[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 140 (Wednesday, October 9, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7342-S7352]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONTINUING APPROPRIATIONS
Mrs. FISCHER. Mr. President, I rise today to give voice to frustrated
Nebraskans. I rise to testify to the simple truth that a government
should not intentionally make life harder for its people. I rise to
say: Enough. Enough press conferences. Enough brinkmanship. Enough
dividing people of good will against one another.
I am still pretty new here, but I can say that in Nebraska and in so
many other States across this Nation we actually work together--and not
just on small bills but also on the big issues. I urge my colleagues to
remember where we came from.
While I served in the Nebraska Legislature, we dealt with a major
budget shortfall. We didn't go on TV or Twitter or fight; we legislated
and we fixed the problem. That is the Nebraska way. We roll up our
sleeves, we cut through the talking points, and we get to work.
Nebraskans are pragmatic. They are well informed, and they expect
results. So when Nebraskans look at the dysfunction we have here in
Washington, they are frustrated, and I am too. I am very frustrated. I
am frustrated that this Congress can't pass appropriations bills that
comply with the law. I am frustrated that this Congress cannot agree on
a budget. I am frustrated with crisis management instead of responsible
governance. I am frustrated with being told one thing only to learn it
is just not true. I am frustrated with the willful ignorance that goes
on in Washington when it comes to our debt. And I am frustrated with
the lack of solutions.
The American people do not want us to just stand in opposition; they
want us to put forth constructive ideas to solve problems. As a result
of Congress's failure to agree on a spending plan, the government is
shut down. The result? Well, in yesterday's Omaha World Herald there
was a report that Nebraska farmers are unable to cash checks when they
bring their grain in after harvest. The article noted:
State law requires elevators to include a lender's name on
a check when a farmer has a loan against the grain. With no
one at Farm Service Agency offices because of the shutdown,
checks can't be cashed when the lender is the FSA.
``We've got millions of dollars of grain checks out there
that farmers need,'' said Dan Poppe, president of the Archer
(Neb.) Cooperative Credit Union, with locations in Archer,
Dannebrog and Central City.
He said entire rural economies count on the money.
``It impacts not only our farmers, who are relying heavily
on the money, but also the local grocery store, hardware
store, the feed and seed,'' Poppe said.
It is not just farmers and ranchers, it is also our manufacturers and
our investors. A constituent from Waco, NB, wrote:
I am a Dow employee living in your district. This impasse
is beginning to threaten Dow's investment in new U.S.
manufacturing. Not only will a continued delay push back
Dow's plans to create thousands of new American jobs, it will
harm Dow's competitiveness and directly impact me and my
family. Greater economic certainty will help Dow, its
employees, and our State thrive.
The wife of a Federal law enforcement officer from Gretna wrote:
We are a single income family. We have a 2 and 3 year old
and one more on the way. I am due in November. This shutdown
will leave us unable to pay our bills.
A 23-year-old Department of Agriculture employee emailed me saying:
My wife works two jobs to help make ends meet, but we still
live paycheck to paycheck. If this shutdown is not resolved
within the next few days, we will be devastated financially.
A U.S. Air Force veteran wrote to tell me:
I applied for Social Security disability assistance on the
15th of August and my claim had gone for medical review on
the 26th of August. I have no money, and I just found out
yesterday that because of the shutdown SSA claims are on
hold.
A furloughed Federal worker from Omaha called my office to say: We
are all tired. We are tired of not getting a budget until the last
minute. We are all tired. You guys need to do your job.
I agree. I hear these same messages over and over. Nebraskans are
tired of the name calling and the blame games. They want to see
government work, and they want to see it work well. They are not fooled
by the rhetoric, and they expect us to govern responsibly. I agree.
That is why I am talking with my colleagues--not publicly in front of
the cameras but privately--to see if we can forge a way forward. But I
believe we have to do more than just open the government. That is just
the basics. We have to address our $17 trillion debt. It is smothering
this country, it is jeopardizing our national security, and it is a
threat to our children's future.
Congress will soon vote on increasing the debt ceiling--the sixth
debt limit increase in the past 5 years. Our national debt has almost
doubled since 2006, and our debt limit has grown twice as much as our
economy in the past 2 years. Shouldn't the opposite be true? Meanwhile,
our economy's lethargic recovery continues sluggishly along at a rate
of 1 to 2 percent. This is unacceptable.
Instead of growing our economy by reducing spending, cutting
regulations, and overhauling an outdated tax code,
[[Page S7343]]
Congress has continued to spend money we just don't have.
I didn't run for office to shut down the government. I ran for office
to help hard-working Americans get back to work. I ran for this office
to stand for middle-class families who aren't asking government for a
hand up, they are just asking that the government stop holding them
down. Nebraskans want to know they can provide for their families, and
I don't think that is asking too much.
Make no mistake. High public debt depresses economic growth, which in
turn dampens job creation. Ironically, our country's debt crisis comes
as the Congressional Budget Office is predicting that tax revenues will
be at an alltime high--$2.7 trillion in tax revenues. The problem isn't
that we have too little revenue, the problem is that we are spending
too much.
Part of why Nebraskans are frustrated is that our problems are so
clear. We know exactly what they are. There is no mystery here. The
American people know you can't keep spending twice what you make. They
live within a budget--a budget that must balance--and they expect
government to do the same. Our government is a long way from a balanced
budget, but we can work at a minimum to try to get there.
Despite these realities, we are not moving forward. For the past
several weeks, Members of Congress, the President, and the press have
been participants in a circus. After 9 days, there is still no end in
sight. Let me repeat that. After 9 days of a government shutdown, there
is still no end in sight.
That is not to say there aren't some good ideas out there. Several of
my colleagues have offered a number of commonsense proposals that do
have broad support. These ideas include repeal of the medical device
tax, which was adopted by the Senate as an amendment to its budget
resolution by an overwhelming vote of 79 to 20. And this happened in
March. Other ideas include a commitment to reducing spending, as
required by current law, but we would increase the flexibility for
Federal agencies to make smarter cuts. We all agree sequestration is a
very clumsy way to cut spending.
That is why we need to provide program managers with the ability to
determine which programs are wasteful or less efficient.
It is a matter of setting priorities so we can make wise decisions.
That is the Nebraska way, and that is what we need to do in Washington
as well.
Senator Collins' sequestration proposal would also allow Congress to
continue to exercise oversight on all spending and related cuts. That
is important. Even the President has put forth ideas to cut spending by
$400 billion over the next 10 years. These offers could give us the
framework for a real discussion.
Yet we remain at an impasse, unable to move forward. A nation of
movers, thinkers, innovators, and entrepreneurs should not be caught in
neutral. We should move forward--always forward, and always building a
better future. We are the single greatest nation the world has ever
known. We have stood as a sentinel of liberty and economic prosperity
for over 200 years, yet we find ourselves no longer able to perform
even the most basic functions of government. That is not acceptable.
Our forefathers, our constituents, and our children and our
grandchildren deserve better.
I am ready to move forward. I am tired of waiting, and I am willing
to work with any of my colleagues to find a reasonable solution. So
let's get to work.
I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Blumenthal). The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BROWN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BROWN. Mr. President, I am privileged to represent the State of
Ohio, as I know the Presiding Officer is to represent Connecticut, and
the previous speaker is to represent Nebraska.
We are home to several large research facilities--medical research
facilities, aeronautics research facilities, military research
facilities, some that are overwhelmingly represented to do research in
pure science. All of them have a major impact in their communities in
terms of employment with usually very good-paying jobs--scientists,
engineers, physicians, chemists, and all kinds of people in the
natural, medical, or aeronautic sciences and all of the support staff.
These research facilities are always good for communities. And they not
only provide employment, but they provide great wealth for our country.
So much of this research helps people in their daily lives and is
commercialized into businesses, and entrepreneurs take much of this
research and applied science and create more economic activity,
prosperity, and good-paying jobs. And that is where this shutdown is
particularly problematic.
There are 800,000 Federal employees that have lost jobs as a result
of this ridiculous shutdown. I have spent much of the last several days
on the phone talking to people running these institutions, talking to
smalltown and big-city bankers, entrepreneurs, businesses, union
officials, and people who represent or run many of these organizations.
All of them think this shutdown is absolutely unnecessary.
Just a moment ago the Presiding Officer and I had a conversation, and
we both shake our heads: Why do radicals in the House of
Representatives want to inflict this kind of pain--not just on the
800,000 Federal workers, but on the contractors near these facilities,
the restaurants, hardware stores and businesses, and the school
districts that are affected because people aren't bringing home the
income and aren't paying as much taxes--all that happens when this
willful government shutdown, orchestrated because a group of people
want to attach their political platform, ideas, gimmicks, or statements
to legislation we need to pass?
It is pretty simple: Pass the continuing resolution. Keep the
government open. That is not a Democratic or Republican platform. That
is what we need to do. Don't go around attaching political statements
in a political platform to a simple ``keep the government open''
resolution.
The same on the debt ceiling. Nobody is wild about increasing the
debt ceiling. Nobody is wild about passing legislation so we don't
default. It is not a part of the 2012 Democratic platform to raise the
debt ceiling, nor is it a part of the 2012 Republican platform. So when
we have a vote, it is not negotiated: Let's add a bunch of 2012
Republican party platform rhetoric to something to raise the debt
ceiling so the government of the United States pays its bills. It is
not a Democratic or a Republican value to pay the bills this Congress
ran up. It is our duty.
We take an oath of office. I took the oath in January 2013. The
Presiding Officer took his oath. We know running the government and
paying our bills is what you do as an elected official. Those never
used to be controversial, until some radicals in the House of
Representatives decided that this is a political opportunity. We can
accuse the President of not negotiating. We can tell the public the
Democrats are willing to shut down the government. The Republican
Governor of Nevada to the Democratic majority leader from Nevada this
week called it a Republican shutdown. So it is clearly a group
of radicals.
Back to what I was saying about these great research facilities. The
Presiding Officer has them in Connecticut, I have them in Ohio, and the
Senator from Hawaii has them in her State. An administrator of one said
it is asymmetrical, killing and building a major scientific endeavor.
It is a lot harder and takes a lot longer for a group of engineers,
doctors or scientists to construct a very important scientific endeavor
than it does to kill one.
Fifty years ago, Speaker of the House Rayburn from Texas at one time
said--and I will clean this up: Any mule can kick down a barn. It takes
a carpenter to build one.
I will make it more personal. A dozen years ago I was involved in a
car accident and broke my back. I was in good health and exercised, but
for 3 days I didn't get out of bed. I remember the first day I got out
of bed and tried to walk. My leg muscles had atrophied. It takes a lot
of time to build up those leg muscles, and it took 3 days for them to
[[Page S7344]]
atrophy. I was in my late 40s then and in good shape.
That is also the way science is, in the same sense that it takes a
long time and a lot of investment of public dollars and a lot of brain
power and really high-quality, talented scientists, engineers, doctors,
or medical researchers to do these projects. And then we are going to
lay them off for 2 or 3 weeks because somebody has some political idea
they want to attach to a continuing resolution. Somebody wants to take
their political platform and put it on legislation that the government
pay its bills for their political gain.
A leader of one of these major institutions in Ohio told me he had to
bring in many of his managers and employees and tell them there were
going to be layoffs and furloughs. In some cases, with no end in sight
because of this government shutdown, what are they going to do? Their
scientific endeavors get interrupted and in some cases may not be
repaired or rebuilt. So many of the best scientists and engineers are
going to say: I am not coming back and doing this.
So the radical Republicans in the House of Representatives say: OK,
we can keep the government open if you repeal part of ObamaCare.
If the President had done that and said: OK, keep the government
open, and we will repeal this section of ObamaCare, what would have
happened next? Then there would have been another continuing resolution
or another end of the fiscal year or another opportunity these
politicians would have seized to again threaten to shut the government
down and gut something else, some other law they don't like. In other
words, if there is a law they don't like, and they are in the position,
then they are going to say: I am going to shut the government down if
you don't change this law. If the President says yes to that, what
happens the next time? Then, I am going to ask the President to get rid
of two laws I don't like or I will shut the government down or I am
going to block the government from paying its bills because I don't
like a law passed back in 1993 or 2007. We can't operate the government
like that.
NASA Glenn Research facilities, one of the great NASA facilities in
the country; Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, a major research facility
near Dayton, OH; Battelle Memorial Institute in Columbus--thousands of
employees, engineers, scientists, technicians, highly-skilled people,
very educated, run eight of the national energy labs. Case Western
Reserve University Medical School and Engineering School, Ohio State
University, University of Cincinnati--I could name one after another.
These places can't operate if every 6 months or 1 year they are subject
to a potential government shutdown unless the President does what some
radical Members of Congress want.
So when people say: First, open the government; second, pay our
bills; and, third, let's negotiate--we have already negotiated the
dollar figure on the continuing resolution. Every time the continuing
resolution expires or the fiscal year ends, every time we have to pay
our debts when the debt ceiling limit is reached--if we have to play
this game, it is going to mean a potential government shutdown or
disruption at Battelle, NASA Glenn, Ohio State's medical school funding
and research funding, and Wright-Patterson Air Force Base. If that is
the way this crowd believes we should run a government, they don't have
much regard for government.
Every time they have had a chance, they tried to privatize Medicare,
they tried to privatize Social Security. They don't like EPA, Head
Start, or Meals On Wheels. They don't like these government programs. I
understand that, but play it right. Don't threaten to close the
government unless we change the law which Congress passed, the
President signed, and the Supreme Court affirmed. But if it was my
political platform in 2012--even though it was defeated in front of
tens of millions of voters--and I don't like what you are doing, then I
am going to threaten to shut down the government. Our country is too
important and too big for that.
On an international scale, the President of the United States didn't
go to China for a major economic conference because he had to be here
because the government was shut down. Other countries--particularly
China--made fun of us. Other countries basically were asking: Is the
United States abdicating its leadership role? And the Peoples Republic
of China is not slowing down in their investment in scientific research
or modernizing their infrastructure.
If we allow this kind of government shutdown and this kind of
activity by radicals in the House of Representatives, this is not good
for our country.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, amid all the rhetoric and the blame games
and, yes, even theatrics, I want to make sure the American people
actually understand what President Obama and the majority leader are
asking us to do. Their position is that Congress should raise the debt
limit--actually suspend the debt limit through the end of 2014 and
increase our national debt by another $1.1 trillion without doing
anything to solve our underlying fiscal problems, including the $17
trillion in debt we have already run up.
I cannot imagine there is anyone in this Chamber or within the sound
of my voice who thinks that is a good idea. At some point, if we keep
maxing out our credit card rather than dealing with our debt problem,
our spending problem, we come back to the bank, so to speak, and ask
for our debt limit to be increased another $1.1 trillion, where will
this end? I can tell you where I think it will end: It will end in
disaster. Ultimately, at some point our creditors will lose confidence
in our ability to repay that money. At some point interest rates are
going to not be zero or next to zero, they will be up around the
historic average, 4 percent or 5 percent, and we will have to pay China
and our other creditors more and more of our Federal budget just to pay
interest on the national debt.
At some point that becomes unsustainable. It will hurt our national
security. It will hurt the safety net programs we all care about, to
protect our most vulnerable. Unfortunately, the President and the
majority leader remain dug in. Notwithstanding the charts we have seen
on this floor that talk about negotiations, there have been no real
negotiations. The President called Speaker Boehner last night to tell
him: In case you missed the message, Mr. Speaker, from when we met at
the White House last week, we are still not negotiating.
What is that all about? The President could have sent him a text
message with as much information as that conveyed.
I am told the President has invited the Republican Members of
Congress to the White House to meet with him tomorrow. I hope that
meeting is more productive than the meetings he has already held or the
phone conversations he has had with the Speaker. I can only hope the
President has reconsidered his unsustainable position, that he is not
willing to negotiate.
The Founders of this great country created a Constitution for us with
coequal branches of government. Congress is not better or worse than
the executive branch. We are coequal. We cannot function without one
another. We can pass a law, but it cannot become the law unless the
President signs it. The President cannot pass a law without Congress.
So we have to learn to work together.
In the context of the recent history I want to recount for everybody,
the President's refusal to negotiate is simply unsustainable and quite
remarkable. Over the last 30 years, virtually every major domestic
policy reform has involved at least some kind of bipartisan compromise.
In 1983, a conservative Republican President worked with a liberal
Speaker of the House and Senate leaders from both parties to save and
preserve Social Security. That was in 1983. At the time those Social
Security amendments were signed into law, Republicans had the same
Senate majority the Democrats have today, 54 Republicans then, 46
Democrats. Meanwhile, the Democratic House majority was significantly
larger than the Republican House majority today. Yet both sides did
what so far we have been unable to do and that is come together,
negotiate and reach an outcome. Ronald Reagan, back in 1983, then
signed that negotiated outcome into law. In the end, the majority
Senate Democrats voted for those Social Security
[[Page S7345]]
amendments, as did a majority of Senate Republicans.
Three years later, in 1986, liberal Democrats and conservative
Democrats joined together to enact another landmark reform bill. Once
again the President's party controlled the Senate but not the House.
Once again, there was not a refusal to negotiate; rather, there was a
negotiation and a bipartisan outcome--notwithstanding the normal
partisan rivalries that will always exist. In June 1986, 97 Members of
this Chamber, a massive, overwhelming supermajority, voted in favor of
the Tax Reform Act which lowered Federal income tax rates and broadened
the base. The final version of that bill was supported by a majority of
Senate Democrats and a majority of Senate Republicans as well. That was
the kind of historic accomplishment that seems to be slipping through
our fingers today by virtue of the refusal to negotiate. That was a
historic accomplishment that dramatically simplified the U.S. Tax Code
and made it more conducive to economic growth--a lesson we would do
well to recall and emulate today.
Fast forward a decade to 1996. A Democratic President, Bill Clinton,
joined together with the Republican House and Senate and, despite
partisan pressure enough to go around and all sorts of heated rhetoric,
Democrats and Republicans joined together and reformed our welfare
system, helping millions of disadvantaged people to get off welfare
rolls and make the transition from dependency to work, dignity and
self-reliance. That was a great accomplishment. In the end, 78
Senators, including most Senate Democrats and every single Senate
Republican, voted for that.
One more prominent example. In 2001, a conservative Republican
President worked with a prominent liberal Democrat to enact a major
overhaul to our education laws. Indeed, the No Child Left Behind Act
was a direct result of President Bush's negotiations and collaboration
with the late Senator Ted Kennedy. The final legislation 87 Senators
voted for, including a majority of Senate Democrats and a majority of
Senate Republicans.
I am not necessarily saying every single one of those pieces of
legislation was something that was perfect in every way. I think we
have learned there are things that still needed to be done,
particularly when it came to education reform, but the three Presidents
I mentioned, two Republicans and one Democrat, worked together to make
substantial compromises in order to pass Social Security reform, tax
reform, welfare reform, and education reform. But they also understood
that politics is the art of the possible and they did not treat the
word negotiate as a dirty four-letter word.
I want to emphasize one more time that Republicans stand ready to
work with President Obama in addressing our country's most serious
fiscal and economic challenges. Yet rather than to pursue serious good-
faith negotiations over things such as entitlement reform and tax
reform, things that would actually be good for our economy and good for
our country, President Obama decides to erect and then knock down
strawmen.
For example, when Republicans talk about entitlement reform, he says
we want to eliminate the safety net. When Republicans talk about tax
reform, he says we want to give tax breaks to rich people. That is
campaigning, that is not governing.
Here is the reality, though. Republicans do not want to eliminate the
safety net, we want to improve the safety net, particularly Medicare
and Social Security. We don't want to give special tax breaks just to
the wealthy, we want to give all Americans a simpler, flatter, fairer
Tax Code that is more conducive to economic growth. We want the type of
Tax Code the President's own bipartisan fiscal commission, Simpson-
Bowles--the recommendations they made in 2010. Yet the President
ignored it, walked away, and has done nothing to contribute to that
debate.
We understand, being elected officials ourselves, that all elected
politicians have to campaign for office. It goes with the territory.
You cannot get here unless you run for office and you win an election.
But at some point the campaign has to end. At some point we have to
govern. At some point the partisan rhetoric has to give way to actually
accomplishing things and solving problems. At some point America's
elected leadership needs to demonstrate real leadership and a
willingness to govern.
President Obama has now reached a critical point in his Presidency,
in his second term. He will be remembered for one thing or another. He
will be remembered either as a President who was willing to step up
when America needed that kind of leadership, when Congress needed
bipartisan cooperation in order to solve our Nation's biggest
challenges, or he will leave a legacy, if he does not do that, of a
President who refused to do his job in order to try to win the partisan
battles.
We need something better and America deserves better. We need a
President who will govern and not campaign perpetually.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Hawaii.
Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, our distinguished Republican whip referred
to negotiations that occurred regarding welfare reform, tax reform,
education reform, No Child Left Behind. These negotiations occurred,
yes, but they certainly occurred not in the context of a threat of a
government shutdown or the threat of government defaulting on our
obligations. There is a very big difference in the context in which
these negotiations occurred. That is not what we have before us today.
This past Saturday I came to the floor to share some thoughts on the
impact of this government shutdown on Hawaii's Federal employees. In
those remarks, I tried to remind my colleagues that we have to think
beyond the most recent news cycle. Shutting down government hurts the
confidence of the American people in our institutions. It drives people
away from public service and it undermines our national security and
our economy. If we are going to live up to the legacy of our Nation as
the world's indispensable Nation, we have to rise above zero sum
politics. We have to show our allies and our adversaries that our
political process can withstand grave disagreements. Our process is
intended to allow for vigorous debate but to ultimately find common
ground.
Over 6 months ago, the Senate passed a budget. So did the House. A
little over 6 days ago the U.S. Government shut down. How did this
happen? The reason is that Republicans have blocked now 21 attempts to
negotiate a Federal budget agreement in a timely fashion. That is how
negotiations are supposed to happen--not with the threat of a
government shutdown, not with the threat of defaulting on our
obligations and debt.
Instead, after 6 months of failing to come to the table, tea party
Republicans are holding the U.S. Government--and, if we default on our
debts, the world economy--hostage.
Enough is enough. The Senate is prepared to negotiate on fiscal
issues. The President is ready to negotiate on fiscal issues. We can
find a way forward so we can all agree on the path. But first Congress
needs to do its job. It needs to reopen the government and make sure
the United States pays its bills. These are fundamental
responsibilities.
Just to be clear, defaulting on our debt would be the most
irresponsible action I can imagine. It is the most easily avoidable
catastrophe in history. We are not talking about a natural disaster, we
are talking about a totally avoidable catastrophe. Yet some Republicans
in the House believe a default would not be a big deal. In fact, one
Member of the House actually said that a default would ``bring
stability to world markets.''
That is an opinion that no one outside of the tea party bubble agrees
with. In fact, economists, small businesses, bankers, big businesses,
realtors, and nearly everyone in between have been clear: Default would
be a catastrophe for our economy--and not just our economy either. Our
currency, our bonds, and the full faith and credit they are backed by
are the linchpin of the global economy. How a default from the world's
most trusted Nation could possibly bring stability to world markets is
incomprehensible.
We have to stop the ideological games and irresponsible rhetoric, and
then we can negotiate on fiscal issues and other policies--mindful of
the work
[[Page S7346]]
we were elected to do and mindful of the people, families, and
communities that elected us to serve them.
Today I would like to share some more stories from Hawaii families
and businesses about how the government shutdown is impacting one of
the key drivers of Hawaii's economy--tourism.
Each year millions of people from all over the world flock to Hawaii.
Our State has so much to offer. They come to enjoy our blue oceans and
sandy beaches. They come to visit our breathtaking national parks and
wildlife refugees. They also come to learn and pay respect at our
historical attractions, such as Pearl Harbor.
Last year Hawaii welcomed over 8 million visitors--a record number.
Combined, these visitors spent $42 million per day, of which $5 million
supports State and local government activities that benefit our
communities. In 2012 about 20 percent of our State's gross domestic
product was generated by tourism. That economic activity supports
175,000 jobs in Hawaii.
Due to our location in the center of the Pacific Ocean, Hawaii's
tourism industry relies on critical government services to keep people
moving and commerce flowing. These include the work done by our air
traffic controllers, our customs and TSA personnel, and agricultural
inspectors. Many of these workers are on the job, but they are not
getting paid right now. Thanks to them, our transportation systems are
operating safely and effectively. As a result, visitors are still
flocking to our resorts, our beaches, and other attractions. Even with
the tea party shutdown, 2013 is on track to be another strong year for
tourism in Hawaii.
Unfortunately, at the same time, there are small businesses around
the State that are being impacted by this shutdown. For the last 7 days
our national parks, wildlife refugees, and historical sites have been
closed to the public. These Federal sites are critical to many small
businesses, particularly in our rural communities.
Over the past week I have heard from many people--especially small
business owners--whose livelihoods are being impacted by the closure of
these Federal sites. One tour operator wrote to me:
Our business is losing money, as do our tour guides who
cannot perform the tours to the National Parks. We have to
return the money to a lot of our clients because their tours
have to be cancelled. Our tour guides are losing income as
well, as they will not be able to do the tours.
National parks are some of the main attractions in Hawaii. People
travel thousands of miles from all parts of the world, spend a lot of
money to come and visit, and then the main things that attract them are
closed and they are not able to see them. For a lot of people, these
trips are once in a lifetime, and if they don't see them now, they will
never be able to see them again.
A restaurant owner from Hawaii Island wrote:
Well, we are in a small town on the Big Island of Hawaii.
Our economy is totally tourist driven. We are dependent on
people going to the National Park and stopping at our place
to eat. Since the shutdown, our revenue has dropped a lot and
we have had to cut hours for employees to compensate for the
lack of business.
I'm tired of all this Republican childish actions and wish
all politicians would drop the partisan nonsense and do what
is right for the American People.
Thank you for your concern.
One gentleman from Maui reminded me that private businesses don't get
to pause on meeting their commitments when the government is closed. He
wrote:
My daughter and son-in-law have a tourist based clientele
for their bicycle crater tour business on Maui. When
Haleakala National Park was closed down, they lost their
income and are still having to pay office expenses, etc.,
etc., as well as their home expenses, but nothing is coming
in, as everything is going out.
They are losing hundreds to thousands of dollars a day,
their employees who have families aren't able to work with
the business closed, tourists who come to Maui to have a good
time, part of which was the bike ride down from Haleakala,
are angry and disappointed and some even think this is
somehow Maui government's fault!
He goes on to say:
My daughter has six children, mortgage payments. Money is
going out, but none is coming in. My family are diligent
middle class people who work hard, pay their taxes, vote in
every election--responsible citizens who do their part
always.
If this ridiculous federal government shutdown continues
for any length of time, my family will lose their business
and be at poverty level in no time, as will all their
employees. Everyone I know, on either side of the political
spectrum, thinks the shutdown is ridiculous and unnecessary.
I also heard about the impact of the shutdown on the visitors
themselves who go to Hawaii. One person from Hawaii whose family
members traveled to Hawaii to visit wrote:
My family has travelled 6,000 miles on a once in a lifetime
trip--sorry--no Pearl Harbor (Dad was a lifer Navy man) no
Volcanoes National Park--no Puukohola--these sites are
essential to our culture and tourism alike--many are
without work--it is just ridiculous over a LAW that has
been declared Constitutional--their antics change
nothing--just hurt our country.
Another local bed-and-breakfast owner on the Big Island shared the
perspective of some of her international guests:
Aloha, I have a bed and breakfast in Hilo and I feel sorry
for my guests who have saved for a once in a lifetime
vacation to Hawaii. They have come from all over the world to
see our Beautiful Volcano National Park! These Guests do not
understand how the government can CLOSE and deny them access
to the Park.
This week I have guests from Montreal, Canada; Singapore,
Germany, France and Japan! They may NEVER have the
opportunity to visit here again. This is Shameful for our
country. Not only is this behavior bad for our Country but
bad for the world.
The tea party shutdown is also impacting Hawaiian visitors to our
Nation's Capital. Yesterday I met with 81 students from Millilani
Middle School on Oahu. They made the long trip from Hawaii to
Washington, DC, in hopes of seeing historical sites, visiting museums,
and learning about their country and our democracy. The trip was saved
for and planned for months in advance. The sites and museums were
scheduled. Their tickets and reservations were already paid for. They
could not rebook their travel even though the shutdown has closed many
of the sites they planned to visit. I took them on a tour of the
Capitol myself because it was the only way they could see these halls
of government. These students are here to learn about our democracy.
Many of them asked me about the shutdown and how we were going to get
government back on track. What kind of message will they take home with
them about how our government operates?
These are just some of the stories that illustrate the real impact of
the tea party shutdown on communities, families, and people in Hawaii.
So many of the folks whose letters I have shared work hard to earn an
honest living. They go to work each day, striving to show our visitors
aloha while building something for themselves and their families to be
proud of. They play by the rules, meet their commitments, and do what
they can to be good community members. Yet, through no fault of their
own, many of these Hawaii small businesses are losing income and their
livelihoods are being affected.
It is past time for the House to take the responsible action to pass
the Senate bill to keep government running and services going. It is
not fair to our veterans, our students, and their families when they
can't visit our Nation's historical and national treasures just because
a small minority in Congress has chosen recklessness over
responsibility. It is not fair that this shutdown and these senseless
default threats have gone on for a week. This behavior is harming our
economy and undermining our credibility around the world. We need to
stop the tea party temper tantrum, we need to open the government, we
need to pay our bills, and then we can negotiate on other matters.
I yield the floor and note the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I appreciate the time to be on the floor.
I want to continue talking about what I think are the real problems
with where we are today.
What we are hearing in the press is that there is no agreement on a
continuing resolution, that there is conflict and lack of discussion in
Washington, that the debt limit is coming
[[Page S7347]]
up, yet Washington is not capable of solving its problems.
I made some points yesterday about the reason we are not capable of
solving our problems is that there is an absence of leadership. We are
not only bankrupt financially, we are bankrupt when it comes to our
leadership.
I want to dispel the rumor that our problems are not insolvable. They
are imminently solvable. We have $126 trillion worth of unfunded
liabilities for which Americans are responsible. We have $17 trillion
worth of debt, and we have $94 trillion of total assets in this country
if you add what the Federal Government and everybody else owns. So the
difference between $128 trillion and $94 trillion is $34 trillion, and
then another $17 trillion--that is $51 trillion we are going to have to
account for. What is in front of us--and by the way, the Affordable
Care Act will add $6.7 trillion to those outstanding liabilities net of
any tax revenues and tax increases it collects.
So what are we to do? What are the American people to think? They see
impasse, lack of conversation, lack of compromise, lack of resolution,
and no reconciliation. So I wanted to take a few minutes today to kind
of give a little history, first of all, and then outline what is
possible--I am not saying we must do it--over the next 10 years that we
could do that would put us on a pathway to where we would be solving
the problems and not leaving our children an inheritance of debt.
I made the point yesterday that the median family income in this
country today in terms of real dollars is exactly where it was in 1989.
We are going backward. We are going to go backward this year. What that
really means is that the standard of living is declining. The American
public is getting further and further behind.
One of the quotes I use--and I don't know if it is accurate--has been
attributed to Alexander Tytler, a Scottish historian. Let me read it:
A democracy--
In this case a constitutional Republic--
is always temporary in nature; it simply cannot exist as a
permanent form of government. It will continue to exist until
the time that voters discover that they can vote themselves
generous gifts from the public treasury. From that moment on,
the majority always votes with the candidates who promise the
most benefits from the public treasury, with the result that
every democracy will finally collapse due to loose fiscal
policy, which is always followed by a dictatorship.
Where are we in that line? Is $50 trillion in negative net worth not
a sign that we are going there? Is declining median family income not a
sign that we are going there?
What we have seen in this last so-called recovery is the wealthy have
done very well but nobody else has. So what we are seeing is history
repeat itself in terms of what has been outlined and observed in the
past.
Alexander Tytler was also accredited with this, but nobody can prove
it:
The average age of the world's greatest civilizations from
the beginning of history has been about 200 years. During
these 200 years, these nations always progressed through the
following sequence: From bondage to spiritual faith; from
spiritual faith to great courage; from courage to liberty;
from liberty to abundance; from abundance to complacency;
from complacency to apathy; from apathy to dependence; from
dependence back into bondage.
I think we are somewhere in here, if history speaks accurately, or at
least his observation of history.
So what we ought to be about is making sure we cheat history--all of
us, together, liberals, conservatives, Democrats, Republicans,
Independents--we ought to be about cheating history. How do we do that?
Are the problems we have in front of us so big that we can't solve
them? I don't think so. Are positions so hardened that we can't think
in a long-term way about solving the problems that are in front of our
country?
When we talk about the debt ceiling--I have been accosted a lot in
the news media in the last 48 hours because I don't believe the debt
ceiling equals default on our obligations in terms of our sovereign
debt. It just so happens Moody's, the rating agency, agreed with me
today; that, in fact, they are not the same thing and they say there
should be no effect. That doesn't mean we should. I am not proposing we
should. But the scare tactics of saying the Earth is going to collapse
if we somehow fail on time to raise the debt limit is not true. The
Earth will collapse for Americans if we don't address the underlying
problems facing our country--this $50 trillion in unfunded liability
and negative net worth.
Here is what we know has happened in the last few years, and it
proves the point. It is why median family income is going down. It is
because our debt is growing twice as fast as our economy.
Here is our GDP increase over the last few years: $1.199 trillion.
Here is our debt: It went up $2.405 trillion. To say that another way,
that is 2.4 billion millions. These numbers are unfathomable, but the
graph shows it all. Our GDP has increased. So what is happening is that
for every $1 in debt we go into, we are getting a deepening decrease in
return in our economy, and it is continuing to go down. So the more we
borrow, the less well off we are in terms of being able to grow our
economy. So the problems in front of us and what we see is what I would
say as careerists don't want to solve the problem because the thing
that comes to the careerist's mind is how does that effect the next
election.
I don't care what happens in the next election in this country; what
I care about is whether we are going to address the real problems and
secure the future for the country. Whether they be Democrats or
Republicans, liberals or conservatives, I don't care. We are all in
this together. When our living standard goes down, we all go down
together.
So how do we solve this problem? The first thing in any addiction--
and we have an addiction to spending--is to recognize we have an
addiction. We have an addiction to spending. We have an addiction to
not living within our means. We just passed $600 billion in January of
increased taxes on the American economy, most of that coming from the
people who are doing much better during this tepid recovery. Will that
solve our problems? Can we tax our way out of this? Can we have
confiscatory tax policies that will not hurt our economy and get us out
of this? The answer is no, and everybody recognizes it.
What else does everybody recognize? They recognize that a big portion
of the problem is entitlement spending, and no political party wants to
be blamed for being the person who ``fixed'' entitlement spending
unless we do it together. So we have a great opportunity to, together,
modify our mandatory spending programs and make significant savings.
But having spent the last 9 years with my colleague from Delaware who
is on the floor oversighting the Federal Government, I can tell my
colleagues there are more things we can do other than that.
So I thought I would spend a few minutes to go over a publication I
put out a couple of summers ago, and it is called ``Back in Black.'' It
is not perfect. I will be the first to admit it. I know we will not
ever pass $9 trillion worth of savings over 10 years. But here is $9
trillion worth of options we could look at and take half of them and
actually get on the road to health.
What would getting on the road to health look like? It would be
rising personal incomes, not declining personal incomes as we are
seeing today. It would be rising median family incomes. It would be
faster economic growth.
Mr. President, am I out of time?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has used his 10 minutes.
Mr. COBURN. My request was for 30 minutes when I came to the floor.
Evidently, that wasn't made. Is the order of the day 10 minutes?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is.
Mr. COBURN. I would ask for just a short period of additional time if
my colleague from Delaware would allow it.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. CARPER. May I ask unanimous consent that the doctor be afforded
another 10 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. COBURN. I will spend some time tomorrow then going through what
this is. But it is solving our problem in such a way that it doesn't
kick the can down the road, which is what we are getting ready to do.
What I would say in conclusion is by increasing the debt limit, we
let the politicians off the hook because then
[[Page S7348]]
they don't have to make the hard choices required for us to live within
our means.
Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, I have a parliamentary inquiry, if I may.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware will state his
inquiry.
Mr. CARPER. I have no objection; I can stay 10 minutes, 20 minutes. I
would like for the Senator from Oklahoma Dr. Coburn to have a chance to
explain what he wanted to say. I don't mean to interrupt.
Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I would just inquire if there are other
speakers after Senator Carper.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is no apparent order of speakers, and if
there is no objection, the Senator from Oklahoma can take an additional
20 minutes.
Mr. COBURN. I thank the Chair. I truly thank my colleague. He is a
great colleague to work with. People are always telling stories about
how people don't work together. I can tell my colleagues that the
Senator from Delaware Mr. Carper and I work together. He is my
chairman, and I am the ranking member on the Homeland Security and
Governmental Affairs Committee, where most of this information came
from, and he helped dig it up.
What I say is we have an opportunity to do that. We have an
opportunity for Democrats and Republicans to come together, forge a
compromise, make major changes that are necessary and absolutely
required if we are going to have a secure future. I think we ought to
look at it.
So we put together a plan that has $3 trillion--that is $300 billion
over 10 years--in discretionary spending; that is nonmandatory. It has
$1 trillion in defense spending, which is about what we already have.
Health care entitlements is $2.7 trillion, and we can go into the
details of that. Tax Code simplification, $1 trillion to come back to
the Federal Government. Interest payment savings of $1.3 trillion, and
Social Security reform that says it will be healthy for the next 75
years. That comes to $9 trillion that our kids aren't going to have to
pay back. That is $9 trillion in money we are not going to borrow. So
even if we just took half of that--$4.5 trillion--and said we are going
to get on the path to health, we are going to float that $3 trillion
that is sitting in cash in Americans' bank accounts and give them the
confidence back to invest it in our country, it would make a massive
difference in our country because what is going on right now is a
crisis of confidence.
The American people don't trust Congress. I think we got a pretty low
rating this week and deservedly so. The approval rating of President
Obama is at his alltime low. So how do we fix that? We don't fix that
individually. We don't fix that by pointing out what is wrong with the
other person. We fix that by coming together and solving real problems
that will give the American people confidence that we have their best
interests at heart--not in the short term, as Alexander Tytler was
talking about, but in the long term; that, in fact, we want to secure
the future for our kids and grandkids.
I think we ought to be about cutting up the credit card. I know I am
in the minority in the Senate. I don't believe we should have another
debt limit increase. I think the thing to force us to make these hard
choices--because there is certainly not the political will to do it--is
to put ourselves in the position where we are forced to make the hard
choices.
We are going to make them eventually. Everybody agrees with that. We
are basically going to make these changes because there will come a
time when we will not be able to borrow money no matter what interest
rate we pay. So we are not talking about defaulting on our sovereign
debt. We are not talking about not paying interest on our sovereign
debt. We are talking about forcing ourselves into a position where we
have to prioritize what we spend.
What do the GAO reports tell us? In the last 3 years, the GAO has
given Congress wonderful information which Congress has not acted on.
What have they told us? They have told us we have 91 different health
care workforce training programs--91. They have told us we have 679
renewable energy initiatives, none of which have a metric on them. They
have told us we have 76 different drug abuse and prevention programs
run by the Federal Government. They have told us the Department of
Defense has 159 different contracting organizations, none of them being
held accountable. They have told us that at Homeland Security, where
Senator Carper and I chair and vice chair the committee, they have six
different R&D facilities, three of which are doing exactly the same
thing. We have 209 science, technology, engineering, and math
programs--209. We have 200 different crime prevention programs. We have
160 homeowners and renters assistance programs. We have 94 private
sector green building assistance programs, none with a metric, and the
agencies don't even know how much money they are spending on them. They
told us we have 82 teacher quality programs run by the Federal
Government, half of which are not in the Department of Education. I
will not continue, but my colleagues get my point.
What have we done about those things? Nothing. Where is the oversight
on them? There is none. So the whole idea for me--I am thinking about
the future more than I am a political career--is I think we ought to be
working on those things. I think the American public expects us to work
on them.
I will finish by saying we have been running the credit card for a
long time. Do we, in fact, have the right or the privilege or the
ability to ask for an extension and a raising of our debt when, in
fact, we have not acted responsibly with our spending? Nobody else in
the country gets their credit raised when they have not acted
responsibly. They actually check your credit score. They know what kind
of bills you are paying, whether you are getting further behind. So
should we, in fact, tear up the credit card? Should we force some good
old adult supervision on Congress, where we will actually be forced to
make difficult decisions about priorities on how we spend America's
money? When I say ``America's money,'' I mean the people out there
working hard every day. They may not be the highest tax payers, but it
is unconscionable to me that when we spend their money, we are wasting
15 to 20 percent of it all the time.
So I think we ought to tear it up. The way we tear it up is we just
tear it up. We tear the credit card up. We shred the credit card, and
we say: You are going to live within your means. You are going to start
making the hard choices. You are addicted to spending. You are addicted
to not being responsible with the dollars you have.
Congress needs to be in a 12-step program, and it should start with
us.
Mr. President, I thank my colleague the Senator from Delaware for his
patience and his friendship.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, Dr. Coburn is a tough act to follow, and I
am not going to try to do that. But I am happy to serve with him. We
come from different parts of the country, different kinds of training,
upbringing, and careers, but we have ended up here together in the
Senate for the last 9 years and have had an opportunity to lead, first,
the subcommittee on Federal financial management--it is a subcommittee
of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee--and this
year to be the Democratic and Republican leaders of the committee. I
enjoy working with him. I find that we have the opportunity to do some
really good for our country, and I thank him for letting me be his
wingman.
I want to just follow on with what Dr. Coburn has said, by asking us
to think of how we spend money and what we spend it for in this
government of ours. Then I actually have an op-ed that I read recently
in our local paper in Delaware that I would like to read into the
Record from Dr. Bob Laskowski, who is the CEO and the president of
Christiana Care Health System, one of the largest hospital systems not
just in our State but one of the largest in our part of the country.
Before I do that, I want to follow on to some of Dr. Coburn's
comments by talking about our spending in the Federal Government. I
would like to think of it as a pie. It is a big pie. A little more than
half of the spending pie goes for something we call entitlements--
things we are entitled to by virtue of our age, our station in life, or
we might
[[Page S7349]]
be entitled to Medicare if we are 65 or older, or Medicare if we are
disabled and unable to work, or we may be entitled to early Social
Security benefits at age 62, full retirement Medicare benefits 5 or so
years after that. We may be entitled to benefits because we served in
the military or we are a veteran or somebody with a disability. Those
are all programs that are called entitlement programs. A lot of people
say they are uncontrollable, we cannot do anything to control them, and
they have grown like Topsy.
Today, if you think of the spending pie, over half of it is for
entitlement. Roughly, closer to another 5 to 10 percent of spending
today is for interest on the debt. If interest rates were not so low,
it would be a lot more than 5 or 10 percent. Fortunately, we are
blessed to have very low interest rates, but still our interest as a
percentage of that pie is somewhere, I think, between 5 and 10 percent.
The whole rest of the Federal government is called discretionary
spending, which means we actually have some discretion on how that
money is spent. It is not an entitlement program, but we actually have
to pass spending bills. We call them, usually, appropriations bills.
There are about a dozen of them that cover everything from agriculture
to defense, to housing, to the environment, to education, to
transportation--you name it. That part of the budget--roughly, close to
40 percent, 35 to 40 percent--is called discretionary spending. More
than half of that discretionary spending is for defense--I would say
roughly 20 percent of the whole pie, maybe a little more than 20
percent. About 15 percent of the whole pie--a little less than half of
the discretionary spending--is for nondefense matters.
So if you think about it, it goes something like this: For the
spending pie, over half of it is entitlements. Allegedly, those are
things we cannot reduce, control. I do not agree with that. Another 5
or 10 percent is for interest. Then we have roughly 40 percent for
discretionary spending, the lion's share of which is for defense, and a
little less than half of it is for nondefense spending. Think about
that--entitlements, interest, defense spending. You set that aside, and
for the whole rest of the government you have about 15 percent. That is
domestic or nondefense discretionary spending.
We could actually eliminate domestic discretionary spending in its
entirety--get rid of everything, everything we do in government other
than entitlement programs, interest, and defense--and we would still
have a deficit.
For people who say we can only focus on domestic discretionary
spending or squeeze that to reduce the deficit further, the deficit is
down from about $1.4 trillion about 4 years ago to about half that
today. So we have made progress. It is still way too big, but we cannot
get from here to where we want to go in terms of a balanced budget by
just focusing on domestic discretionary spending.
I would like to say there are three things we need to do. Dr. Coburn
has heard me say this more times than he wants to remember. The
Presiding Officer has heard me say it a time or two as well.
There are three things we need to do if we are serious about deficit
reduction, facing the reality of today.
No. 1, entitlement reform. These are the President's words:
entitlement reform that saves money, entitlement reform that saves
these programs for our kids and our grandchildren, and entitlement
reform--these are my words--entitlement reform that does not savage old
people or poor people, but it is sensitive to the least of these in our
society.
The second thing we need to do is to focus on revenues. We need some
more revenues. If you look at our country last year, when our deficit
was about $700 billion--the year we just finished--as I recall, revenue
as a percentage of gross domestic product was somewhere in the area of
17 percent, maybe 18 percent--revenue as a percentage of GDP. Spending
as a percentage of GDP was over 20 percent, maybe around 21, 22, 23
percent.
The difference between revenues as a percentage of GDP down here at
17, 18, 19 percent of GDP and spending at 21, 22, or 23 percent, that
difference right there is about a $700 billion deficit from the last
year.
At the end of the day we need to make the revenues come closer to,
actually, the spending. I suggest that we need to take a page out of
the book they did in the second term of President Bill Clinton when we
had run chronic deficits since 1968. President Clinton asked Erskine
Bowles, who was then his Chief of Staff, to work with a Republican
Senate and Republican House--a Republican Congress--to see if we could
come up with a budget plan that included revenues, included spending,
to actually balance the budget.
As we all know the story, famously it worked. A Democratic President,
working with a Republican House and Senate, with the help of Erskine
Bowles and Sylvia Mathews--now Sylvia Mathews Burwell, who was
Erskine's Deputy Chief of Staff, later Deputy OMB Director--they got
the job done. They reached across the aisle and worked it out. The
deficit reduction plan was a 50-50 deal--50 percent on the revenue side
and 50 percent on the spending side. They grew the heck out of the
economy. As a result, we had four balanced budgets in a row--I think
1998, 1999, 2000, and 2001.
Harry Truman used to say: The only thing that is new in the world is
the history we forgot and never learned. I think as we try to figure
out what to do with today's deficits and how to get on an even more
fiscally responsible track, it would be smart to look back about 15
years and see how it worked then.
For folks who might be watching this around the country, we actually
have a budget law. I think our budget law was adopted in 1974. There is
an expectation in our Nation's budget law for the President to present
us in the Congress with a budget--one budget, not a capital budget and
an operating budget but one budget. It is different from the States. It
is different from my State, where I was Governor of Delaware for 8
years, where we have a capital budget and an operating budget. But we
have one budget.
The President usually submits a budget in January, maybe February.
This year it was a little late. The expectation here in the Congress,
under the law, is that by, say, the end of April--a couple months
later--the House and the Senate would have passed something called a
budget resolution.
A budget resolution--what is that? It is not a budget. A budget
resolution is a framework for a budget. It includes not nitty-gritty
line-item spending plans for everything--defense and nondefense--but it
says, roughly, we will spend this much in these programs, and
generally, we will raise this much money in these ways from these
revenue sources. It is not very specific, but it is a framework for the
budget. I like to think of it as the skeleton, and later on, when we
pass appropriations bills, when we pass revenue measures, we put the
meat on the bones. That is where the real specificity comes along.
For a number of years we have not been able to pass in the Senate, in
the House, a budget resolution--they are usually different--and then go
to conference, create a conference committee to create a compromise. We
have found it difficult to actually come up with a compromise budget
resolution--a compromise, a spending plan, a framework for the
appropriations bills and revenue measures.
This year started more promising because in the Senate here, in
April, under the leadership of our Senate Budget Committee chairman
Patty Murray of Washington, we actually passed a budget resolution--
sadly, without Republican support. We passed one, and it was one of
those like the Clinton years, a 50-50 deficit reduction deal. It did
not eliminate the deficit, but it kept it going in the right track.
Half of the deficit reduction was on the spending side, half on the
revenue side.
Over in the House, they passed a different kind of budget resolution.
The budget resolution they passed did a little entitlement reform. But
that 15 percent of the spending pie I was talking about--the 15 percent
that is domestic discretionary spending--was reduced, as I recall, from
15 percent to like 5 percent. Think about that. We would be talking
about--aside from entitlement spending, interest on the debt, and
defense spending--having about the whole rest of the government be like
5 percent of our spending. That is not my vision of what our government
[[Page S7350]]
should be about. That is not my vision. And I do not think that is the
vision of a lot of people in this body and in this country.
So the three things we need to do: No. 1, entitlement reform. It
saves money, saves the programs. It does not savage old people, poor
people. The second thing, we need some additional revenues.
I remember Kent Conrad, when he was our Budget Committee chairman,
gave a presentation at a meeting a year or so ago. He talked about
revenues. He talked about tax expenditures. As to the tax expenditures
that he talked about, he said over the next 10 years we will see about
$12 to $15 trillion go out of the Treasury because of tax breaks--tax
credits, tax deductions, tax loopholes, the tax gap--$12 to $15
trillion go out of the Treasury for those tax expenditures. He said
more money will come out of the Treasury for those tax expenditures--
tax breaks, tax credits, tax deductions, tax loopholes--than all the
appropriations bills we are going to pass. Think about that.
He said we have a new way to appropriate money, we just do it through
the Tax Code. I would say to our Republican and Democratic friends,
this is where I think Senator Conrad was coming from. If we cannot
figure out how out of $12 or $15 trillion of tax expenditures a year,
maybe 5 percent of those that could be reduced or could be eliminated
because they serve no useful purpose, something is wrong with us. If we
can do 5 percent of, say, just $12 trillion in those tax expenditures,
5 percent would be about $600 billion over the next 10 years. Match
that with entitlement spending reductions, that is about $1.2 trillion.
That is a pretty good next step to take in narrowing our deficit on top
of what we have already done.
The third piece, in addition to entitlement reform that saves money,
saves the programs for the long haul, and does not savage old people or
poor people, some additional revenue, generally from eliminating or
reducing tax expenditures, the third piece--and Dr. Coburn was talking
a little bit about this. He was talking about the way we spend money.
We have a culture in the Federal Government. We have had it for a long
time. Big companies have this culture too, and some States as well as
counties and cities. I call it a culture of spend thrifts as opposed to
a culture of thrift. What Dr. Coburn and I attempt to do with the folks
on our committee is look at everything we do in the Federal Government
to the extent that one committee can. We like to work with the Office
of Management and Budget, OMB, with the General Accountability Office,
GAO, the Office of Personnel Management, with the General Services
Administration, all of the inspector generals across the agencies,
throughout the Federal Government. We like to work with nonprofit
groups such as Citizens Against Government Waste and others.
We do this in order to figure out what we are doing. How are we
spending the taxpayers' money? Are there ways we can do those things,
realize the goals we are trying to achieve, by spending less money or
getting better results for the same amount of money? We need to do that
in everything.
One of my colleagues said to me, when I said I was coming over to
speak tonight: What are you going to talk about?
I said I think I will talk about regular order. We talk a fair amount
about regular order around this place. We do not always follow it.
Regular order, for the people watching who are tuned in wondering what
is regular order, means following the rules. In this case, we have a
Budget Act that says the President submits a budget the early part of
the calendar year. Congress adopts a budget resolution. We do that
about the beginning of May. Then we do our work on preparing
appropriations bills and revenue measures. In order to go to a
conference on a budget resolution, we have to get agreement. The
majority leader will come or the Budget Committee chair will come to
the floor and say: I ask unanimous consent to go to conference with the
House and to name conferees and begin working out a compromise between
the House and the Senate.
For many years it was perfunctory. The unanimous consent request was
made. We would go to conference with the House. We would go to work on
a budget resolution between the two bodies. This year, every time that
request has been made--and it has been made dozens of times by
Democrats and by at least one Republican--dozens of times--there has
always been an objection to keep us from going to conference to work
out this compromise.
As much as anything, we need to create an environment where we can
focus on doing the three things I talked about: entitlement reform, tax
reform that raises some revenues through deficit reduction, and try to
focus on everything we do and say how do we get a better result, how do
we get a better result for less money or the same amount of money.
I would say to my Republican colleagues who continue to object: Stop.
Please stop. Let us actually have a chance to gather in a room in this
building and see what we can hammer out to address, not a short-term
continuing resolution but actually a thoughtful, comprehensive spending
plan as we did 15, 16 years ago when the Republicans were in the
majority here, House and Senate, and we had a Democratic President. We
got the job done and helped to continue the longest running economic
expansion in the history of this country.
I mentioned Bob Laskowski, president and CEO of Christiana Care
Health System, a large regional health care system. He did a great job.
We are very proud of him in our State. They provide care to a lot of
people. He is a doctor and a health system leader. I thought his
perspectives on health care reform and the Affordable Care Act were
important enough to share on the floor.
This comes from an op-ed that appeared in one of our local statewide
papers called the News Journal, a Gannett publication. His op-ed was in
the News Journal this past week. I am going to read it. It is not that
long. It goes like this:
With some in Washington promising to speak out against
implementation of the Affordable Care Act until they ``can no
longer stand,'' it might be a useful reality check to visit
an emergency room in any town or city across America.
He goes on to say:
There you will find thousands of Americans each day that
really cannot stand. It is not just because an injury,
illness or disease has put them on their backs.
Too often, it is because an eminently treatable ailment has
been allowed to turn into something much worse--for the
simple reason that the patient doesn't have health insurance
and couldn't afford to see a doctor until things became so
bad that the emergency room was their only option.
In the continuing cacophony of criticism around so-called
ObamaCare, this crucial fact keeps being lost: Our health
care system remains badly broken--and in the absence of
reform, it will continue to get a lot worse.
I see this--as a physician and as a health care executive;
but more importantly, I experience this as the friend of too
many neighbors with no health insurance.
He goes on to say:
I think that might be the reason why 3 in 4 Americans
surveyed in a recent Pew Research poll say they oppose
efforts to sabotage the law: because they know that the
people threatening to derail and defund the Affordable Care
Act are not offering a better solution.
Ironically, the part of the Affordable Care Act that we are
attempting to implement and stand up across the country right now, the
health exchanges or marketplaces, is a Republican idea. It was first
offered as an alternative to HillaryCare back in the first term of
President Clinton. It is a Republican idea, a business idea.
But I do not care whether it is a Democratic or Republican idea. It
is a smart idea to use large purchasing pools, enable people who
otherwise would buy health insurance for one person or five people or
for a small business--it is a way for them to bring down the cost of
their care, use competition to get better options. It is a smart idea.
The idea of another criticism, the individual mandates, people being
individually mandated to get health care and if they did not they would
maybe face some kind of fine--modest at first, it grows in time--that
is not a Democratic idea. Ironically, that is an idea we got out of
Massachusetts. The author, the Governor who signed it into law, was the
Republican nominee for President last year, Mitt Romney.
So what we have tried to do is take some Republican ideas and some
Democratic ideas and, frankly, some good ideas.
[[Page S7351]]
And over half of those who ``oppose'' the law today, say
they want it fixed, not scrapped.
I agree with that--fixed, not scrapped.
They know that in the absence of reform, there are still
too many people who use the emergency room as their only
source of medical care; too many families and businesses who
cannot keep up with the ever-rising cost of health care
premiums; and too many Americans who find nothing but
frustration when navigating our health care system--who still
fill out too many forms, are prescribed too many tests that
do not help them and get passed from office to office without
anyone guiding them overall care.
Beginning [last week], millions of uninsured Americans
began to shop for quality, affordable health care through the
health insurance marketplaces. These marketplaces are a key
element of the Affordable Care Act and represent an important
step toward putting quality health care within reach of all
Americans.
Just as Medicare has enabled seniors to get the care they
need to live longer and healthier lives, increasing access to
health insurance is vital to unlocking a healthier country,
by ensuring something that millions of Americans do not have
today: The opportunity to stay healthy through regular doctor
visits rather than seeking help only when they get sick.
In some cases very sick.
It is worth remembering: Health care reform is not about
special interests. It is about people like us, our families
and our neighbors. It is about fellow parishioners and Little
League coaches. It is about a neighbor who cuts himself
making dinner and a spouse who finds a worrisome lump.
Everyone we know and everyone we love--will need our health
care system at some point. Three years after America debated
the need for health care reform, millions of Americans who
work hard, pay taxes, and raise families still cannot afford
to see a doctor. That is wrong.
And even though the resistance of some states to fully
adopt the Affordable Care Act will tragically still leave
some families in those states in the lurch, we now at long
last have the unprecedented opportunity to create a system
that will work better for us all.
We should also remember: Over time, the Affordable Care Act
promises to improve the system as much for the shrinking
majority of Americans who have health insurance as for those
who do not.
Access is just the first step. The act provides a blueprint
for a new model of care, one that rewards doctors for more
coordinated care. Here at Christiana Care [and throughout
Delaware] we have seen what happens when we provide that kind
of care through reengineered medical practices, known as
``medical homes,'' where doctors are enabled to not only
efficiently meet patients' needs but to anticipate them as
well.
This coordinated approach makes getting care simpler and
makes the lives of those getting care easier. It makes
quality better; and, by making care simpler, better, and more
accessible, it saves money.
No law as big or ambitious as the ACA can possibly get it
all right on the first try. But let us not forget: When
Medicare was signed into law, critics warned seniors would
languish in long lines, and that we would all long for the
good old days before reform took place.
Today, Medicare has helped hundreds of millions of
Americans live longer, healthier lives--while reducing the
poverty rate among seniors by 75 percent.
Dr. Laskowski goes on to write:
I believe if these historic changes are given a chance, we
will collectively create a system that is defined not by
volume, but by value. Over the next several years, I know we
can make health care in America more ``people focused'' and
less transactional by realizing the best way to provide
better outcomes at lower cost is by partnering with patients.
As we in health care listen to our patients, we will learn
what our patients truly value. Then we will be able to free
up resources to help patients get healthy faster and stay
well.
The Affordable Care Act is a map toward that future.
History is being made.
I will close by saying: While many of our colleagues argue that the
Affordable Care Act will lead to rising insurance costs and lost jobs,
the truth is that in Delaware and throughout the rest of the country,
millions of Americans are already learning they will be able to find
quality health care, insurance plans for a more affordable price.
In Delaware and much of the country, millions of Americans will be
able to find quality insurance plans for less than $100 a month. I have
told my constituents and my colleagues since this debate over health
care reform began, this law is not written in stone. We want to make
the law better wherever we can, just as we have made the Medicare
prescription drug program better, which was largely supported by
Republicans. But we actually made it better in the Affordable Care Act.
I would urge my Republican colleagues to enable us to reopen our
government, to reassure Americans and our creditors in this country and
around the world that we will honor our debts. Then let's get to work
right away to improve the Affordable Care Act and these insurance
marketplaces and come to a consensus on a bipartisan budget resolution
that lays out a spending plan that will get us from where we are to
where we need to be.
Last word. I spent some time in the Navy, and the Presiding Officer
spent some time in the military. One of the Presiding Officer's sons
may be on Active Duty today. Some of the time we used to fly in and out
of Japan in Navy P-3 airplanes.
I learned not long ago that in Japan they spend about 8 percent of
GDP for health care. In this country, we spend about 17 or 18 percent.
Think about that. They spend 8 percent of GDP for health care. We spend
17 or 18 percent. They get better results. For the most part they have
lower rates of infant mortality and higher rates of life expectancy
than we do.
The other thing is they cover everybody. Tonight when folks go to bed
in this country, this evening some 40 million will go to bed without
health care coverage. The Japanese, smart as they are, cannot be that
smart. We cannot be that dumb. We cannot be that dumb.
There are ways to get better results for less money, including in the
provision of health care. We can work together. If we work together, we
can make that a reality.
The last thing I will say is I think the Presiding Officer has heard
me tell how I love to ask people who have been married a long time what
the secret is for being married 40, 50, 60, 70 years. People give me
very funny answers. Some are actually hysterical. But every now and
then some of them are serious, almost poignant. And I will close with
one of them tonight.
A couple of years ago I met a couple who had been married over 50
years.
I said to them: What is the secret for being married 55 years?
They said: The two Cs.
The two Cs.
I said: What is that?
They said: Communicate and compromise.
Think about that. Communicate and compromise. I said: That is pretty
good advice.
I got to thinking about it later, and I thought that is also some
pretty good advice and maybe the secret for a vibrant democracy--to
communicate and to compromise. We think we were willing to compromise
on the short-term spending resolution that is the continuing resolution
by agreeing to the numbers set by the Republican House leaders. They do
not regard that as a compromise, but I think it was an attempt to
compromise.
We need to find compromises in a conference on the budget resolution.
That is where we should put our money, that is where we should put our
efforts in the weeks to come.
I would add one more C. Communicate and compromise, as important as
they are, maybe a third C would be collaborate. That would be a good
one to add. So three Cs: Communicate, compromise and collaborate. It is
what the American people sent us here to do.
I know the Presiding Officer feels that way, and so do I, as does Dr.
Coburn. There are a bunch of us who feel that way. So let's do that.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, pending before the Senate is a unanimous
consent request on H. Con. Res. 58, a bill to urge the Department of
Defense to allow military chaplains to perform duties during the
shutdown.
Earlier today, I objected to this bill because I misunderstood its
purpose, and I would like to withdraw that objection at this time.
The bill will urge the Department of Defense to allow military
chaplains, including contract personnel, to perform religious services
during the shutdown and permit services to take place on property owned
by the Department of Defense.
Today, just as the Department of Defense and the administration
solved the
[[Page S7352]]
problem with military families and their death benefits upon the loss
of one of their loved ones serving our country, I urge, and I know
others will as well, the DOD to ensure that all active-duty members are
able to exercise their First Amendment rights and participate in
religious ceremonies while they are serving. So that is something I
hope we can resolve.
I also want to raise some issues that relate to the shutdown. I
raised some earlier, but these are additional concerns I have with
regard to the shutdown.
The impact of this shutdown is being felt across the board, across
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and, indeed, across the country. It
is felt by small businesses, States and municipalities are feeling it
already and anticipating much more of an impact as time goes by, and,
of course, families are feeling it very acutely. Yesterday I sent a
letter to Speaker Boehner emphasizing the detrimental impact the
shutdown was having on my constituents in Pennsylvania.
Just by way of a couple of examples that apply to Pennsylvania and to
the Nation, domestic violence programs across the country have been
impacted directly by the shutdown. The offices that oversee grants
under the Violence Against Women Act have had to shut down and are not
able to issue grants or provide reimbursements to local programs.
I would say parenthetically that it took many months for the Violence
Against Women Act reauthorization to go forward. There were a lot of
problems along the way, a lot of objections. Fortunately, we have the
program reauthorized, but now, because of the shutdown, we are having
problems with women who are victims of violence getting the services
they are entitled to.
We are hearing as well from folks in our domestic violence shelters--
shelters that rely upon Federal funds and that have already been
impacted by the sequester--the across-the-board indiscriminate cuts
that have been in effect since March. These shelters may have to
further reduce services to vulnerable victims of domestic violence.
In the words of one State advocate: We are hanging on by our
fingernails.
Meaning they are hanging on in terms of just being able to provide
services, with funding either limited or funding being jeopardized.
Women trying to escape abusive relationships should not be hampered
by the failures here in Washington to end this shutdown.
In terms of Social Security, we know Social Security checks are going
out, fortunately, but in Pennsylvania, on average, 2,900 new claims are
processed each week. That is the typical weekly total for new claims.
This means Pennsylvanians who have reached retirement age and have paid
into the system their entire careers are now forced to wait for
benefits.
You have to ask yourself: Why should a domestic violence center, with
people who work to help domestic violence victims, have to wait for a
political dispute where one wing of one party engaged in an ideological
exercise allows a government shutdown, and, therefore, that domestic
violence center doesn't get the help it needs, and the women, mostly
women who are impacted, don't get the help they need.
The same could be said of someone who reaches retirement age and
expects, and has a right to expect, their Social Security eligibility
will be processed. Why should they have to wait for Washington?
In Pennsylvania alone, when it comes to small businesses, 30 loans,
on average, are made each week by the SBA, for a total of $13 million
each and every week. The loss of these loans is hindering entrepreneurs
from growing their businesses and from obtaining much-needed capital.
Again, why should a business owner--a small businessperson who gets
help from the SBA and has an expectation of getting that help--and,
remember, we average 30 of those loans every week in Pennsylvania
amounting to $13 million--why should that all be stopped because
someone in Washington has an ideological point to make? It makes no
sense, and it is an outrage.
The shutdown is also impacting infrastructure in public lands across
the country. Until the government is open, the maintenance of our
Nation's basic infrastructure is impacted. In Pennsylvania, a lot of
that basic infrastructure involves our waterways--the locks and dams.
That whole system which is in place for Pennsylvania and many other
States, the maintenance of those locks and dams, is deferred. We all
know what happens when you defer maintenance on something as
fundamental as infrastructure.
I have been informed that repairs that were scheduled to take place
on locks along the Lower Monongahela River in western Pennsylvania are
suspended. If you have a problem with those, with a lock--and locks and
dams generally, but in particular focusing on the Monongahela River--
you stop the flow of commerce or you slow it down substantially. When
you slow down or stop the flow of commerce, that affects jobs and the
economy of southwestern Pennsylvania. If just one of these locks were
to fail, it could have a detrimental economic impact on the whole
region.
How about national parks? We have heard a lot about that topic this
week and last week. The closure of national parks is negatively
impacting Pennsylvania's economy. According to the National Park
Service, the communities and businesses surrounding Pennsylvania's
national parks and memorials are losing up to $5.7 million in spending
by nonlocal visitors for each week the government remains closed. That
is just national parks and just in Pennsylvania--almost $6 million--and
that is just the beginning of what could be a much more substantial and
detrimental impact to the State's economy.
I would go back to the point I made several times--and all of us have
made these arguments in different ways--and that is that we know for
sure there is a very simple way out of this predicament for Washington
but, more importantly, for the country, and that is for the Speaker to
put on the floor a bill which both parties now agree will pass. It is a
clean funding bill. All it does is fund the operations of the
government, albeit at a much lower level--$70 billion less--than our
side wanted.
We compromised greatly at the beginning of this process, despite what
some have said. So we have compromised to make sure we can fund the
government. It is about time for the Speaker to put this bill on the
floor. They can vote on it very quickly, and it would pass very
quickly. It is only 16 pages long. And that is the key to resolving and
ending this tea party shutdown.
I urge the Speaker to do that. I have urged him, as we all have in
various ways, and we respectfully suggest that could happen tomorrow.
Thursday would be a good day to end all of this so we can get people
back to work, we can have the functions of government operating to such
an extent the economy can grow, and we can have a lot of debate and
discussion about how to fund the government long term or what to do
about our fiscal challenges--what to do about a whole range of issues.
But it is time for the government to open, and it is time for the House
to act to do that.
It is also time to make sure we pay our bills.
Thirdly, it is important we continue to negotiate, just as we
negotiated a long time ago, many weeks ago, to reach the point where we
can have a bill that would fund the operations of the government.
Some people in the House chose to take a different path which led to
the shutdown. It is about time we get them back on the right path,
which is to open the government, pay our bills, and then have
negotiations and discussions and compromises to move the country
forward.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
____________________