have become all too ordinary.
These ``extraordinary measures'' are merely ways for the Treasury
Department to temporarily delay facing a debt limit increase by issuing
shadow debt. For example, Treasury can simply declare a debt issuance
suspension period and stop issuing debt that it normally would issue
while instead effectively telling the lender: Don't worry, I will pay
you back later with interest. I believe the authority to use these
types of extraordinary measures needs to be reexamined.
As you can see, Mr. President, there are a number of problems that
need to be confronted with regard to our Nation's ever-growing debt. As
I said, we need to work together to address our Nation's unsustainable
entitlement programs; otherwise, any effort to rein in our debts and
deficits will amount to little more than tinkering around the edges.
In addition, we need to improve information sharing between Congress
and the executive branch on issues relating to our debt. The Treasury
Department and our financial regulators
[[Page S7588]]
have a lot to do with maintaining the depth, liquidity, and efficiency
of the market for Treasury securities, and Congress has a duty to
exercise oversight over these functions. Unfortunately, the
administration, far more often than not, opts to keep Congress in the
dark on these issues. And, the Treasury and financial regulators choose
to keep their plans secret. This has to stop.
By using his authority to suspend the debt limit through February 7,
2014, President Obama has opted not to confront any of these serious
issues. Instead, he is leading us even further down a path that we
already know is unsustainable. That being the case, I plan to vote in
favor of the resolution of disapproval of this debt limit suspension,
and I urge my colleagues to do the same.
Having said all this, we are in a really big mess on ObamaCare--or if
you want to call it the ``Affordable Care Act'' that nobody believes is
affordable at all. They know it is going to lead us right into even
more unsustainability than we have right now. I suspect that over time
our brilliant people in the IT world, the information technology world,
many of whom I know personally, will find some way to resolve what
really has been a horrible, horrible situation with the broken
introduction of the ObamaCare website. We all know it is horrible, and
I hope they can resolve that. I think it is going to be hard because it
is such a mess. I hope Mr. Zients is successful in his efforts to try
to cure the broken system, but that does not cure the faults or
problems with ObamaCare as a whole.
What about the 30-hour rule? A lot of people, a lot of businesses,
especially small businesses today, are making sure their employees do
not work more than 30 hours because if they do, it triggers their
having to pay what appear to many to be outrageous health care costs.
That is just one thing, and that is not going to be easily resolved
because the bill is such a stupid bill. It was stupid to begin with. We
knew it would not work to begin with. We made the case that it would
not work, and frankly we are here in this really ridiculous posture
where we have been stymied because of an ineptly implemented
introduction of a flawed law, and there is certainly some incompetency
here. I hope they can resolve that, but that still does not resolve the
30-hour rule, which is very important.
How about the 50-employee rule? A lot of businesses that would have
expanded, small businesses that would have grown, that would have
tested the market and really gotten going, do not want to employ more
than 49 people and trigger a massive sudden cost to their businesses.
These are problems that basically are unsolvable under the bill, and
they may be even larger problems than those we have with regard to the
website problems I have been mentioning.
ObamaCare is full of cliffs: to implicit tax rates; to hours of work;
to numbers of employees. And those cliffs have led and will lead to
more economic damage.
That is just the beginning. I could speak for hours about what is
wrong with this lousy Act called ObamaCare. I wish some of my
colleagues on the other side would start saying what they actually
know. They know it is a lousy Act. They know it is something that is
not going to work. And if it does--if they continue to maintain that it
has to work--it is going to be a massive cost to society, with less
effective health care than we have ever had before.
It is not just these technical problems that we have to solve; it is
the economic problems that arise from ObamaCare. And I know what is
going to happen. Within the next year or two, our friends on the other
side--or should I say the White House in particular--President Obama is
going to throw his hands in the air and say: It is not working. We have
to go to a single-payer system, meaning socialized medicine. Anybody
who believes that is the way to go--it sounds easy, but anybody who
believes that is the way to go has not looked at socialized medicine
around the world. They can point to some instances where it has worked
for a short time, but over time it results in less health care, higher
costs, and stultification of what really could be a great health care
system.
I want to solve these problems in health care, but I believe they
ought to be solved on a bipartisan basis and not just a partisan basis,
which is where we are with regard to ObamaCare--or should I say the
``Affordable Care Act.''
There are a number of people in this body and in the other body who,
like me, have worked in health care areas and on health care issues
ever since they have been in the Congress who would be willing to sit
down and get this resolved. But I have to say there was no real
consultation, there was no real effort to work in a bipartisan way, as
far as I could see, even at the lower levels in Congress, in developing
the partisan product called ObamaCare. It was just they were going to
pass this and that is the way it will be. Now they are stuck with it--
should I say they are not really the ones who are stuck with it; it is
the American people and the American taxpayers who are stuck with it.
We have to, sooner or later, get together to resolve this problem
without going to socialized medicine.
I have talked to a number of doctors, health care providers, who are
going to get out of the profession. They do not want to be governed by
this type of governance. Frankly, you are going to find that if we go
to socialized medicine, doctors are not going to work more than 6 or 8
hours a day, where today they will work as long as it takes to serve
people who need their help. We are going to find a real dearth of
doctors. We are going to find a real dearth of the ability to provide
the health care people need. We are going to start doing what that
payment advisory board really is set up for, and that is rationing.
Once that starts, the American people are going to rebel.
It is going to happen sooner or later if we do not get our friends on
the other side to at least work with us on finding some resolution. I
have to say that we are working on our side to come up with a
resolution, and I hope I can interest our colleagues on the other side.
I admit that we can do a lot better than we are doing around here. We
can do it in a much better bipartisan way than we are doing it. I think
some people get a joy out of creating battles around here when we
should get a joy out of resolving problems.
I yield to the distinguished Senator from South Dakota.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Schatz). The Senator from South Dakota.
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from Utah and
appreciate his very eloquent remarks. He has been a great leader on
health care issues for a lot of years around here and was a fierce
opponent of ObamaCare when it passed and laid out very compelling
arguments at the time about why we should not adopt this law.
Unfortunately, for the people of this country, many of the predictions
he made are coming out to be true. I appreciate the leadership he
provides for us as a member of the Finance Committee and his continued
advocacy for policies that are good for consumers in this country when
it comes to the issue of health care.
This Friday marks a full month since healthcare.gov went live. This
is the Web site that, in conjunction with the new health care law, was
promised as a solution to all of the problems in the delivery and cost
of health care in this country.
To be frank, I do not think anybody on either side of the political
aisle would deny this fact: These past 29 days have been nothing short
of a disaster. The administration will not disclose how many Americans
were actually able to enroll in plans. They are not forthcoming when it
comes to disclosing exactly what the problem is with the Web site,
other than calling the problems glitches. Well, glitches refer to
temporary problems that are easily remedied. The problems with the
health care law cannot merely be called glitches. The problems go
deeper than technical problems on a Web site which, by the way, cost
$400 million to develop.
As the President said last week, ObamaCare `` . . . is not just a
website. It's much more.'' Well, that is true. It is much more. It is a
fundamentally flawed piece of legislation that is resulting in real-
life consequences for middle-class Americans.
My colleagues and I, the Senator from Utah and others, have been
speaking about the broken promises of this
[[Page S7589]]
legislation since it came to the floor of the Senate almost 4 years
ago. We know this law will not work as promised. Unfortunately,
thousands of Americans are realizing it too as they face higher costs
and canceled insurance plans.
Many Americans are experiencing sticker shock when it comes to their
health care costs. Middle-class Americans already struggling to make
ends meet are now facing steep premium increases in the ObamaCare
exchanges.
Last month, Avik Roy of Forbes reported on a recent study that said:
ObamaCare will increase insurance rates for younger men by
an average of 97 to 99% and for younger women by an average
of 55 to 62%.
In my home State of South Dakota, that is more than just a statistic;
that is a grim reality facing thousands of young men and women.
By comparing a typical low-cost plan for a healthy 30-year-old person
in my State of South Dakota this year with a bronze plan that they
would be able to get in South Dakota's health care exchange next year,
the premium increases are nothing short of staggering. Younger women
are going to face a 223-percent premium increase and younger men are
going to face a 393-percent premium increase when you compare data from
HHS with data from GAO about premiums in South Dakota in January of
this year. That is more than a $1,500 annual increase for women and a
$2,000 increase in health care premiums each year for 30-year-old men
in my State of South Dakota.
But it is not just South Dakota. It is not confined to South Dakota
alone, and people in my State are not alone in their experience of
sticker shock. Look at what is happening in the State of Nebraska where
premium increases are 143 percent or in Georgia where premium increases
are 198 percent. Money that could be used to pay off student loans,
save for a home, or start a family is now going to be used to pay for
ObamaCare.
According to a new analysis by Avalere Health, Americans could face
steep cost-sharing requirements--such as copayments, co-insurance, and
deductibles--layered on top of their monthly premiums.
It is clear that health care costs are going up--they are not going
down--particularly for younger Americans.
Additionally, President Obama promised that health care premiums
would go down by an average of $2,500 per family. Well, if you look at
what family premiums have done, they have actually jumped by more than
$2,500 since ObamaCare became law.
While costs continue to increase despite the President's promises to
the contrary, household income has fallen by over $3,700 since
President Obama first took office. No IT specialist can fix the problem
of increased health care costs due to ObamaCare. The only fix is to
repeal this law and to start over.
In addition to higher costs, families are discovering other grim
news. For example, they cannot keep the plan they like, despite the
fact that the President promised they would be able to. Over and over
the President told Americans they would be able to keep the insurance
they have.
Well, millions are now facing health insurance cancellation notices
due to ObamaCare. That number is expected to increase up to nearly 10
million by the end of this year. In fact, just this morning, CBS News
published a story. The headline read, ``More than 2 million people
getting booted from existing health insurance plans.'' These are
Americans who had coverage they liked and now cannot continue to
purchase.
Finally, after dozens of media reports of Americans who are losing
plans they like, the White House spokesman said, it is true that some
Americans will not be able to keep the health care plan that they like
under ObamaCare. Well, you do not have to tell people in this country,
as Deborah from Westchester, CA, said in an article last week in the
Los Angeles Times:
All we've been hearing the last three years is if you like
your policy you can keep it . . . I'm infuriated because I
was lied to.
CareFirst BlueCross BlueShield is being forced to cancel plans that
cover 76,000 individuals in Virginia, Maryland, and Washington, DC, due
to changes made by President Obama's health care law. That represents
more than 40 percent of the 177,000 individuals covered by CareFirst in
those States.
President Obama said on July 21, 2009: If you like your current plan,
you will be able to keep it. Let me repeat that. He said: If you like
your plan, you will be able to keep it. That is from 2009.
But he also went on to say, ``I won't sign a bill that somehow would
make it tougher for people to keep their health insurance.'' That is
from another conference he had with bloggers back in 2009. It is
abundantly clear that this is not a simple misstatement or a glitch in
the law, it is another broken promise that reveals serious underlying
problems with the core principles of this law.
No IT specialist can fix the problem of canceled plans due to
ObamaCare. The only fix is to repeal this law and to start over. The
President promised the people could keep a health care plan they liked.
But an NBC News article published yesterday shows that the
administration knew as early as 2010 that this was not going to be the
case.
NBC is reporting that 50 to 70 percent of the 14 million consumers
who buy their insurance individually--in the individual marketplace--
can expect to receive a cancellation letter or the equivalent over the
next year, because their existing policies do not meet the standards
mandated by the new health care law. One expert predicts that number
could reach as high as 80 percent. All say that many of those forced to
buy pricier new policies will experience ``sticker shock.'' You do not
have to look any further than George Schwab, a 62-year-old man from
North Carolina who said he was ``perfectly happy'' with the plan from
Blue Cross Blue Shield, the plan he currently had, which also insured
his wife for a $228 monthly premium. But this past September he was
surprised to receive a letter saying his policy was no longer
available. The comparable plan the insurance company offered him
carried a $1,208 monthly premium and a $5,500 deductible. The best
option he has found on the exchange so far offered a 415-percent jump
in premiums, to $948 a month.
The deductible is less--
He said.
But the plan doesn't meet my needs. Its unaffordable. I am
sitting here looking at this, thinking we ought to just pay
the fine and just get insurance when we're sick.
That is what Schwab said.
Everybody's worried about whether the website works or not,
but that's fixable. That's just tip of the iceberg. This
stuff isn't fixable.
That is from Mr. Schwab of North Carolina. That is just one of many
stories out there about how this law is affecting average Americans, so
much so that now even Democrats have come out criticizing parts of the
health care law. Most recently there were 10 Senate Democrats who asked
the administration to delay the deadline to sign up for ObamaCare
before the tax on the individual mandate kicks in.
While I agree that Americans should not be expected to pay a fine for
not having a product they cannot even access, delaying implementation
does not solve the underlying problem that this bill is simply bad
policy. It was a partisan bill. It was rushed through without adequate
forethought in the implementation problems and the serious adverse
effect it would have on Americans' daily lives.
Giving people more time to try to navigate a broken Web site with
glitches is not going to fix this underlying fundamental flaw in this
law. A majority of Americans, 56 percent, believe the Web site glitches
are part of a broader problem with the health care law. ObamaCare is
more than a Web site. Its real-life consequences squarely hit middle-
class Americans.
Americans are facing sticker shock discovering they are being dropped
from an insurance plan they like. As one woman said: I was all for
ObamaCare until I found out I was paying for it. That too was a story
that the LA Times ran over the weekend. ObamaCare is not ready for
prime time. The President has got a new healthcare.gov czar, Jeffery
Zients, who has been tasked with coming in and trying to fix the Web
site by the end of November. But a fix to the Web site by the end of
November does not rectify the underlying problems with this law. The
problems with this law
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are more than just problems with a Web site. We need to continue to
work to repeal the onerous parts of this law and replace it with
solutions that actually lower the cost of health care and give
Americans continued access to a doctor they choose at a cost they can
afford.
Republicans here at the time when this law was being debated and
passed in the Senate several years ago and subsequent to that time have
consistently put forward solutions to the health care challenges that
we face in this country that do not entail having government take over
literally one-sixth of the American economy. As we can see from the
rollout, the government does not do complicated things very well.
This is a disaster at the rollout, but it is a train wreck in terms
of substance and what it is going to do and the harm it will cost
middle-class Americans. There are so many better solutions. We should
allow people to buy insurance across State lines, create
interstate competition, allow market forces to drive insurance costs
down, allow people and businesses to join groups so they can get the
benefit of group purchasing power, do away with the issue of defensive
medicine by getting rid of a lot of the junk lawsuits that are clogging
up our legal system in this country, allowing people to have a tax
credit where they can buy their own insurance and use their judgment
and allow for transparency when it comes to pricing and outcomes so
that the market in the competition that exists out there works in a way
that makes insurance rates come down for everybody and improves the
quality of health care in this country.
There are so many good ideas out there that do not involve a
government takeover of health care and the results we have seen that
has caused. So I hope that not only will the American people who I
think are quickly coming to the conclusion that this is a bad law, it
is a flawed policy to start with, but Members of Congress here in
Washington, DC, Members of the Senate will also come to that conclusion
and will decide it is time to not only delay this but to repeal it and
start over.
We need a do-over. The American people need a do-over. We need an
opportunity to put policies in place that actually put downward
pressure on insurance rates in this country, rather than increasing
them, which is what we have seen with ObamaCare, dramatic increases for
many people across this country, loss of coverage that people like.
They were told by the President repeatedly, over and over the President
went out there and said: If you like the insurance you have, you can
keep it. We now know that is not true. We know that the administration
knew that was not true.
So it is time we acknowledge we need a do-over. The American people
need a do-over. We need health care policies in this country that drive
down costs for people, for families, middle-class Americans, that
improve the quality of health care delivery in this country, and that
do not create costly harm to the economy.
We hear over and over that the mandates and the requirements and the
costs associated with ObamaCare are making it more difficult and more
expensive to create jobs in this country. We are seeing an economic
growth rate that is sluggish, in the 1-percent to 2-percent range. We
are seeing the lowest labor participation rate literally in the last 35
years, since Jimmy Carter was the President of the United States,
chronically high unemployment, lower take-home pay, an economy that is
suffering from too much cost and too many policies that actually make
it more difficult and more expensive to create jobs.
We need to be looking at health care policies that improve coverage,
lower costs, and make it less difficult and less costly to create jobs
in this economy so we can get Americans back to work, we get our
economy growing and expanding at a more robust rate and improve the
standard of living and the quality of life for people all across this
country.
This policy, the ObamaCare health care policy, was ill-fated, was
misguided from the beginning. Now we are seeing the effects and the
results of that. Hopefully, politicians in Washington, DC, on both
sides of the aisle will come to the correct conclusion; that is, it is
time to start over and do this the right way.
I yield the floor.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CARPER. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum
call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Superstorm Sandy
Mr. CARPER. As many of us recall, on October 29, 2012, Superstorm
Sandy made landfall in my part of the United States. Its impacts up and
down the east coast were devastating and heartbreaking. New York, New
Jersey, and parts of New England were hit particularly hard. In
Delaware we did not experience the level of devastation that was
inflicted on our neighbors to the north and to the east, but our State
did receive significant damage. In total there were over 200 deaths
attributed to Superstorm Sandy. Today we remember the lives lost and
those forever impacted by this storm.
As I traveled through Delaware during and after the storm, I saw some
of the massive impacts of that storm firsthand, but I saw something
else as well. I saw people from all walks of life pulling together,
helping one another, and taking care of their neighbors. The impacts of
that superstorm are still fresh in my mind today as we continue to
rebuild in Delaware, New Jersey, in New York, and in other places up
the East Coast.
But not only are the impacts of the superstorm still fresh in my
mind, something else is as well, and that is this: the extraordinary
efforts of ordinary people who left the comfort of their own homes in
Delaware, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut and
in other States as well to help people they had never met and will
probably never see again. They did so not because they were paid to do
it, not because someone told them to do it, but because they wanted to
do it.
This morning I met a handful of Delawareans who were called to action
by the Red Cross to volunteer in the shelters and communities in
Delaware and New Jersey and New York. Those volunteers included
Charlotte and Richard Duffy, Joe Miller, and Glenn Sholley, who are
joining us today in the Senate, and we welcome them. In the days and
weeks following Sandy, they stopped their lives to help others, and for
that we are truly grateful. I thank you all for your extraordinary
service.
As our rebuilding efforts continue, I am so thankful for the first
responders, for the volunteers, and for the Good Samaritans who pulled
together not only in Delaware but in our States to the north to ensure
the safety and health of our neighbors.
A few minutes ago I told the folks who gathered in my office for some
light refreshments before we came over here--the same group that is
joining us here today--that last night I had heard a speech from Paul
Begala, who our Presiding Officer will remember was a key member of
President Clinton's team during his Presidency. He was on television a
million times and widely known for his wit. We saw another side of Paul
Begala last night. We saw his wit as well, but we also heard from him a
recounting or retelling of the story of the Old Testament and of the
question that was asked in the Bible. He asked the audience: Who asked
the first question? Nobody knew. He said, actually, the first question
was asked by Abel, who had slain his brother Cain. The Heavenly Father,
of course, knew what had happened. He tracked down Abel and said:
Where's Cain? And Cain said: Am I my brother's keeper? Am I my
brother's keeper?
That story is retold in the Bible in a number of places as the Golden
Rule, to look out and help other people the way we would like to be
helped, treat other people the way we would want to be treated. Not
only does that show up in the Old and New Testaments, including in the
parable of the Good Samaritan, but it shows up in the sacred scriptures
whether you happen to be Jewish, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist or Hindu.
It shows up in the scriptures of virtually every major religion on
Earth--the idea that we have an obligation to
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help our neighbors, whoever they may be.
In the parable in the New Testament, Jesus is asked by some of the
Pharisees: Who is my neighbor? And that is when he tells the story of
the Good Samaritan, who ultimately was helped not by someone from his
community, not by a clergyman who walked by, but he was helped by
somebody from another part of that country who didn't care at all for
the fellow who was beaten and left for dead.
The financial costs of Superstorm Sandy were also severe and
estimated to be in not just the hundreds of millions of dollars but
billions of dollars. It will take years to recover from devastation
such as this. As my colleagues and I know, it is important we get that
recovery right.
I want to take a look at a few pictures of Seaside Heights, NJ,
before Sandy and after. Before I turn to the photographs on my left
here, I would just say to the Presiding Officer that a lot of people
who might be watching this across the country on C-SPAN may wonder
where Seaside Heights, NJ, is. I wondered that myself, and I am from
Delaware, less than 100 miles away. A lot of people have heard of
Asbury Park, where Bruce Springsteen is from. Asbury Park is just a
little bit north of Seaside Heights, NJ. About 50 miles south of
Seaside Heights is a place called Atlantic City that a lot of us have
heard of.
This is a shot taken in May of 2009 in Seaside Heights, NJ. This is a
before shot. This is a little more than 3 years before the hurricane.
There are a couple of buildings here where we have these yellow arrows.
They are there for a purpose--so that when we look at the after shot we
can figure out what happened to those structures. Here is a red arrow
on this building.
This is about 3\1/2\ years later when Sandy came a-calling. Here we
go. These buildings aren't in the same place. They do not look the
same. What looked to have been a pier along through here is gone. There
used to be roads through here and now there are what appear to be sandy
trails. Virtually every house here is badly damaged, many of them
absolutely totally destroyed.
We have another shot here, same town, Seaside Heights. This is
obviously the beach, the boardwalk, and this is an amusement park. A
lot of people went there over the years, for decades, and had a great
time with their families. They had a roller coaster here. There were a
lot of rides here. I must admit I like rides. My wife says: Are you
ever going to grow up? I say: I hope not, because this stuff is still
fun to me. But here is the roller coaster. Again, this is taken in late
May 2009. There is the roller coaster.
Let's see what it looks like after Hurricane Sandy. Here is the
roller coaster. Here is the roller coaster. It is in the ocean. And
here is what is left of the pier and of the amusement park.
The power of that storm is demonstrated graphically by these photos,
which I said earlier destroyed not just this amusement park, the
beaches and the homes in this community, but wreaked havoc throughout
the mid-Atlantic and northeastern seaboard and took the lives of over
200 people.
In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, we saw many problems during
the recovery phase that held communities back and created great
suffering, and not only great suffering, also a lot of anger in terms
of the inadequate response, the untimely response, the inept response.
Money was not always well spent, the efforts were not well coordinated,
and the recovery moved slowly as a result.
Thanks in part to the Post-Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act of
2006, which was shepherded through the Homeland Security and
Governmental Affairs Committee and through Congress by Senators Susan
Collins and Joe Lieberman, many of the problems we saw during Katrina's
recovery efforts have been fixed, and we have seen a great deal of
improvement in the emergency response efforts as a result.
I have a friend who, when you ask him ``How are you doing?'' he
always says, ``Compared to what?'' So when speaking of how are we doing
with respect to the recovery after Superstorm Sandy, I say: Well,
compared to what? Compared to Katrina, we are doing great. Can we do
better? You bet we can. We have learned a lot, and 7 years later you
can tell we have learned not all our lessons but certainly a number of
them.
That act that was passed about a half dozen years ago required FEMA
to bolster their regional offices in order to build strong
relationships with State, local, and tribal governments. As an old
recovering Governor--and the Presiding Officer is a recovering
Lieutenant Governor--we know the Federal Government can't do
everything, particularly in responding to emergencies. It is the
relationships with the State and the local folks, in some cases with
tribal units, with the emergency responders, with the National Guard,
and all of the above, that is critical. Those strong relationships not
only improve the ability of the Federal Government to respond to
disasters, but they also enhance FEMA's capability to support State,
local, and tribal governments as they rebuild.
That law also required FEMA to coordinate with other Federal
departments to write a national disaster recovery strategy. This
eventually lead to the National Disaster Recovery Framework, which has
helped to organize and coordinate recovery efforts to Hurricane Sandy.
A key question we need to ask, however, after a storm such as this,
is whether it was an aberration or a harbinger of things to come. I
would like to think it was an aberration. There is a good chance it was
not. Just a few short years ago, hurricanes hitting the areas along the
northeastern half of the East Coast were relatively uncommon. Hurricane
Sandy is actually the third major hurricane to threaten or strike the
northeastern coast of our country in the last 3 years. Fortunately, we
are almost through this hurricane season--knock on wood--without a
major storm hitting our coast. Unfortunately, the Northeast, mid-
Atlantic, and other vulnerable areas are expected to see more frequent
and larger storms such as Sandy in the future.
Earlier this year, the Government Accountability Office,
affectionately known as GAO, added a new area to its recently updated
High Risk List--the impact of climate change on the Federal Government
and on our country. GAO explained that, among other things, climate
change ``could threaten coastal areas with rising sea levels, alter
agricultural productivity, and increase the intensity and frequency of
severe weather events.''
The GAO also argued the Federal Government is not prepared to deal
with the impacts of climate change. I might add State governments and
local governments as well are not prepared to deal with the impacts of
climate change. They recommended we take a strategic look at them and
start to prepare accordingly.
The costs associated with responding to and recovering from a
hurricane such as Sandy, both in human and financial costs, are so
severe we simply cannot afford to face this devastation over and over
again.
It might have been Einstein who defined the definition of sanity as
doing the same thing over and over and expecting a different result. We
can't do the same thing over and over. It is a different world in which
we live, and we have to respond to those changes.
Fortunately, we have seen States take promising steps toward
addressing some of the issues GAO has identified. In particular, the
States of New York and New Jersey have begun to plan to mitigate
against future disasters. We know all too well that an ounce of
prevention is worth a pound of cure.
In fact, a few years ago the National Institute of Building Sciences
issued a report that concluded that for every $1 we spend on various
mitigation measures we can save $4 in response and recovery costs. For
$1 of investment we end up saving $4. Through mitigation, then, we can
get better results--save money and, most importantly, we can save
lives.
We must ensure that sound and effective mitigation policies are
thoroughly incorporated into this recovery effort. This is especially
important as climate change drives the sea level to rise and increases
the severity and frequency of coastal storms. By working together, we
can rebuild and become stronger by better protecting ourselves from
future storms. But in doing so, we can't ignore what I and many experts
believe may be the underlying cause of storms such as Hurricane Sandy.
It is not
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enough to just address the symptom--that is the storm, the wind, the
sea level rise, the surge--we need to address the underlying cause or
causes.
As we recover from Sandy and put in place the protections, we need to
reduce the impact of the next big one. We would make a mistake if we
didn't think about what we need to do to address not just the symptoms
of climate change but the underlying cause itself.
We have been joined on the floor by my colleague Senator Menendez
from New Jersey. Through the Presiding Officer, let me just say to my
colleague, we have some folks here today from Delaware who ended up, as
I said earlier, in New Jersey, and I think in New York. Our State was
hit, but nothing like the Senator's State. These folks, serving in the
spirit of the Good Samaritan, with the encouragement and actually the
organizational skills of the Red Cross, came to his State, across the
Delaware River, in order to lend a hand to people they didn't know, had
never met, and will probably never see again.
Someday the tables will be turned, someday it will be our State,
someday it will be Delmarva that is reeling from the impact of such a
storm. We know when that happens, the Senator will be there for us as
well.
I am pleased to yield the floor for my friend from New Jersey.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, let me start by thanking my
distinguished colleague, the senior Senator from Delaware, for his
remarks, and the people of Delaware who came to New Jersey to help us.
That is the essence of why we call this great country the United States
of America. In moments of challenge and adversity we come together. We
appreciate the Delawareans who came to help us. We hope we never have
to repay the kindness, but if perchance it comes, we will.
I come to the floor on this anniversary of Superstorm Sandy a year
ago. We all remember what has now become an iconic photo. It is hard to
believe that it has been 1 year since Sandy, but it has. For a year,
under difficult and trying circumstances, New Jerseyans have pulled
together, worked together, and helped each other to recover. I rise
today in praise of their tenacity, their resilience, their spirit of
community, and remembering all of the hard work of the many first
responders, Federal, State, and local officials, community leaders, and
volunteers who helped in those recovery efforts.
Just yesterday I was with Secretary Donovan in New Jersey to announce
another $1.4 billion in community development grant disaster relief
funding. This is $1.4 billion in flexible-use funding that comes in
addition to the $1.8 billion we have already received from the hard-
fought $60 billion disaster relief package we secured a year ago. We
secured that funding after a long debate over whether we as a nation
and the Congress were prepared to provide disaster relief to the people
of my State and others who suffered devastating losses. Standing with
me in that effort were many in this Chamber, and one who is no longer
with us, our late colleague and friend Senator Frank Lautenberg. He and
I worked against many who did not want to provide New Jersey the
disaster relief we needed. We were in the midst of a debt ceiling
debate, a fiscal cliff at the end after a congressional session, and
even after Sandy relief had passed the Senate with bipartisan support,
the House Republican leadership chose not to immediately bring the
relief package to a vote, unnecessarily delaying our recovery from
Sandy by 6 weeks.
There were those in Congress who believe that even in times of
disaster and crisis we are on our own. I don't believe that. I believe
we are all in this together and in times of crisis we come together as
a community.
That is why when the State of New Jersey submitted its application
last March to use $1.83 billion in Federal Sandy relief to help
thousands of homeowners and small businesses rebuild, the Obama
administration, through HUD Secretary Donovan, approved the application
in April, the following month.
We have come a long way since October 29th when Sandy made landfall
in southern New Jersey. One hundred and fifty-nine people lost their
lives, 8.5 million customers lost power, more than 650,000 homes were
damaged and 40,000 in our State were severely damaged or destroyed.
Here is a perfect example of how far we have come. You can see here
the damage Sandy brought on this home one year ago today. And, as you
can see in this second photo, today it is well on its way to being
fully restored. But we have a long way yet to go in every community to
fully recover from the extent of the damage and to make families and
businesses whole again.
A year ago, this headline ran in the Record: ``Business losses mount;
Some choosing to close rather than rebuild.'' Hundreds of thousands of
businesses were forced to close, causing an estimated $65 billion in
economic loss and resulting in emergency declarations or disasters in
13 States up and down the East Coast.
In a matter of minutes, people had lost loved ones, they lost their
homes, their property, and their livelihoods, but they stood strong and
began to rebuild. Beyond the headlines of this story, we see the Jersey
spirit that came through in person after person. Despite the uphill
climb, New Jersey rebuilt one home at a time, one business at a time,
one community at a time. That's what makes us Jersey Strong.
For 10 days, millions along the East Coast lived without power,
without phones, seniors were stranded on the upper floors of buildings
where elevators were out, and the loss of power led to fuel shortages
and long gas lines. You can see in this photograph of the PATH Train
Terminal in Hoboken, the extent of damage to our transportation
infrastructure.
It was a wake-up call to what could happen again in the future and
the investment we need to make in our infrastructure to avoid future
damage from future storms.
The Sandy Recovery package we passed last year included $13 billion
in critical funding I sought to help restore our transit and highway
systems from what they looked like then, as you can see in this
photograph.
The Port Authority was able to repair the PATH station at Hoboken and
harden electrical equipment to prevent future damage. NJDOT was able to
elevate roads that were washed away by Sandy.
At the end of the day, the legislation included necessary policy
reforms that helped streamline recovery efforts and improve FEMA's
Public Assistance Programs, allowing us to rebuild what was in place
before the storm and build it stronger and better than before.
Since then, almost $400 million in FEMA grants have been approved to
help individuals and families recover. That is over $341 million for
housing assistance and more than $54 million for additional needs.
Homeowners, renters, and business owners have received over $764
million in SBA disaster loans and $314 million in FEMA Public
Assistance grants to help local communities and local non-profits that
serve the public and provided relief.
National Flood Insurance Program payments to New Jersey have amounted
to $3.5 billion to help people rebuild and get their lives back on
track. In New Jersey alone, more than 261,000 people contacted FEMA for
help and information and over 126,000 homes have been inspected.
While these numbers show the progress we have made, the reality is
that for thousands of people in New Jersey, recovery is a round-the-
clock, 24-7 effort.
Many New Jersey families have been hit with the ``triple whammy,''
having been flooded by Sandy, then facing repair and mitigation costs
and then facing astronomical increases in flood insurance costs built
into a flood reform bill that was passed before Sandy hit.
Even as we slowly recover from the worst natural disaster in our
State's history, a manmade disaster is looming in the distance,
jeopardizing our recovery.
The combination of updated flood maps and the phaseout of premium
subsidies for the National Flood Insurance Program threatens to force
victims out of their homes and destroy entire communities.
Many homeowners will be forced to pay premiums that are several times
higher than the current rate they pay. Those who cannot afford the
higher premiums will be forced to either sell
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or be priced out of their home--probably at a fire-sale price. This in
turn will drive down property values and local revenues at the worst
possible time.
I have heard from countless New Jerseyans, many who have come to me
in tears, who are facing this predicament. These are hardworking middle
class families, who played by the rules, purchased flood insurance, and
are now being priced out of their home.
In order to stop this manmade disaster from doing even more damage, I
am leaving the floor in a few minutes and going to introduce bipartisan
legislation to take a time-out and assess the impact these premium
hikes will have on homeowners and the flood insurance program as a
whole.
The Homeowners Flood Insurance Affordability Act, which we will be
announcing in a few minutes, would delay flood insurance premium
increases imposed in the Biggert-Waters legislation for most primary
residences until FEMA completes an affordability study that I had
offered, and proposes a regulatory framework to address the issues
found in the study.
This will give current homeowners some breathing room before their
flood insurance premiums go up. For prospective homebuyers, the
certainty that they will not see their rate dramatically increase
simply because they purchased a home is critically important to
maintaining property values.
At the end of the day, we look back at the year since the storm
struck and remember those who lost their lives and those who came
together to help their neighbors rebuild. We remember the efforts of
first responders and government and community leaders pulling together.
It is often said that ``the hardest steel must go through the hottest
fire,'' and Sandy tested what we were made of.
When we look at this photograph of twisted metal that once was a
rollercoaster, we associate it with the destruction of Sandy, but we
also associate it with how far we have come and what we have learned.
We learned that it is not enough to live in a community, we have to be
part of it. We have to remember that citizenship comes with
responsibility not just to ourselves, but to each other.
In the face of Sandy--in the aftermath, the tragedy, and the loss--we
pulled together as a community. We worked together, helped each other
rebuild lives, businesses, homes, our beaches and boardwalks--and, in
doing so, we strengthened New Jersey's sense of pride and a belief that
we are, in fact, all in this together. It is that spirit, that unity,
that has made New Jersey stronger and better than before.
Let me conclude by saying that recovery from any disaster depends on
our continuing cooperation within our communities at every level of
government. The business of government is people--their lives, their
hopes, their dreams of a better life for themselves and their families.
In New Jersey, we proved that--at every level of government--with
various agencies working together--we all came together. There can be
no tolerance of partisan division when it comes to the future of my
State or any State's efforts to help families rebuild from a disaster
like Sandy. The storm was extraordinary, but what makes me
extraordinarily proud is that New Jerseyans rose to the challenge as
they always do.
There is much work left to do. We have learned that recovery from a
disaster is not a one-size-fits-all endeavor. Full recovery from Sandy
will take more than a village.
But at the end of the day the biggest reason New Jersey has made the
progress that it has, and why our State will come back better and
stronger than before, is because of the people who live there. It
hasn't been easy. But I have never been more proud to represent the
people of New Jersey than I have during this last year since Sandy
struck.
I have seen the best of who we are and what we can do when we pull
together, each of us working for the recovery of all of us. Looking
back at the last year, I would say we are all New Jersey proud as well
as New Jersey strong.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Farewell to the Senate
Mr. CHIESA. Mr. President, nearly 5 months ago I had the high honor
to stand in this historic Chamber, surrounded by my family, and be
sworn in as a Member of the Senate. My service as a Senator will soon
draw to a close, so I wish to take this opportunity to share with my
colleagues a few thoughts before I leave.
I want to begin by thanking Governor Christie for providing me with
this incredible opportunity. Our professional relationship, and our
friendship, began more than 20 years ago as young lawyers working
together in a New Jersey law firm. We had our entire careers ahead of
us. If someone had suggested that one day Chris Christie would have
been Governor, I would not have been surprised. I would, however, have
dismissed out of hand any suggestion that I might someday be the New
Jersey attorney general, let alone a Member of the Senate.
To have served here representing the people of New Jersey has to rank
as the greatest honor of my professional life. I will always be
grateful to Governor Christie for the confidence he has shown in me by
appointing me, and I will always be thankful for the wonderful
opportunities he has given me, time and again, to serve in public life.
I also thank my colleagues in the Senate from both sides of the aisle
who have gone out of their way to make me feel welcome, to help me
navigate the sometimes confusing rules and traditions of the Senate,
and for assisting me in making the most of my time here.
One thing I did know for certain when I arrived here in June was that
I wanted to use my time as effectively as possible. To the extent I
have, I have so many of my colleagues to thank. The senior Senator from
New Jersey, who will have to break in another new Senator from our
State, has been a supportive colleague. I truly appreciate his
willingness to assist me in my time in the Senate. I thank the Senator.
The Republican leader has gone above and beyond to give me the
opportunity to work and make a difference during my tenure here, and I
thank him very much.
I also thank the senior Senator from Delaware and the junior Senator
from Oklahoma for agreeing to my request to hold a hearing on human
trafficking in the Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee.
Eliminating human trafficking or, more directly, abolishing modern-day
slavery has been a priority for me throughout my career in public
service. The chairman and ranking member of the committee could not
have been more helpful in my efforts to raise awareness of this evil
crime, a crime that robs people of their innocence and dignity, taking
a terrible toll on our victims and society as a whole.
The junior Senators from New Hampshire and North Dakota, both former
attorneys general themselves, stood alongside me in this effort. When I
first spoke with them about my desire to hold a hearing, they
immediately agreed to work with me to make it work as productively as
possible. I am grateful to them for partnering with me and I know they
will continue to make this issue a top priority.
I also thank the senior Senator from Arizona for attending and
contributing to the hearing on a day when no votes were scheduled and
for his strong commitment for righting this terrible wrong. These are
important and forceful voices for the victims of human trafficking, and
I appreciate their support of my efforts.
I want all of my colleagues to know I will continue to work to
abolish this scourge on our Nation and on the entire human family. I
hope they will feel free to call on me if I can ever be helpful to them
in their efforts, just as I may call on them from time to time.
So many of my colleagues have made this a wonderful experience, and I
am proud to call all of them my friends.
I know I looked pretty lost on more than one occasion here, but I
always had someone pointing me in the right direction. I am
particularly grateful to my good friends from Utah, Wyoming, Tennessee,
Ohio, and Illinois, who have repeatedly helped me over the past 5
months both by listening and also providing good advice.
As every Senator knows, the work we do here would not be possible
without the work of the people who serve on
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our staffs. I have been incredibly fortunate to have an outstanding
group of people on my Senate staff--a group that jumped right in with
me on very short notice and a group I am so proud to have worked with.
They were fully aware that their tenure, like mine, would be short.
They interrupted and, in many cases, disrupted their lives to serve
with me.
My chief of staff Donna Mullins did an amazing job assembling a
talented and dedicated group of professionals to serve both here in
Washington and back in New Jersey. Their willingness to do so reflects
their commitment to the people of New Jersey, the Senate, and to our
Nation. Some of them I have worked with for years, others only for a
few short months. All of them have earned my everlasting respect and
friendship.
I want to acknowledge each of them by name: Donna Mullins, John Lutz,
Tomi-Anne Nolino, Nick DiRocco, Jeannette Larkins, Chip Sinders, Ken
Lundberg, Bob Bostock, Ryan Berger, Krista Powers, Tyler Yingling,
Marissa Watkins, Michael Rebuck, Chris Mindnich, Taylor Holgate, Nicole
Dube, Jamie Rhoades, Michael Pock, and Shante Palmer. They reflect the
best of public service, and I will always be thankful to them and the
work we have done together.
Of course, the greatest thanks goes to my family. My wife Jenny and
our children Al and Hannah have always given me their unconditional
love and support. I could not have done this without them. I am lucky
to have them.
I was born and raised in New Jersey. It is not just my home State, it
is my home in every sense of the word. The honor of representing the
people of my State--my friends, my neighbors--is almost beyond
description. After all, there could be no greater calling for any
citizen than to have the opportunity to represent the people of your
State in the highest councils of government. Although the past 5 months
have passed very quickly, my deep sense of gratitude for the
opportunity to serve will stay with me for the rest of my life.
My experience as a Member of this body has confirmed what I already
thought was true--every Member of the Senate is a dedicated public
servant. Every Senator is deeply committed to the work they do. Every
Senator is here because he or she wants to contribute to the centuries-
old work of forming a more perfect union. We do not always agree on how
this is best accomplished, but vigorous, respectful debate is critical
in a government such as ours.
There is so much talent, so much commitment, and so much love of
country here. I urge my colleagues to advance their efforts to find
common ground in pursuit of their common purpose, to continue to
advance the success of the country we love and secure the blessings of
liberty for the people we serve.
Soon there will be a new Senator-elect from New Jersey who will stand
where I stood just a few months ago to be sworn in. When he takes his
place in this body, he will be joining a long list of dedicated public
servants who have served New Jersey--stretching back to the very first
Congress. I urge him to continue to work as hard for the people of our
State as he did while serving as the mayor of New Jersey's largest
city. I know he will always put the people of New Jersey first.
New Jersey's new Senator will have a very long list of priorities
waiting for him when he arrives in Washington--all of them important.
There is one area that will require his immediate and ongoing focus,
and that is New Jersey's continued effort to recover and rebuild from
the devastation of Superstorm Sandy, which struck my State a year ago
today. Working together New Jerseyans have made incredible progress in
coming back from what the storm delivered, but our work continues.
For those who have suffered so much loss, a year seems like an
eternity. They must know that until all the damage done by the storm is
undone, and until all the work needed to protect our State and its
people and their property from future storms like this is completed, we
will not rest.
As I prepare to make the transition back to private life, I do so
with a deep sense of gratitude to all of those who made my service in
the Senate possible, and an even deeper sense of humility for having
been given this opportunity.
This has been, for me, a remarkable 5 months. I know I will in the
years ahead look back on this time with gratitude and appreciation for
the privilege of having served the people of New Jersey and the Senate
of the United States of America.
I thank the Presiding Officer, and I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, while Senator Chiesa is still on the
floor, I want to take a moment to say to him how much we have enjoyed
getting to know him, work with him, and come away with a wonderful--not
just a first impression but a lasting impression. Governor Christie did
the State of New Jersey well by appointing Senator Chiesa to serve as
the interim Senator.
We had a similar experience with losing an elected Senator when Joe
Biden was elected as Vice President and to the Senate at the same time.
He had to choose between being the Senator from Delaware or Vice
President. I don't know if he ever regrets it, but he made the choice
to be our Vice President, as we know. The Governor of our State
appointed Ted Kaufman to serve as the interim Senator for 2 years, and
he was subsequently succeeded by Chris Coons when Chris was elected a
couple of years ago.
We have a tradition of folks who are appointed as interim Senators
who turn out to do an extraordinary job. Sometimes I wonder--with
tongue in cheek--if maybe that is not a better approach, in some cases,
for populating this place with men and women from across the country.
The Senator from New Jersey has been here for 5 tumultuous months,
and he has seen the good, the bad, and the ugly--in some cases the very
ugly. If we had more people who would bring Senator Chiesa's values and
commitment to comity--not comedy with a ``d,'' but comity with a
``t''--communicating, and his willingness to compromise, not on
principles but on policy, this would be a better place and a better
country.
As the chairman of the Homeland Security and Government Affairs
Committee, I say on behalf of Tom Coburn, ranking Republican--and on
behalf of those of us who have the privilege to serve on that
committee--what a privilege it has been for the Senator from New Jersey
to be one of our members.
We are joined on the floor by Senator Barrasso, and it has been my
privilege to serve on the Environment and Public Works Committee with
him. As Senator Barrasso knows, Jeff Chiesa came early and stayed late.
He asked great questions and brought forth good issues--including the
issue of human trafficking, which has reminded us in extraordinary ways
of the terrible situation that is faced by millions of women and
children in this country and around the world. That is a gift the
Senator from New Jersey has brought to this body, and I think
ultimately to our country.
Senator Chiesa is going to leave us now and sail off into the
sunrise, and we look forward to having our paths cross many times in
the future--maybe even in Delaware on a summer vacation. My friend can
bring his wife Jenny and his two kids. He is always welcomed in the
first State.
Good luck, God bless, and Godspeed. I thank my friend for serving our
country and his State so well.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wyoming.
Mr. BARRASSO. Mr. President, I wish to add in a bipartisan way my
thanks to Senator Chiesa for his service and add to the kind words the
Senator from Delaware has spoken of our friend and our colleague.
In Wyoming we talk about the code of the West, and there are 10 parts
to that code, but No. 1 is live each day with courage; and No. 2 is
take pride in your work. Members on both sides of the aisle have seen
that sort of code lived day by day by the Senator from New Jersey who
has joined us.
I join my colleague from Delaware in thanking our friend from New
Jersey. I say that with great admiration, great appreciation, and deep
respect for his time in the Senate, and I know we are going to continue
to hear great things from him in the future.
I thank the Presiding Officer, and I yield the floor.
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The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for such
time as I may consume.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt said:
Our capacity is limited only by our ability to work
together. What is needed is the will.
I have just returned from a week at home in Montana traveling from
Fort Benton to Billings to Bozeman. I visited with constituents from
all across our State. At each one of my meetings, the conversation
would touch on the first snow of the season or football and the Bobcats
or the Grizzlies. Those are, in this case, football teams. But
inevitably every conversation turned to the challenges we face in
Washington and the standoff we just had over the country's borrowing
limit and funding the government.
People have lost faith in our ability to serve them. They are worried
about what the dysfunction means for the future of our country.
For more than 2 weeks, Congress was stuck in a stalemate, unable to
agree on a course for our Nation. The political standoff shook
America's confidence and threatened the global economy. Thankfully,
compromise was able to overcome conflict. Cooler heads finally
prevailed. But our Nation didn't emerge from the fight unscathed.
The 16-day government shutdown took a $24 billion bite out of the
U.S. economy, according to Standard & Poor's. The rating agency now
projects the U.S. economy will only grow at 2.4 percent in the fourth
quarter as opposed to the already slow 3 percent predicted prior to the
shutdown. That is a staggering self-inflicted wound, and defaulting
would have been even worse.
Thankfully, that didn't happen. Leader Reid and Minority Leader
McConnell were able to find the will and come together to provide a
path that averted default. Their bipartisan legislation, passed on
October 16, pulled us back from the brink. It created a conference
committee to negotiate a budget compromise and it gave the President
the power to suspend the debt limit until early February. It also gave
Senators an opportunity to object and overturn the suspension using
what is called a resolution of disapproval. That is what we are
considering today.
I strongly urge my colleagues to reject this resolution. For the good
of our economy, it cannot pass. Passing this resolution would plunge
this Nation back into the same economic crisis we were facing just a
few weeks ago. With economic confidence still suffering from the
shutdown, another debt ceiling crisis could drive the Nation--and the
world--back into recession. We cannot let that happen. It is time to be
responsible leaders. Congress needs to stop governing from one self-
created crisis to another.
Tomorrow, the budget conference committee will begin discussions on a
plan to resolve the fiscal challenges before us. The conference will be
led by Chairman Murray and Chairman Ryan. They are smart, hardworking
and solutions oriented and I am confident they can craft a compromise.
I began my remarks with a quote from President Roosevelt and I will
close with another. Roosevelt once said:
The great test for us in our time is whether all the groups
of our people are willing to work together for continuing
progress.
Today, we face our test. Can we work together for continuing
progress?
I strongly urge Members of the Senate to reject the resolution before
us. It is a step backward, a return to shutdowns and showdowns. Enough
is enough. Instead, we must find the will to work together for
progress, for the good of our economy and the good of our country.
Thank you. I yield the floor.
Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, earlier this month, I expressed my
opposition to S. 1569, which allowed our debt limit to increase through
February 7, 2014. Today, the Senate considers S.J. Res. 26, which would
reject the suspension in the debt limit and immediately halt any new
debt issuances by the United States. I support this resolution.
My position remains unchanged from earlier this month. Our national
debt is topping $17 trillion and has nearly doubled since the beginning
of the Obama administration. If we allow the Nation to continue on its
current path, it will only lead to economic destruction. Allowing the
debt to continue increasing without any commonsense solutions to rein
in the federal government would be irresponsible and reckless.
The recent increase in the debt limit is President Obama's sixth
since coming to office. In that time, no significant action has been
taken to reduce the long term trajectory of the debt. If we continue to
do nothing to rein in spending, the national debt will skyrocket to $25
trillion in the next decade. Even the President agrees with these
numbers. We cannot allow this to happen, which is why I support the
resolution prohibiting a continued suspension of the debt
limit.
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