[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 78 (Wednesday, June 5, 2013)]
[House]
[Pages H3104-H3105]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONSHIP
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Fortenberry) for 5 minutes.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Speaker, in a few days, China's new President,
Xi Jinping, will conclude a tour of the Western Hemisphere by meeting
with President Obama in an informal summit in California. The leaders
of the Pacific Rim's two most powerful countries will discuss many
issues of mutual concern. This important relationship continues to
evolve dynamically in spite of the difficulties that we both have.
These difficulties spring from some radically different philosophical
outlooks on both life as well as governance. These differences deserve
both our attention and candor.
Mr. Speaker, 24 years ago, this week, June 3, 1989, a massacre took
place in China in a place called Tiananmen Square. Student protesters
who were seeking some form of liberty for their interests gathered
there. And I remember very vividly two very stark images from that
time. One was the homemade replica of the Statue of Liberty that was
erected in their midst. The other was a courageous Chinese man who
decided to take it upon himself to stand as a silent witness, arms at
his side like a soldier at attention, for the cause of human rights. He
stood in the street and blocked four tanks as they proceeded on toward
the student protesters. The tanks tried to make their way around him.
As they did, he would move and stand in front of them. Clearly, there
was a dilemma going on in the minds of the young Chinese soldiers who
were driving those tanks. Perhaps they didn't want to kill one of their
countrymen. So they tried to avoid it. But the young man persisted. For
a time, he blocked those tanks, courageously and alone, from carrying
out part of what would become the Tiananmen Square massacre.
Eventually, some of his friends or other Chinese citizens whisked him
away from certain death. Those were two very stark images in my mind
that have stayed with me ever since.
In the House Foreign Affairs Committee this week, another one of
those student leaders actually spoke. Her name is Chai Ling. She's a
courageous new American, one who knows well the tragedy of forced
repression--both political repression and the painful, silent
repression in China that is not spoken of enough, which is that
country's forced abortion policies, its One Child policy, which has, by
the way, disproportionately targeted unborn girls.
In her testimony, she spoke clearly about her passion and love for
China and her hope that the United States and China can begin a new
embrace in a spirit of cooperation rooted in the fundamental respect
for human dignity, which transcends both language and culture. She
argues that the fear that led to the devastating persecutions of the
Cultural Revolution, Tiananmen Square, and more recently, this
genocidal One Child policy, which has seriously distorted China's
demographic balance, must be transformed by truth. She echoes the
spirit of Chen Guangcheng, the blind Chinese activist who stood up so
courageously against repression last year in China. When he visited
here in Washington, he said this to a small group of us: The intrinsic
kindness of persons cannot be defeated by violence and force.
Mr. Speaker, dysfunction in this important bilateral relationship
between the United States and China serves neither of our countries,
nor the broader world, as the influence of this relationship extends
far beyond our respective national borders. China wants our markets, we
want their stuff and, perversely, there are incentives for our
businesses to seek out their low-cost manufacturing. We want their
investment, they want our resources. We sell our enterprises, we also
run up our debt, and they buy the debt. In turn, we run down our
economy in an endless
[[Page H3105]]
chase for near-term gain. This feeds a dysfunctional interdependence
that is further aggravated by fundamental disagreements stemming from
different world views and perspectives on the individual and the state.
We need to look closely at our notions of self-interest in this
relationship, which vividly illustrates some of the challenges
associated with global interdependence. But there are also
opportunities that we need to grasp, Mr. Speaker. The President
recently changed the way in which we talk about the concept of national
interest in his State of the Union address, and I agree with him. We
should talk about our national conscience in concert with our national
interest. The two are inseparable. In conscience, we cannot say that
all is well with the U.S.-China relationship.
We can hope for a better day. Hopefully, this meeting between the
President and the new President of China will bear lasting fruit which
transcends discussions about defense and economics, and looks to that
which is fundamentally just and good for all peoples of the world.
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