[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 99 (Thursday, July 11, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5668-S5672]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Ms. WARREN (for herself, Mr. McCain, Ms. Cantwell, and Mr.
King):
S. 1282. A bill to reduce risks to the financial system by limiting
banks' ability to engage in certain risky activities and limiting
conflicts of interest, to reinstate certain Glass-Steagall Act
protections that were repealed by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, and for
other purposes; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban
Affairs.
Mr. McCAIN. I am pleased to join my colleagues, Senator Warren of
Massachusetts, Senator Cantwell of Washington, and Senator King of
Maine, and also recognize the hard work of my friend from Ohio who has
been heavily involved in this issue in the past.
[[Page S5669]]
This legislation is bipartisan. The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act,
which will restore the much needed wall between investment and
commercial banking to lessen risk, restore confidence in our banking
system, and better protect the American taxpayer. The original 1933
Glass-Steagall Act was put in place to respond to the financial crash
of 1929.
Similar to the 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act that we are
introducing today, it put up a wall between commercial and investment
banking with the idea of separating riskier investment banking from the
core banking functions such as checking and savings accounts that
Americans need in their everyday life.
Commercial banks traditionally use their customer's deposit for the
purpose of Main Street loans within their communities. They did not
engage in high-risk ventures. Investment banks, however, managed money
for those who could afford to take bigger risks in order to get a
bigger return and who bore their own losses. Unfortunately, core
provisions of the Glass-Steagall Act were repealed in 1999, shattering
the wall dividing commercial banks and investment banks. Since that
time, we have seen a culture of greed and excessive risk-taking take
root in the banking world, where common sense and caution with other
people's money no longer matters.
When these two worlds collided, the investment bank culture
prevailed, cutting off the credit lifeblood of Main Street firms,
demanding greater returns that were achievable only through high
leverage and huge risk-taking, which ultimately left the taxpayer with
the fallout.
Leading up to the 2008 financial crisis, the mantra of ``bigger is
better'' took over, and sadly it still remains. The path forward
focused on short-term gains rather than long-term planning. Banks
became overleveraged in their haste to keep in the race. The more they
lent, the more they made.
Aggressive mortgages were underwritten for unqualified individuals
who became homeowners saddled with loans they could not afford. Banks
turned right around and bought portfolios of these shaky loans. I know
the 2008 financial crisis did not happen solely because the wall of
Glass-Steagall was knocked down. But I strongly believe the repeal of
these core provisions played a significant role in changing the banking
system in negative ways that contributed greatly to the 2008 financial
crisis.
I believe this culture of risky behavior is still in play. For
example, the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, on which
I serve as ranking member, held a hearing in March of this year to
discuss the findings of the subcommittee investigation report entitled,
``JPMorgan Chase Whale Trades: A Case History of Derivatives Risks and
Abuses.''
The hearing and the findings of the investigation described how
traders at JPMorgan Chase made risky bets using excess deposits that
were partially insured by the Federal Government. If they wanted to
make these bets on deposits and money that was not insured by the
Federal Government, the Senator from Massachusetts and I would not be
here today.
They used federally insured deposits, putting the taxpayers on the
hook for their risky and ultimately failed investments. I say again,
the Dodd-Frank bill, the whole purpose of it, as sold to this Congress
and to the American people, was to ensure that no investment company or
investment financial enterprise would ever be too big to fail again.
Is there anybody who believes these institutions such as I just
talked about, JPMorgan Chase and others, are not too big to fail? Of
course they are still too big to fail. The investigation revealed
startling failures and shed light on a complex and volatile world of
synthetic credit derivatives.
In a matter of months, JPMorgan Chase was able to vastly increase its
exposure to risk while dodging oversight by Federal regulators. The
trades ultimately cost the bank a staggering $6.2 billion in loss. This
case represents another shameful demonstration of a bank engaged in
wildly risky behavior. The London Whale incident matters to the Federal
Government and the American taxpayer because the traders at JPMorgan
Chase were making risky bets using excess deposits, a portion of which
were federally insured.
These excess deposits should have been used to provide loans for Main
Street businesses. Instead, JPMorgan Chase used the money to bet on
catastrophic risk. The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act will return
banking back to the basics by separating traditional banks that offer
savings and checking accounts and are insured by the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation from riskier financial institutions that offer
other services such as investment banking, insurance, swaps dealing and
hedge fund and private equity activities.
I believe big Wall Street institutions should be free to engage in
transactions with significant risk but not with federally insured
deposits. The bill also addresses depository institutions' use of
products that did not exist when Glass-Steagall was originally passed,
such as structured and synthetic financial products, including complex
derivatives and swaps.
Finally, the bill provides financial institutions with a 5-year
transition period to separate their activities. Many prominent
individuals in the banking world support returning to a modern day
Glass-Steagall banking system, including FDIC Vice Chairman Thomas
Hoenig. Last year in his opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal,
entitled ``No More Welfare For Banks. The FDIC and the taxpayer are the
underwriters of too much private risk taking,'' he lays out his plan to
strengthen the U.S. financial system by simplifying its structure and
making its institutions more accountable for their mistakes, which he
calls Glass-Steagall for today. He ends his piece by stating:
Capitalism will always have crises and the recent crisis
had many contributing factors. However, the direct and
indirect expansion of the safety net to cover an ever-
increasing number of complex and risky activities made this
crisis significantly worse. We have yet to correct the error.
It is time we did.
I could not agree more. Almost 3 years ago, Congress passed Dodd-
Frank with the intent to overhaul our Nation's financial system. I did
not vote for Dodd-Frank because it did little if anything to tackle the
tough problems facing our financial sector.
What Dodd-Frank did, though, was create thousands of pages of new and
complicated rules. Is there any Member of this body who believes that
Dodd-Frank has resulted in the end of too big to fail? The 21st Century
Glass-Steagall Act may not end too big to fail on its own, but it moves
the large financial institutions in the right direction, making them
smaller and safer.
This bill would rebuild the wall between commercial and investment
banking that was successful for over 60 years and reduced risk for the
American taxpayer.
I ask unanimous consent that the Thomas Hoenig article be printed in
the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From The Wall Street Journal, June 10, 2012]
No More Welfare for Banks
The FDIC and the taxpayer are the underwriters of too much private risk
taking.
(By Thomas Hoenig)
I have a proposal to strengthen the U.S. financial system
by simplifying its structure and making its institutions more
accountable for their mistakes. Put simply, my proposal would
help prevent another 2008-style crisis by prohibiting banking
organizations from conducting broker-dealer or other trading
activities and by reforming money-market funds and the market
for short-term collateralized loans (repurchase agreements,
or repos). In other words, Glass-Steagall for today.
Those opposed to taking these actions generally focus on
two themes. First, they say that if Glass-Steagall--enacted
in 1933 to separate commercial and investment banking--had
been in place, the crisis still would have occurred. Second,
they argue that requiring the separation of commercial
banking and broker-dealer activities is inconsistent with a
free-market economy and puts U.S. financial firms at a global
competitive disadvantage. Both assertions are wrong.
Advocates of the first argument say the crisis was not
precipitated by trading activities within banking
organizations but by excessive mortgage lending by commercial
banks and by the failures of independent broker-dealers, such
as Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns.
This assertion ignores that the largest bank holding
companies and broker-dealers were engaged in high-risk
activities supported by explicit and implied government
[[Page S5670]]
guarantees. Access to insured deposits or money-market funds
and repos fueled the activities of both groups, making them
susceptible to the freezing of markets and asset-price
declines.
Before 1999, U.S. banking law kept banks, which are
protected by a public safety net (e.g., deposit insurance),
separate from broker-dealer activities, including trading and
market making. However, in 1999 the law changed to permit
bank holding companies to expand their activities to trading
and other business lines. Similarly, broker-dealers like Bear
Stearns, Lehman Brothers, Goldman Sachs and other ``shadow
banks'' were able to use money-market funds and repos to
assume a role similar to that of banks, funding long-term
asset purchases with the equivalent of very short-term
deposits. All were able to expand the size and complexity of
their balance sheets.
While these changes took place, it also became evident that
large, complex institutions were considered too important to
the economy to be allowed to fail. A safety net was extended
beyond commercial banks to bank holding companies and broker-
dealers. In the end, nobody--not managements, the market or
regulators--could adequately assess and control the risks of
these firms. When they foundered, banking organizations and
broker-dealers inflicted enormous damage on the economy, and
both received government bailouts.
To illustrate my point, consider that if you or I want to
speculate on the market, we must risk our own wealth. If we
think the price of an asset is going to decline, we might
sell it ``short,'' expecting to profit by buying it back more
cheaply later and pocketing the difference. But if the price
increases, we either invest more of our own money to cover
the difference or we lose the original investment.
In contrast, a bank can readily cover its position using
insured deposits or by borrowing from the Federal Reserve.
Large nonbank institutions can access money-market funds or
other credit because the market believes they will be bailed
out. Both types of companies can even double down in an
effort to stay in the game long enough to win the bet, which
supersizes losses when the bet doesn't pay off. The Federal
Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) fund and the taxpayer
are the underwriters of this private risk-taking.
This leads to the second criticism of my proposal--that
breaking up the banks is inconsistent with free markets and
our need to be competitive globally. The opposite is true. My
proposal seeks to return to capitalism by confining the
government's guarantee to that for which it was intended--to
protect the payments system and related activities inside
commercial banking. It ends the extension of the safety net's
subsidy to trading, market-making and hedge-fund activities.
This change will invigorate commercial banking and the
broker-dealer market by encouraging more equitable and
responsible competition within markets. It reduces the
welfare nature of our current financial system, making it
more self-reliant and more internationally competitive.
Capitalism will always have crises and the recent crisis
had many contributing factors. However, the direct and
indirect expansion of the safety net to cover an ever-
increasing number of complex and risky activities made this
crisis significantly worse. We have yet to correct the error.
It is time we did.
Mr. McCAIN. I would like to thank the Senator from Massachusetts,
whom I will freely admit has a great deal more knowledge, background,
and expertise on this issue than I do. I appreciate her leadership.
When the Senator sought to join us in the Senate, she committed to the
people of Massachusetts and this country that she would be committed to
certain significant reforms to ensure that we never again have the kind
of crisis that devastated my State.
Still today, nearly half the homes in my State are underwater, which
means they are worth less than their mortgage payments, while Wall
Street has been doing well for years. That bailout is one of the more
unfair aspects that I have seen in American history. We cannot revisit
or fix history, but we sure can make sure we have made every effort to
make sure these large financial institutions do not gamble with
taxpayers' money.
I thank the Senator from Massachusetts. It is a pleasure to join her
in this effort as her junior partner.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Brown). The Senator from Massachusetts.
Ms. WARREN. Mr. President, I rise in support of the senior Senator
from Arizona and to support the 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act. I am
honored to join Senators McCain, Cantwell, and King in introducing this
bill. I particularly commend Senator McCain for his hard work and his
long-time dedication on this issue.
Senator McCain is a real leader in the Senate. While we do not agree
on every issue, he is a fighter who stands for what he believes.
Senator McCain has worked hard to shed light on the too-big-to-fail
problem. He has been thinking about how to bring back elements of
Glass-Steagall for years. I am proud to join with him to speak about
the 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act. I am glad to be his partner in
this endeavor.
Washington is a partisan place. This Congress has its share of
partisan bills. But we have all joined together today because we want a
safe future for our kids and for our grandkids. We know that 5 years
ago Wall Streets's high-risk bets nearly brought our economy to its
knees, disrupting the lives and livelihoods of hard-working Americans.
We know the economic downturn did not affect just Democrats or just
Republicans or just Independents, it affected everyone.
Over the past 5 years we have made some real progress in dialing back
the risk of future crises. But despite the progress that has been made,
the biggest banks continue to threaten the economy. The four biggest
banks are now 30 percent larger than they were just 5 years ago. They
have continued to engage in dangerous high-risk practices that could
once again put our economy at risk.
The big banks were not always allowed to take on big risk while
enjoying the benefits of both explicit and implicit taxpayer
guarantees. Four years after the 1929 crash, Congress passed the
Banking Act, or the Glass-Steagall Act as it is known, which is best
known for separating the risky activities of investment banks from the
core depository functions such as savings accounts and checking
accounts that consumers rely on every day.
For years, Glass-Steagall played a central role in keeping our
country safe. Traditional banking stayed separate from high-risk Wall
Street banking. But big banks wanted the higher profits they could get
from taking on more risk. Investors wanted access to the insured
deposits of traditional banks. So Wall Street investors combined with
the big banks to try to weaken and repeal Glass-Steagall. Starting in
the 1980s, regulators at the Federal Reserve and the Office of the
Comptroller of the Currency responded, reinterpreting longstanding
legal terms in ways that slowly broke down the wall between investment
banking and depository banking. Finally, after 12 attempts to repeal,
Congress eliminated the core provisions of Glass-Steagall in 1999.
The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act will reestablish the wall between
commercial and investment banking, make our financial system more
stable and more secure, and protect American families.
Like its 1933 predecessor, the 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act will
separate traditional banks that offer checking and savings accounts and
are insured by the FDIC from the riskier financial services. It will
return banking--basic banking--to the basics.
The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act also puts in place some important
improvements over the original Glass-Steagall. It reverses the
interpretations the regulators used to weaken the original Glass-
Steagall. Our bill also recognizes that financial markets have become
more complicated since the 1930s, and it separates depository
institutions from products that did not exist when Glass-Steagall was
originally passed, such as structured and synthetic financial products,
including complex derivatives and swaps.
The idea behind the bill is simple: Banking should be boring. Anyone
who wants to take big risks should go to Wall Street, and they should
stay away from the basic banking system.
I wish to be clear--the 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act will not by
itself end too big to fail and implicit government subsidies, but it
will make financial institutions smaller, safer, and move us in the
right direction. By separating depository institutions from riskier
activities, large financial institutions will shrink in size and won't
be able to rely on Federal depository insurance as a safety net for
their high-risk activities. It will stop the game these banks have
played for too long. Heads, the big banks win and take all the profits
and, tails, the taxpayer gets stuck with all the losses.
I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation to
reduce the risk in the financial system and to
[[Page S5671]]
dial back the likelihood of future crises.
Exactly 70 years ago the halls of the Senate filled with excitement
and history when it passed the original Glass-Steagall. The financial
industry at that time experienced some big immediate changes, but
despite all kinds of claims to the contrary, Wall Street survived and
the sky did not fall. In fact, the American people enjoyed a half
century of financial stability and a strong, growing middle class. The
regular financial crises that had occurred over and over before Glass-
Steagall faded away, and our economy became stronger and more stable.
Few in Congress have been around long enough to have lived through
the Great Depression that led to the first Glass-Steagall, but we were
all around during the 2008 financial crisis. It has been 5 years since
then, but our economy still has not fully recovered, and the downturn
has had an impact everywhere--on our families, businesses, retirees,
workers, schoolchildren, and college students. We need a banking system
that serves the best interests of the American people, not just the few
at the top. The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act is an important step in
the right direction. I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this
measure.
______
By Mr. ROCKEFELLER (for himself, Mr. Whitehouse, and Mr.
Franken):
S. 1286. A bill to encourage the adoption and use of certified
electronic health record technology by safety net providers and
clinics; to the Committee on Finance.
Mr. ROCKEFELLER. Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the
Medicaid Information Technology to Enhance Community Health Act of
2013, or the MITECH Act. I am proud to be joined by my colleagues
Senator Franken and Senator Whitehouse in introducing this important
piece of legislation which would help clinics and health care providers
serving our Nation's most vulnerable citizens qualify for incentives to
adopt meaningful use electronic health records for their patients.
In recent years, Congress has recognized the benefits of implementing
electronic health records in our health care system. Countless experts
have determined that electronic health records and other forms of
health information technology improve health care quality, reduce
medical errors, and lower overall medical costs. We have made
unprecedented investments in electronic health records and have seen
the benefits of these investments. Since its implementation, these
programs have helped hundreds of thousands of providers and hospitals
nationwide establish and effectively use electronic health records.
However, eligibility requirements for these incentives payments have
prevented some low-income providers from receiving them.
While electronic health records are a vital part of any quality
health practice, they are in some ways even more important for clinics
that serve low income, uninsured, and underinsured populations. These
patients often seek services from any number of settings rather than
returning to a set primary care provider. When the clinics that serve a
particular population are able to establish and maintain electronic
health records for their patients, it is far more likely that a
patient's record will be available to their health care providers even
if the patient is seeing a different provider in a different clinic.
This allows an individual's health care providers to have access to a
complete medical history, improving their ability to form a diagnosis,
preventing unnecessary duplication of tests, and reducing costs for the
patients and government. This measure also will allow safety net
clinics to better communicate with patients about necessary screenings
and help to make sure patients are taking medications as prescribed and
not ``doctor shopping'' for inappropriate medication.
The Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health,
HITECH, Act created financial incentives called ``meaningful use''
incentives for both Medicare and Medicaid providers to adopt and
meaningfully use implement and support electronic health records. While
the current program has helped thousands of providers, practices, and
hospitals nationwide, many safety net providers and clinics have not
been able to benefit from the incentives. Given that Medicaid
eligibility levels are so low in many states, it is difficult for many
safety net providers to meet the 30 percent Medicaid patient threshold
required to participate in the Medicaid electronic health records
incentive program even though their patients are predominately low-
income.
Congress addressed this problem only for practitioners working in
Federally-qualified health centers and rural health centers by creating
a 30 percent ``needy'' threshold in the HITECH Act for those providers.
Unfortunately, the law failed to provide similar support for other
providers serving low-income individuals.
The MITECH Act of 2013 seeks to eliminate these barriers, which
prevent many safety net providers from qualifying for Medicaid
electronic health record incentive payments. The bill will improve
access to incentives for safety net providers that were left out of the
HITECH Act's efforts. Additionally, the MITECH Act requires the
Secretary of Health and Human Services to develop a methodology to
allow these safety net clinics to be eligible for payments as an
entity, similar to the current process that exists for hospitals.
Access to Medicaid electronic health records incentives will allow
safety net clinics to better communicate with patients about necessary
screenings, help ensure compliance with prescription drugs, reduce
unnecessary duplication of tests and will strengthen the safety net
which provides essential care to so many Americans.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill. In doing so, we will offer
vital support to safety net providers.
______
By Mr. REED (for himself, Mr. Coons, and Mr. Whitehouse):
S. 1291. A bill to strengthen families' engagement in the education
of their children; to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and
Pensions.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, today I introduce the Family Engagement in
Education Act with my colleagues Senator Coons and Senator Whitehouse.
I thank Representative Thompson for introducing the House companion of
this bipartisan bill.
Our legislation will strengthen family engagement in education at the
local, state, and national levels. It will empower parents by
increasing school district resources dedicated to family engagement
activities from one percent to 2 percent of the district's Title I
allocation. It will also improve the quality of family engagement
practices at the school level by requiring school districts to develop
and implement standards-based policies and practices for family-school
partnerships. It will build State and local capacity for effective
family engagement in education by setting aside at least 0.3 percent of
the State Title I allocation for statewide family engagement in
education activities, such as establishing statewide family engagement
centers to continue and enhance the work that had been supported
through the Parent Information Resource Centers. For states with Title
I-A allocations above $60 million, the State Educational agency will
make grants to at least one local family engagement in education center
to provide innovative programming and services, such as leadership
training and family literacy, to local families and to remove barriers
to family engagement, and to support State-level activities in the
highest need areas of the State. Finally, at the national level, our
legislation will require the Secretary of Education the convene
practitioners, researchers, and other experts in the field of family
engagement in education to develop recommended metrics for measuring
the quality and outcomes of family engagement in a child's education.
Research demonstrates that family engagement in a child's education
increases student achievement, improves attendance, and reduces dropout
rates. A study by Anne Seitsinger and Steven Brand at the University of
Rhode Island's Center for School Improvement and Educational Policy
found that students whose parents support their education through
learning activities at home and discuss the importance of education
perform better in school. Yet too often, family engagement is not built
into our school improvement efforts in a systematic way. The Family
Engagement in Education Act will promote meaningful family engagement
[[Page S5672]]
policies and programs at the national, state, and local levels to
ensure that all students are on track to be career and college-ready.
This legislation builds on my successful efforts in the last
reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, ESEA,
the 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, to incorporate provisions throughout
the law to strengthen and boost parental involvement. It is also in
line with the administration's blueprint for the ESEA reauthorization,
which calls for doubling the amount that school districts are required
to set aside for parental involvement and encouraging states to use
some of their Title I funding to support local family engagement
centers in education.
Developed with the National Family, School, and Community Engagement
Working Group, which includes organizations such as National PTA,
United Way Worldwide, Harvard Family Research Project, and National
Council of La Raza, and endorsed by hundreds of local, state, and
national organizations, this legislation represents the broad consensus
that we must do a better job of engaging families in all aspects of
their children's education.
I urge my colleagues to cosponsor the Family Engagement in Education
Act, and to work for its inclusion in the forthcoming debate to
reauthorize and renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act.
____________________