[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 103 (Thursday, July 18, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5787-S5794]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
TRANSPORTATION, HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT, AND RELATED AGENCIES
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2014--MOTION TO PROCEED--Continued
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Colorado is recognized.
Mr. BENNET. Madam President, I ask to speak as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Commemorating the Aurora Tragedy
Mr. BENNET. Madam President, on Saturday, July 20, Colorado will
commemorate a solemn anniversary because a year ago, almost exactly to
the day, in Aurora, CO, a theater full of people, who at that moment
wanted nothing more than to escape the heat and enjoy a movie with
their family and with friends, found themselves in the middle of a
senseless and violent tragedy. A gunman opened fire and took 12 lives a
year ago, innocent people, loved by family and by friends. He
physically wounded scores of others.
Days later, as this photo shows, thousands of Coloradoans attended a
vigil hosted by the city of Aurora. We shared tears and prayers. We
also resolved to support each other, to heal, and to always remember
those who lost their lives--which is what brings me here today.
Since that time, we have continued to see an outpouring of support
all across Colorado and, for that matter, all across the United States
of America for those we lost, their loved ones, and for the city of
Aurora. The grace and courage of the families and survivors affected by
this terrible tragedy serve as a powerful reminder to all of us of the
resilience of the human spirit.
Today we remember the victims, victims such as Jessica, an aspiring
young journalist; Rebecca, a mother of two who joined the Air Force
after high school; and Veronica Moser Sullivan, age 6, who had just
learned to swim and loved to play dressup.
We also remember the acts of heroism and the resolution demonstrated
by so many Coloradoans in the aftermath of this tragedy, people such as
Matt McQuinn, who threw himself in front of his girlfriend on the night
of the shooting, saving her life; and the brave first responders and
volunteers who helped save lives and comforted those in shock and
heartbreak.
We remember the city of Aurora and the State of Colorado, which has
once again come together to help one another through unspeakable loss
and heartache.
At a recent service of over 3,000 people at the Potter's House, an
Aurora-based church, Rev. Chris Hill told those in attendance that ``We
believe morning is coming to Aurora. Aurora means the dawn.'' I think
that captures the spirit of resilience and toughness that characterized
Aurora, my beautiful State of Colorado, and these United States of
America.
Before I leave the floor, I want to read once again the names of the
victims in Aurora: Jon Blunk, AJ Boik, Jesse Childress, Gordon Cowden,
Jessica Ghawi, John Larimer, Matt McQuinn, Cayla Medek, Veronica Moser,
Alex Sullivan, Alex Teves, and Rebecca Wingo.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Coons). The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia.
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in
morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Coal in America
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, weeks and months ahead and maybe even for
years to come, we will be debating President Obama's latest global
climate proposal. It is crucial that this debate be based on crystal
clear facts and not clouded by political ideologies on either side.
So, starting today, I plan to deliver a series of speeches on energy,
and I plan to start with coal, which I know is no surprise to the
Presiding Officer. Coal is America's greatest energy resource. I think
it is important to lay out the facts about coal for several reasons.
No. 1, coal is America's most abundant, most reliable, and most
affordable source of energy, and it will be for decades to come.
No. 2, the coal industry and its supporters have been falsely
portrayed by opponents as monsters who have done something wrong, that
they value money over health and the environment.
No. 3, I think the American public has some basic misconceptions
about coal and how important it is to keeping our economy growing and
our Nation secure.
I think that because I was recently asked: If coal is so
controversial, then why don't we as a nation just use more electricity?
The question shows that, basically, people don't understand where their
electricity comes from. When we turn the lights on, over 40 percent of
the people depend on coal. Most of this industry and this country has
been built on the back of coal and what coal has produced.
I didn't know how to respond to the person who asked that. It was one
of those rare moments when I was at a loss for words. Just imagine
standing there and being asked: Why would we continue to keep mining
coal? Why wouldn't we just use more electricity?
I guess what I should have said was this: When we surf the Internet,
watch TV or play video games, when we charge a cell phone or turn on an
air-conditioner or plug in our hybrid car to charge it, we are using
electricity, and there is a good chance that electricity came from
coal.
Coal has a distinguished past. In fact, one can't tell the history of
America without telling the history of coal. It fueled the
industrialization of America in the 19th and early 20th centuries,
making us what we are today: the richest and most powerful Nation in
history.
Coal also has a distinguished present. It is responsible for 37.4
percent of all electricity generated in the United States today--more
than any other source of energy.
Just as important, coal has a distinguished future ahead of it. The
U.S. Department of Energy says it will remain
[[Page S5788]]
the dominant fuel for electricity generation in our country at least
through 2040.
Despite so many attempts to kill it, coal is critical to meeting the
future energy needs of America. In other words, we can't make it
without coal.
Coal has the longest and perhaps the most varied history of all
fuels. It has been used for heating since the caveman. It was once
prized as the best stone in Britain by Roman invaders who actually
carved jewelry out of it. Native Americans used it long before the New
World settlers to bake their pottery, and blacksmiths have used coal to
forge tools and all kinds of metal objects at least since the Middle
Ages. In fact, a deep, rich vein of coal runs through all of human
history and not just American history. Given all the blame it gets for
carbon pollution today, it is worth remembering that coal was
universally regarded as a carbon treasure.
It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of coal to both the
American and British economies in the 19th and 20th centuries. Coal was
the fuel that fired the Industrial Revolution. In the popular
imagination, the industrial revolution is cotton mills, railways,
steamboats, engines, and factories. But at the core of the industrial
revolution was our use of energy, and the energy that powered the
mills, the railroads, the steam engines, and the factories was coal. In
fact, when James Watt invented the steam engine, he used coal to make
the steam to run his engine, making it possible for machinery to do
work previously done by humans and animals.
But perhaps the most important role coal played in the industrial
revolution was in the making of steel--the predominant building
material of the time. In 1861, when the country was torn by Civil War,
factories used coal to produce steel for the guns, the bullets, and the
cannons that preserved this Union.
By 1875, coke, which is made from coal, replaced charcoal as the
primary fuel for iron blast furnaces to make steel. With the rise of
iron and steel, coal production increased by 300 percent during the
1870s and early 1880s. By the early 1900s, coal was supplying more than
100,000 coke ovens, mostly in western Pennsylvania and northwestern
West Virginia.
In the 1880s, coal was first used to generate electricity for
factories and homes. Long after homes were being lighted by electricity
produced by coal, many of them continued to have furnaces for heating
and stoves for cooking that were fueled by coal. I can remember as a
young person at my grandparents' home, I would always stoke the fire at
night and bank up the coal so it would be warm all night long.
Of course, political, economic, and intellectual conditions also
contributed to the industrialization of America. Representative
government, capitalism, and the free expression of new ideas all played
their part. But at the heart of this sweeping industrial revolution, a
profound transition from hand production to machines, was because of
coal.
The first coal miners in the American Colonies were likely farmers
who dug coal from beds exposed on the surface and sold it by the
bushel--by the bushel. In 1748, the first commercial coal production
began from mines around Richmond, VA. By the late 1700s, coal was being
mined on what was known as Coal Hill. Now it is known as Mount
Washington in Pittsburgh, PA. The early settlers there used coal to
heat their homes, but they also carried it in canoes across the
Monongahela River to provide fuel for the military garrison at Fort
Pitt.
Coal was first discovered in what is now West Virginia by German
explorer John Peter Salling in 1742 in what is now Boone County. I have
to wonder how hard it was to discover coal in West Virginia because
coal occurs in 53 of West Virginia's 55 counties.
As early as 1810, the residents of Wheeling--once a part of Virginia
and now a treasured part of West Virginia--used coal from nearby mines
to heat their homes. By 1817, coal began to replace charcoal as a fuel
for the numerous salt furnaces on the Kanawha River. But it was not
until the mid-1800s that there was extensive mining in West Virginia.
The coalfields in southern West Virginia opened in the 1870s, and
many of them owed their success to the coming of the Chesapeake and
Ohio Railway.
Of course, you cannot talk about coal without talking about coal
miners--the bravest and most patriotic men and women I have ever met in
my life. A lot of Americans only know the TV and movie stereotypes of
coal miners, so they do not always give miners the respect they
deserve. The fact is that they deserve the same respect as our military
veterans because they go down into the mines for the same reasons our
veterans took up arms--to protect this country. It is not just a job,
it is a calling, it is a way of life, even an act of patriotism in the
defense of this great country, and to tell you the truth most of the
coal miners I meet in West Virginia are also military veterans.
Coal miners are vital to the security of this Nation. That was never
so clear than in World War II when Franklin Roosevelt nationalized
America's coal mines--it was that important to us.
In a fireside chat in 1943 explaining his actions, Franklin Delano
Roosevelt said:
A stopping of the coal supply, even for a short time, would
involve a gamble with the lives of American soldiers and
sailors and the future security of our whole people.
That was the President of the United States in 1943.
A stopping of the coal supply is still a gamble with the future
security of our country.
My own family first came to America to work in the mines back at the
turn of the 20th century. Growing up in the small coal-mining town of
Farmington, I saw just how proud and courageous all these miners were.
In 1968, after the horrific Farmington No. 9 mine disaster that claimed
78 victims, including my uncle, I experienced the healing strength of
coal-mining families.
Working conditions and living conditions were difficult for miners in
the early days, but they did their best to make a living and provide
for their families. They fought and struggled for everything--first
alone, then as union members led by the legendary John L. Lewis, the
lion of labor. Lewis pleaded the case of the miners in what was once
described as ``the thundering voice of the captain of a mighty host,
demanding the rights to which free men are entitled.''
If you ever have any doubt about the courage of coal miners, read the
scribbled last words of one of the miners who died in the mining
accident at Sago, WV, in 2006. I was Governor at that time. In the
pitch black of the mine, the miner, Mr. Martin Toler, Jr., wrote:
Tell all I'll see them on the other side. I love you. It
wasn't bad. Just went to sleep.
Can you imagine? They were all sitting in that area knowing what
their fate would be.
From the very beginning coal mining was tough and demanding. It still
is. But today it is also safe and efficient, and it is even high-tech.
In the 1880s coal miners were learning how to use mules and donkeys to
haul coal through the mines. Today they are training in robotics,
automation, and positioning technologies. And the pay is good--starting
out around $60,000 a year, sometimes even starting at as much as
$80,000 a year.
Coal mining provides more than 20,000 direct jobs in West Virginia at
an average wage above $79,000 per person, generating more than $1.6
billion in income, but it also accounts for another 25,500 indirect
jobs in West Virginia. The most recent available data show that the
economic impact of the coal industry in West Virginia equals nearly $20
billion a year--$20 billion a year in my little State.
To the miner, coal is the energy business, so they are mystified when
they hear talk out of Washington about getting rid of coal, even as we
continue to try to achieve energy independence. They cannot understand
why their own government tries to kill the good well-paying jobs that
support their families and provide the energy this country needs. And I
cannot understand it either. I really cannot. It does not make any
sense.
Coal is America's most significant source of electricity, and it will
continue to be for decades to come. The United States holds the largest
estimated recoverable reserves of coal in the world--enough to last
nearly 300 years. Coal currently generates almost 40 percent of the
electricity in America, and our own Energy Department
[[Page S5789]]
reports that our country will get 37 percent of its energy from coal at
least through 2040. So it is obvious that removing it from our energy
mix will have disastrous consequences for our economy, which is still
trying to get back on both feet. We need an ``all of the above'' energy
policy that uses every energy source we have--hydroelectric, nuclear,
biomass, renewables, and fossil fuels, including coal. You cannot tell
the history of America without telling the history of coal, and you
cannot plan an energy future for America without coal.
To put it in a nutshell, there are 8 billion tons of coal being
burned in the world today. One billion tons of coal are being burned in
America. For those who are saying we are destroying the global climate
because of the coal we are burning, we burn it better and cleaner than
most any nation on Earth.
I am not a climate scientist, but I do know that the ocean currents
and the wind currents do not start and stop in North America. I do know
that. And I know that if you stop burning every ton of coal in America,
thinking you are going to save the climate of the world, when there are
7 billion other tons of coal being burned--and it is growing faster
than any time in history--we have oceanfront property in West Virginia
at a bargain for you. That is what we are dealing with today. It does
not make any sense at all.
I know I have my good friend Senator Hoeven here from the good State
of North Dakota, which is the leading energy producer in the country.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. President, I am pleased to join my distinguished
colleague from West Virginia in this discussion of an energy source
that is vital to our Nation, and that is coal. North Dakota, like the
great State of West Virginia, is a major coal-producing State and a
major energy-producing State.
I think my distinguished colleague from West Virginia hit the nail on
the head when he said we need a comprehensive energy plan in this
country that is truly ``all of the above.'' We need to use all of our
energy resources. And different States have different types of energy,
and every type of energy has different strengths and weaknesses. The
kind of energy we produce in one part of the country or the source of
producing that energy is different than in another part of the country.
But the point is that if we take an ``all of the above'' approach, we
can be truly energy independent in this country, but also think of the
jobs and the economic growth that come with it. My colleague just went
through how coal, for example, creates tremendous jobs, and he is
right--good-paying jobs. So when we talk about an ``all of the above''
energy approach, we are talking not just about national security in
terms of energy independence--not depending on the Middle East or
Venezuela or these other places for our energy; that is national
security--but it is also about economic growth and jobs and
opportunity, a great living for families, a great way to earn and
generate income for families across this Nation. That is what a real
``all of the above'' energy approach is about.
So when the administration talks about an ``all of the above'' energy
plan, they have to not just talk about it, they have to do it. It is
not just talking about it; it is making it happen. The way you make it
happen is you have a clear legal, regulatory, and tax climate that
encourages investment, does not hold it up, encourages investment, does
not tie it up in redtape and regulation that prevents that investment.
When you make that investment, what happens is you not only produce
more energy, but you deploy these new technologies that do it with
better environmental stewardship.
So let's go back to the issue of coal. My distinguished colleague is
talking about coal in his State. Well, coal in North Dakota--we are a
major producer of coal, and we are a powerhouse for energy in this
country--not just coal but oil and gas. We do renewables, solar,
biodiesel, ethanol. We do wind. We do all of them. But in the area of
coal, we are one of the leaders in deploying these new technologies,
and as a result we are one of 14 States in the Nation that meet all
ambient air quality requirements nationally. Think about that. Here we
are, we are a major coal-producing State, we are a major electricity-
producing State, yet we are one of 14 States in the country that meet
all ambient air quality requirements.
What am I saying? What I am saying is that when you empower that
investment that gets that capital invested in these new technologies,
you deploy that technology, you produce more energy, you create great
jobs, you grow our economy, and you get better environmental
stewardship.
Mr. MANCHIN. Will the Senator yield for a question.
Mr. HOEVEN. I will.
Mr. MANCHIN. If I may ask the Senator this, the Senator and I know
the facts of what we do in our States and how we do it and how much
energy we produce. Both of our States are energy-producing States. We
are net exporters of energy, correct?
Mr. HOEVEN. Correct.
Mr. MANCHIN. Here in Washington, in the atmosphere that you are
looked upon, let's say, in the atmosphere you enter into, do they
believe we just throw caution to the wind and we do not care about the
environment because we come from an energy State? Is that what the
Senator is finding when he talks to other colleagues who might not know
what an energy-producing State is about, but they sure like what we do?
Mr. HOEVEN. I would respond to my colleague, that is exactly what I
am saying. Here we are, a major coal-producing State. We are one of 14
States that meet all ambient air quality requirements. We are No. 1 in
surface reclamation, land reclamation--No. 1 in the country. We are
rated right at the top in terms of our water and saving our lakes and
protecting our water programs.
That is the point the Senator is making. That is the point I try to
make all the time. With a States-first approach, States are the ones
that can not only encourage that investment but take tremendous pains
to make sure they are protecting the environment, growing the economy,
and taking care of people who live in those States as well. That is why
what we need to do to truly have an ``all of the above'' energy plan
for this country is to empower States and empower that investment that
we are talking about for all types of energy. Do not say ``all of the
above'' as a Federal Government and then come up with regulations that
prevent, block, preclude the very investment we need to deploy these
technologies and produce energy from coal and other sources.
Mr. MANCHIN. Let me ask another question. If the plan the President
has put forward makes it almost impossible to build another coal
plant--and maybe shut down many in this country--is there still going
to be a demand for our coal overseas? Will we be exporting that coal?
It will be burned somewhere in the world.
Mr. HOEVEN. Again, my colleague makes a great point and a factual
point; that is, what we are seeing happening as a result of the redtape
and the regulations the administration is continuing to put forward and
is proposing again to add to in its most recent policy pronouncement on
energy--the net effect of that is to preclude investment, is to
preclude not only developing new plants with the latest, greatest
technologies that will help us take steps forward, exciting steps
forward in clean coal technology, but it is forcing existing plants to
shut down because the requirements are not feasible, they cannot be met
with the current technology. As you shut those plants down, you not
only lose the energy, lose the jobs, lose the economic growth here at
home, but the coal then is still mined and now exported to other
countries, where it is consumed in those other countries that have
lower standards than we do.
And think--and think--if, instead, you empower the kind of investment
in technology I am talking about in this country, other countries would
follow us, so that then when they use their coal, they use these new
technologies as well, and on a global basis you start to actually
reduce emissions and produce better environmental stewardship.
Again, I would turn back to my colleague for his thoughts.
Mr. MANCHIN. Let me just say this to the Senator. I found out today--
the
[[Page S5790]]
information I received today was most disturbing from this standpoint:
We all know that if we could develop and have a partnership with our
government--with the EPA, with the Department of Energy--of finding the
latest, greatest of technology that helped us still be able to use the
most abundant resource--and the resource that is in the most demand for
the whole world, correct--if we could do that, then we could truly make
a difference in the global climate--we truly could--worldwide.
I found out today--I am going to make sure these figures are
accurate--that there is $8 billion. So the administration can tell me
and you: Senators, guess what. We still have $8 billion for clean coal
technology in a line item for the Department of Energy.
Guess what. That $8 billion has been line-itemed since 2008. Not one
project has been approved for which to use the money. I do not know if
you found that. We have not had the technology perfected on a
commercial basis for carbon capture sequestration. You have a coal-to-
liquid plant, I believe. It has worked well for how many years?
Mr. HOEVEN. I would say to my colleague, he is exactly right. He hit
the nail on the head. We are talking about clean coal technology and
encouraging development in clean coal technology. But to do it, we have
to have regulations that are attainable and feasible that encourage the
kind of investment we are talking about.
The project the Senator is referring to is the Dakota Gasification
Company, which has been operating now in our State successfully for
years. It actually takes coal and converts it to synthetic natural
gas--natural gas. That natural gas then goes into a pipeline, goes for
all different uses, and meets the CO2 requirements the
administration is talking about attaining right now because it is
natural gas.
So it meets that natural gas standard. The coal, we burn. Then we
capture the CO2, we compress it, put it in a pipeline, and
it goes into the oilfields for a tertiary or secondary recovery. So we
are also producing more oil for mature oilfields. That is an example of
the technology and the capital investment and kind of regulatory
environment that encourages technology development to not only produce
more energy, more jobs, and growing the economy, but as my colleague is
pointing out, better environmental stewardship.
That is how to get it done, not just in this country but globally. So
the Senator is exactly right.
Mr. MANCHIN. I want to ask my friend this question: Does he believe
he could have built that plant in North Dakota today under the
regulations that the EPA and this administration were to put in front
of him?
Mr. HOEVEN. This is exactly the point. We need these kinds of
projects. Work with us as States to empower that kind of development,
not shut it off. The Senator is exactly right.
Mr. MANCHIN. What we are saying is how many people would think in
West Virginia we have one of the largest wind farms east of the
Mississippi? How many do you think really understand that? They think
we are all just a one-horse show. We have wind, we have gas, we have
coal. We have hydro and biofuel. We are all in. We are trying to use
every resource we have the best we can.
All we are asking for is a partnership. It is so hard to find. The
people cannot understand. There is an old saying back home: You cannot
live with me, and you cannot live without me. I guarantee you will live
a lot better with me than you will without me.
This country cannot live with us today and cannot live without us,
but they have lived pretty darn good and will live a lot better if they
will work with us than against us. I think that is what we are seeing.
Our little States are doing the heavy lifting. Our little States have
done the heavy lifting. We are providing the energy this country needs.
We are providing the economic opportunities to compete globally. If
they continue to overregulate to the point they strangle us, they are
strangling the economics of this country.
I am just praying to the Good Lord they will listen to us.
Mr. HOEVEN. I would say to my distinguished colleague, I have been to
West Virginia. It is an absolutely beautiful State. It is breathtaking,
with its hills and valleys and bridges over rivers. It is just a
gorgeous, beautiful State.
As my distinguished colleague was saying, what we are talking about
is an opportunity. We have a real opportunity to do this and do it
right, but we have to get the Federal Government to work with us,
whether it is the great State of West Virginia, the great State of
North Dakota, or across this country. And it is not just in coal. It is
in all of these different types of energy. But you have to work with
the States. You have to take a States-first approach that empowers
them, that unleashes the entrepreneurial spirit of this country. That
is what we need, not a big regulatory maze that nobody can get through.
We are talking about common sense that empowers us to do things that
can make a big difference for this country.
Mr. MANCHIN. The only thing I would say to my good friend is, we are
a Democrat and a Republican from two energy States. It is not
bipartisan. Energy should have no partisanship. Energy basically is
something we all need and we all use. When you open that refrigerator,
you need that energy to keep it cool. When you go into a house out of
100-degree weather, you need to be cool and comfortable. You need
energy as a basic quality of life. That has basically made us different
from most every Nation.
Every developing nation today is trying everything they can to
deliver what we take for granted. All we are asking for is for our
President--he is my President, he is your President, he is all of our
President. We want to work with him. We want him to be our partner. Do
not be my adversary; be my ally. Work with me. We can do it. But we
have to be serious about it.
If there is $8 billion sitting on the sideline at the Department of
Energy, and you are telling me you are going to use that for clean coal
technology, let's start using it. Let's be a leader of the whole world
and show the other 7 billion tons of coal that is being consumed in the
world how you can do it and do it better. I think that is really what
we are saying.
To my good friend from North Dakota, I appreciate so much the
approach he has been taking, a most commonsense, a most reasonable,
responsible approach. We have been friends for a long time. We were
both Governors of our respective States. We worked together. We tried
to solve problems. It is exactly what we are still doing here in the
Senate. I thank the Senator.
Mr. HOEVEN. Mr. President, I would like to thank my distinguished
colleague not only for his work on energy--he is already recognized as
an energy leader in this body--but also most recently for student
loans. He has taken a bipartisan lead on student loans that I believe
has produced a great product, which I am pleased and proud to
cosponsor, and on which I believe this body will come together next
week and pass.
I think if we pass it, the House will take it up and pass it right
away. It is so important for students, so important for our students
and their families. It is just such a great example of what we can do
working together. I think the good Senator from West Virginia does this
so well. I thank him. Whether it is energy or student loans or just a
lot of other issues, I want to express my deep appreciation and my
fondness for working with him on these important issues.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for 5 minutes on
another very important issue.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Farm Bill
Mr. HOEVEN. I rise today to speak on an issue of great importance to
our country, and one that we need to act on and we need to act on now.
That is the farm bill. We in the Senate have passed a strong farm bill.
It saves $24 billion to help reduce our debt and our deficit. It
streamlines our farm programs to make them more efficient and more
usable for our farmers and our ranchers. It ensures that our farmers
and ranchers continue to have good risk management tools that they need
to manage their operations, particularly enhanced crop insurance which
is so important for our farmers and ranchers.
Now the House has also passed a farm bill and sent it over to us in
the Senate. So we have it. I rise today to urge
[[Page S5791]]
my colleagues to join with me and form a conference committee with the
House now to get this farm bill done for our farmers and ranchers--not
just for our farmers and ranchers but for the American people. This
really is about serving the American people, and it is about making
sure that we continue to have the highest quality, lowest cost food
supply in the world.
That means every single American benefits from good farm policy. We
need to move on this bill. We need to act. The current farm bill
expires September 30. We are already operating under a 1-year
extension. It is time. We need to get going. We need to get this done.
We need a long-term farm bill in place for our farmers and for our
ranchers.
As I said right now, all Americans benefit from the highest quality,
lowest cost food supply in the world. But the farm bill is more than
just a food bill, it is a jobs bill as well. Right now in our country
there is something on the order of 16 million jobs on a direct and
indirect basis--more than 16 million jobs that depend on agriculture.
So businesses large and small across this great Nation depend on
agriculture.
In addition, agriculture has a favorable balance of trade for our
country. Let me just give you a few of the statistics. This year it is
estimated that we will export almost $140 billion worth of ag products.
Think of all the dollars, the revenue that comes back to our country,
the job creation, the economic growth, the employment, at a time when
we need to create more jobs in this country, $140 billion that we
export in food products all over the world supporting jobs and economic
activity in this country.
A favorable balance of trade helps us in terms of our financial
situation--a favorable balance of trade of almost $30 billion. In 2012,
exports, more than $135 billion; in 2011, more than $137 billion in ag
products from this country supporting jobs and economic activity in
this country, and a favorable balance of trade of more than $40
billion.
Finally, agriculture is about more than just food. It is about fuel
and fiber, and it is about national security. We do not have to depend
on other countries for our food supply because our farmers and ranchers
take care of it right here at home. So it is even a national security
issue as well, making sure that we have the food supply that is
dependable, nutritious, the highest quality, lowest cost in the world
right here available to us at all times.
One other point I will make before I conclude; that is, our farmers
and ranchers are stepping forward at a time when we have a deficit and
a debt, and they are doing their part to help address this deficit and
debt--$24 billion in savings, when the actual portion of the farm bill
that actually deals with farmers is actually less than 20 percent of
the whole bill.
Our farmers are stepping forward and helping the deficit with $24
billion in reduction. Just think for a minute. If we can do that across
government, think of the impact it would have in terms of helping us to
reduce this deficit and get our deficit and debt under control in this
country.
It is time to move forward with the farm bill. The next step is to go
to a conference committee with the House. We need to get that done. We
need to get that done now and get a long-term farm bill in place for
our farmers, for our ranchers, and for this great Nation.
I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Ms. WARREN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Hirono). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Student Loan Program
Ms. WARREN. Madam President, it has been 18 days since the interest
rate on new direct student loans doubled from 3.4 percent to nearly 7
percent. Students will head off to college in a few weeks and Congress
still has not found a way to keep their interest rates low. In
Massachusetts, our kids, our parents, our schools are worried.
I want to go over the history so we are all clear about how we got
here. For months Democrats have argued we need to keep interest rates
low. We have made at least three attempts to do this. For example, I
introduced a bill that would have dropped interest rates on direct
loans for 1 year to the same level at which banks borrow from the
Federal Government, which is currently less than 1 percent. I
introduced that proposal because I believe the Federal Government
should invest in our students, not just in our biggest banks.
We also proposed to extend the current interest rates at 3.4 percent
for 2 years, paid for by closing tax loopholes, and Senator Reed and
Senator Hagan offered a bill to keep rates low for 1 year. All three
proposals had two features in common: They cut costs for students, and
they gave us some short-term breathing room to take on bigger problems,
including how to refinance $1 trillion in outstanding student loan
debt, and how to reduce the overall costs of college for all our
students.
When we brought the last two proposals to a vote, they won by a
majority, but they didn't pass because the Republicans filibustered
both bills. We could have kept rates low, but the Republicans, every
single one of them, voted to block that. Instead, Republicans put
together their own long-term plan. It was an amazing plan. According to
official government accounting, it would have generated $184 billion in
profit that the government is already projected to make by doubling
interest rates on student loans over the next 10 years; and then the
Republicans would have added another $16 billion in new profits.
That is billions in pure profit--profit after we have accounted for
the cost of money, after the cost of administering the loan, and after
the cost for bad debt losses. All those profits would be made off the
backs of our kids who are trying to get an education.
So here we are, 18 days past the July 1 deadline, and students are
being hurt because Republicans filibustered these reasonable plans,
even though the plans had support from a majority of Senators.
Chairman Harkin, who has been a leader on this issue from the very
start, has been doing his absolute best to find a solution that
Republicans would not filibuster so when students start taking out
loans in a few weeks they won't be the ones to pay for Republican
obstruction. Others, such as Senator Jack Reed, Senator Stabenow, and
the majority leader, have also worked very hard to find a solution. But
here is the problem: From the very beginning, Republicans have dug in
their heels and insisted that any new student loan proposal maintain
the same $184 billion in profit the government will make on new student
loans over the next 10 years. They insist that whatever we do, the
government must make the same profits off the students they will make
now by doubling the interest rate to 6.8 percent. They say: Whatever
you do, make sure the government makes $184 billion off our students.
Many Senators who care deeply about this issue, such as Chairman
Harkin, Senator Durbin, Senator Manchin, and Senator King, have been
doing their best under these circumstances to help the students, and I
applaud their commitment to our students. They have succeeded in
getting at least some Republicans to support a proposal that will
result in lower interest rates for some students for a couple of years.
But in the end, this is a simple math problem. If Republicans insist we
continue to make the same amount of profit in the student loan program,
that means students in future years will have to pay even higher rates
to make up the difference. In other words, kids who are sophomores in
high school right now will end up paying even more so students who are
sophomores in college today can pay a little less. I don't believe in
pitting our kids against each other. I don't think high school
sophomores should pay more so college sophomores can get a little
break. In fact, I think this whole system stinks.
We should not go along with any plan that demands our students
continue to produce huge profits for the government. This is wrong.
Making billions and billions in profits off the backs of our students
is obscene. The Republican position is that they refuse to give up a
single dime of these profits. In fact, the latest proposal adds another
$715 million in additional profits. The Republican position is we don't
[[Page S5792]]
need to close tax loopholes or to ask wealthy Americans to pay their
fair share because we have a ready-made profit center for funding the
Federal Government--middle-class families who are struggling to pay for
college.
I have the deepest respect for the Senators who have tried so hard to
come up with a deal for our students under these Republican conditions,
and I have no doubt their intentions are honorable. But I can't support
this proposal. I have fought hard for working families and middle-class
families for nearly all of my grownup life. I fought back against
credit card companies that put out zero-interest cards planning to make
all their profits in the fine print. I fought back against teaser-rate
mortgages that promised low rates in the first 2 years but then shot up
to rates that pushed millions of people into foreclosure. And now the
Senate is offering its own teaser-rate loan program? A great deal for
students this year and next, but every kid who borrows after that gets
slammed. That is not the business the U.S. Government should be in.
I understand compromise isn't always pretty, but there is no
compromise in this bill. With the student loan rates now at 6.8
percent, if Congress does nothing, the government will make $184
billion in profits. Under the new proposal, the government will make
the same $184 billion in profits plus another $715 million in
additional profits. And that all comes directly off the backs of our
students.
I want to see these profits go down. I know we may not be able to do
it all at once, but we need to take a step now to lower the profits we
make off the backs of our kids, not lock them in for the next 10 years.
At a minimum, I urge my colleagues to support the amendment of Senator
Jack Reed to cap the interest rate under this plan at current law. That
amendment is the only way to ensure no student ever ends up paying more
than they would if Congress did nothing.
Long term, we need to do three things: First, eliminate government
profits from new student loan programs, period. Second, refinance
existing student loan debt to reduce the profits that are crushing our
people. And third, reduce college costs so that American families can
pay for college without burying themselves in debt. That is what we
need to do. And no matter what happens with this current proposal, that
is exactly for what I am going to keep fighting.
I appreciate the hard work my colleagues have done to try to defeat
the Republican filibuster on keeping student loan rates low, but our
students are drowning under $1 trillion in student loan debt, and I
cannot support a compromise proposal that squeezes even more profits
off our kids.
Madam President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The assistant majority leader.
Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, I wanted to come to the floor while the
Senator from Massachusetts was giving her remarks and was still here to
say a few things about the bipartisan student loan proposal.
There are a couple of things I want to point out for the Record. She
has made a point about our student loan programs and how much they cost
students, and she is right about the basic $184 billion the government
is going to generate over 10 years in this program. I would support a
proposal to change that, but the fact is it doesn't have the votes to
pass.
Here is the reality. We are talking about this issue with a divided
Congress. We are talking about this issue where the House of
Representatives is controlled by the other party and doesn't see this
issue at all the same way the Senator from Massachusetts and I do.
Secondly, we are up against the filibuster rule in the Senate requiring
60 votes. We have 54 Democrats. So this global change she has spoken of
and referred to is one she and I could probably agree on in a hurry but
it is not going to happen. The question is: What can we do now to help
students?
On July 1, because we did nothing, the student loan interest rate on
subsidized loans went from 3.4 percent to 6.8 percent. Students are now
facing 6.8-percent interest rates on subsidized loans. I think that is
just plain wrong. What can we do about it? One version says nothing, do
nothing. Don't change anything. Let the students right now continue to
pay 6.8 percent. What is wrong with that?
It is obvious. Basic interest rates in this country are dramatically
lower than that. You can get mortgage interest on a home for 3 or 4
percent, maybe even lower in some places. In addition to that, we have
students who have to make some life decisions pretty quickly. They need
some certainty about what is going to happen here. So I have set out to
bring that interest rate down as quickly as possible, as low as
possible. That is the bipartisan proposal before us. Those who vote
against the bipartisan proposal are voting to keep interest rates now
at 6.8 percent--the interest rates that have doubled from 3.4 percent
to 6.8 percent. And the Senator from Massachusetts can tell you that
will generate many billions of dollars to the Treasury at the expense
of these students. So a vote against any change, a vote for the status
quo, is a vote to charge students $37 billion in interest over the next
5 years.
I don't think that is right. I think it is far better for us to bring
these student interest rates down as quickly as we can and hold out the
possibility we will revisit this again and bring them down even further
in the future. Maybe things will change politically. But to step away
from this whole conversation and say that because we can't change the
global problem of student loans, because we can't bring them down to
the level we want, we will leave them at 6.8 percent, I don't think is
a good outcome. I don't think that is in the best interests of the
students and their families. They are going to be facing more debt for
the next 5 years with that approach than they would under the
bipartisan bill. And that is the one thing I would like to correct for
the Record. I believe the Senator mentioned that students would be
paying more than 6.8 percent in 2 or 3 years. Under the proposal before
us, based on projections on interest rates, the same projections
everyone is using here, it isn't until after the fifth year that
students would pay anything near 6.8 percent. It would be 6.29, 6.3
percent that fourth year, and then 7.0 percent the fifth year.
So doing nothing means students who would be protected with lower
interest rates, for 4 out of the next 5 years by this projection, are
going to pay more. How is that a victory for students? How do they come
out ahead in that deal? They didn't. They are paying higher interest
rates.
There are some who want to hold out for something different. I would
like to join them, but I have watched the votes. The Senator from
Massachusetts and I have both voted the same way. We voted with Senator
Jack Reed: Let's keep that rate at 3.4 percent--and we lost. Then he
came back and said: Let's try it again--and we lost. Now he is going to
propose a 6.8-percent cap--which I can vote for--and we will lose
again.
Then you face the reality, are you going to say at that point: I
don't want to talk about this anymore. I just want to go home. That is
the end of the story. Students pay 6.8 percent. Sorry, we couldn't
solve it--or do you accept this bipartisan compromise, which brings the
interest rates down for the next 4 years below 6.8 percent? I think
that is a pretty easy choice. I think it is one that may not be what I
want to see, but I am dealing with the reality of Congress as it
currently exists and what we are currently faced with.
In terms of the cost of education, though, the Senator from
Massachusetts and I do agree on this part of it: Kids pay too much for
college today virtually every place they go, and the interest rates are
too high. But it is a dual problem. Simply addressing student loan
interest rates, even for 4 years, still leaves the overall arching
issue of the cost of higher education.
I have had several conversations with the President over the last
several days. I know he is going to come back quickly with a proposal
from this administration to deal with the cost of higher education. I
am going to support him too. I don't know the particulars. Maybe I will
disagree with one thing or another, but I will sure support his effort
to bring down the overall cost of higher education. That is an
important part of this conversation.
I just was on the phone with him a few minutes ago talking about the
student loan program and what we are faced with. He doesn't like the
choices we are faced with, but he wants to keep
[[Page S5793]]
interest rates below 6.8 percent, if we can. The bipartisan approach
keeps them below 6.8 percent. Voting against it means that students for
the next 4 years will pay higher interest rates on their student loans
than they have to.
So I would encourage my colleagues, don't dismiss the bipartisan
plan. Vote for the alternatives. Jack Reed may offer one, Bernie
Sanders of Vermont may offer one. Vote for those. We know what will
happen. We will not get enough votes. But then make the hard choice: Do
you want students to face 6.8 percent this year, next year, and the 2
following years or a lower interest rate, which is what this bipartisan
plan will produce.
We went through a lot of negotiations on this. Many Republicans have
a much different view than we do on this whole subject. I was lucky. I
am old enough to have benefited from the first student loan program. It
was a student loan program that came about because the Soviets launched
a Sputnik satellite that scared the world out of the United States. We
didn't have one. They sent a rocket to space and launched a Sputnik
satellite and we thought: Oh, my goodness. They have the bomb and now a
satellite and we are doomed. Congress, in a bit of a panic, created the
National Defense Education Act. The Presiding Officer remembers that
and maybe she benefited from it. I did and so did the Senator from
Massachusetts.
I borrowed money to go to college and law school and 3 percent was
the interest rate. I think it was a fixed interest rate, if I am not
mistaken. One year after I finally graduated from school, I started
paying it back in 10 installments, paying 3 percent--a pretty good
deal. I paid my money back, thinking now the next generation can
benefit from it.
My personal point of view is that education is worth a subsidy. So
when Jack Reed comes to the floor and says a 6.8-percent cap and will
pay for it by closing a tax loophole, he has my vote. But he will not
have 60 votes on the floor.
So if that fails, what do we do next? Nothing? If we do nothing, the
6.8-percent interest rate stays in place, and students pay it, even
though under the alternative they wouldn't have to face it for the next
4 years. I think in 4 years we can do better. I think, within that 4-
year period, protecting them from 6.8 percent, we have a chance to do
even better, and I would like to work to achieve that goal.
Congress may change. Maybe it will change with a more positive
viewpoint toward student loans. But at the moment, we have to make a
choice, and the choice involves buy-in on the Republican side.
What they are looking for--not unreasonable but different--is to have
a long-term approach rather than a short-term approach. I would rather
have a short-term approach. They prefer a long-term approach. They want
it based on some basic interest rate we can calculate, a 10-year
Treasury rate, as applied to virtually every option we have considered,
save one. All the others have had a 10-year Treasury rate as a basis.
They say you can add to that 10-year Treasury rate what it costs for
defaults on loans and administration of loans, and we have tried to do
that. We have said to them, at the end of the day, we don't want to add
more money from the students and their families to pay off the deficit.
It shouldn't be viewed as a tax on students.
Here is where I would disagree with the Senator from Massachusetts:
$715 million over 10 years is a lot of money. It is a huge amount of
money. Let's put it in context, and here is the context: Each year,
student loans amount to about $140 billion; over 10 years, $1.4
trillion. What percentage of $140 billion is $71 million? That is 715
divided by 10. I did the calculation, and it is something like .0005
percent. It is decimal dust: $71 million a year out of $140 billion in
loans. I would like to get it down to nothing.
But here is the bottom line. This tiny fraction of decimal dust, $71
million a year, is no reason not to protect these students from 6.8
percent interest.
By my calculation, if you accept the notion we are going to go to 6.8
percent interest and stay there as our solution, for the time being,
students are going to pay about $100 more a month, as I understand it,
on the basic loans they are faced with. That, to me, is an unacceptable
alternative.
For $71 million a year, for $140 billion in loans, this tiny fraction
of a percentage is no reason to walk away from a loan package that is
much more generous to students and their families. If we can get it
down to zero, let's get it down to zero. But please, walking away from
that just doesn't make sense.
Here is what students will face. If this bipartisan proposal goes
through, the interest rates students pay now on their student loans,
subsidized and unsubsidized, will go down from 6.8 percent to 3.8
percent. That is the immediate savings this year for students who are
enrolling in college, 6.8 to 3.8. For students who are borrowing money,
it is a lot. To walk away from that and say: I am sorry. If I can't get
a better deal, then students are just going to have to pay that extra 3
percent interest, I don't think that is a good outcome.
It is better for us to give this relief to the students and their
families and work to improve it. I will work with the Senators from
Massachusetts and Hawaii to do that. But simply saying 6.8 percent
forever is a victory is not. It is a penalty. It is a penalty on a lot
of hard-working families and the students who come from those families.
Let's avoid that if we can.
Let me add one particular footnote and chapter to this. The worst
offenders when it comes to student loans and student loan defaults are
the for-profit colleges.
I always ask people to remember three basic numbers about the for-
profit students: What are the for-profit schools? Let me give you the
big names. The University of Phoenix is the biggest one, with more than
the combined enrollment of all the big 10 schools. The University of
Phoenix, Kaplan University, which is owned by the Washington Post
Company, DeVry University out of Chicago, those are the three big ones.
As a category, for-profit colleges educate 12 to 13 percent of all
the high school graduates in this country. So stick with the number, 12
percent of high school grads go to for-profit schools. For-profit
schools receive 25 percent of all the Federal aid to education. They
are soaking up the dollars for students by a margin of 2 to 1 over the
students they are taking. Here is the kicker: 47 percent of all student
loan defaults come from students in for-profit schools.
What does that tell you? They are being charged too much for their
education, they can't get a job to pay it back, and they default on the
loan. The bottom line on student loans is they are not dischargeable in
bankruptcy. A student who can't pay that loan still has that debt and
burden for a lifetime. The parent who cosigned? They are on the hook as
well--not dischargeable in bankruptcy. It is a lifetime debt.
So we have a lot to do to clean up higher education, and I hope we go
after for-profit schools as part of it. They need to be held
accountable.
I will close by saying this. I accept the premise of the statement
made earlier by the Senator from Massachusetts: We can do better on
student loans. I am for it.
We don't have the votes to achieve it. We don't have them in the
Senate. We don't have them in the House. So the question is, will we do
nothing? Doing nothing means that students and their families will pay
6.8 percent interest on their loans for the foreseeable future, 1 year,
2, 3 or 4 years. Taking the bipartisan compromise reduces the interest
rate on student loans for both subsidized and unsubsidized loans from
6.8 percent to 3.8 percent immediately--a 3-percent savings right now
for students and families--and it doesn't reach 6.8 percent until the
fifth year from now. Between now and then we can do better.
Walking away from this bipartisan approach is going to mean more debt
for today's students and higher interest payments, and I don't think
that is fair.
So let's do the best we can to change the system, accept the
political reality, and come out with the best outcome for students and
families.
I hope that at the end of the day we can see some change in the
composition of Congress and move closer to a model we all accept.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Vermont.
[[Page S5794]]
Mr. SANDERS. Madam President, I thank my friend from Illinois for all
the work he has done on this issue and so many other issues. He knows I
disagree with him on this and do not intend to vote for this bipartisan
agreement.
He makes a good point in saying we don't have the votes. We don't. We
don't have the votes because we have a political party here that could
care less about the needs of working families and about college
affordability.
I would say to my friend from Illinois that if we are going to win
this fight and protect college students, we have to take the fight to
the American people. When we work with Republicans to make college
unaffordable, then the American people are going to say: What is the
alternative?
So from a political strategy, I would say to my friend from Illinois
we have the people on our side. We have parents on our side and we have
young people on our side. Our job is to bring forth a proposal that
they can demand be accepted. If we collapse on this issue, then they
are going to be looking out and saying: What is the alternative?
The Senator from Illinois makes a valid point; that in the next few
years, in fact, it is not a bad deal. It is not as good as I would
like, but it is not a bad deal. That is why, as I mentioned to the
Senator a few moments ago, I will be bringing forth an amendment to
say: Let us sunset this agreement in 2 years. We are bringing up the
higher education authorization bill. It will give us an opportunity to
deal with this issue of student loans and the higher cost of college in
general. Why do we need a permanent bill right now when we are going to
be working in the fairly near future on the higher education bill?
So my view is a 2-year sunset to this bill. It is not everything I
want, but it will protect students. If we are going to talk about
variable interest rates, let them at least take advantage of lower
interest rates.
What CBO is projecting is that in years to come interest rates are
going to go up. According to the CBO, under this legislation, the good
news is that interest rates would only be, for Stafford subsidized,
3.86; in 2014, it will be 4.6, not so good; 2015, 5.4, really not good;
2016, 6.29, worse; 2017, 7 percent; 2018, 7.25; and, by the time we get
to 2023, it would also be at 7.25.
We have a crisis right now in terms of student indebtedness. Why
would we want to make that crisis even worse?
The second point I would make is that right now it is estimated that
the Federal Government will earn about $180 billion in profits over the
next 10 years on student loans. I suggest that while I have no problem
with the Federal Government making profits on this or that endeavor,
this is not a particularly good area to be making profits because they
are making profits off of low- and moderate-income people who want to
send their kids to college.
I can think of a lot better ways to make money, to help us with the
deficit, than by forcing low- and moderate-income parents and students
to pay more than they should be paying. If we want to do deficit
reduction, maybe we can ask the one out of four corporations in America
that pays nothing in taxes to start paying their fair share of taxes.
Maybe we can address growing wealth and income inequality in a way that
brings us in more revenue. But it is almost a form of regressive
taxation to say to low- and moderate-income students and families: You
want to go to college, you want to make something of yourself, you want
to make it into the middle class, you want to help make our Nation more
competitive--and in a 10-year period we are going to make $180 billion
in profits off of your desire to go to college. I think that is wrong.
If we look around the world, in an increasingly competitive global
economy what we find is that we are at the very bottom in terms of the
kind of support we give our young people and their families to go to
college. Right now in Vermont, which is a little bit higher than the
national average, our young people are graduating from a 4-year school
$28,000 in debt. That is on average, meaning lower income young people
will graduate deeper in debt.
What does it mean in a difficult economy, a challenging economy, to
start off your adult life $40,000 or $50,000 in debt? If you go to
graduate school, that number goes way up. I talked to a couple of young
dentists in Vermont last year. They had over $200,000 in debt starting
off their professional careers--dentists, doctors, people in graduate
school.
A couple of months ago I had the Ambassador from Denmark come to the
State of Vermont to do some town meetings with me. Do you know how much
debt young people who graduate college, graduate school, medical
school, in Denmark have? They have zero because that country and many
other countries have made what I think is the rational conclusion that
it is important to invest in our young people. We need their
intellectual capital, we need the best educated workforce that we can
get, and we want to encourage people to go to college, not discourage
them by high college costs.
I think we can do a lot better than this bipartisan bill. The danger
with the bipartisan bill is that the CBO and virtually all economists
tell us interest rates are going up. If you peg your student loan to a
variable interest rate, and those interest rates are going up, then the
proof is in the pudding, according to the CBO, that in a number of
years students are going to be paying very high interest rates.
Given the fact we are going to be dealing with higher education
reauthorization within a year, which needs to tackle a whole lot of
issues within the issue of higher education, including student loans,
my suggestion will be, and my amendment will be to say: Let's sunset
this legislation at the end of 2 years. Let's take advantage of the
low-interest loans and give us the time to come up with a long-term
plan.
I look forward to my colleagues supporting that amendment.
Madam President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________