Congressional Record, Volume 159 Issue 73 (Wednesday, May 22, 2013)

[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 73 (Wednesday, May 22, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3736-S3745]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

SUPPORTING SANCTIONS ON IRAN

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will
proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 65, which the clerk will report
by title.
The legislative clerk read as follows:

A resolution (S. Res. 65) strongly supporting the full
implementation of the United States and international
sanctions on Iran and urging the President to continue to
strengthen enforcement of sanctions legislation.

The Senate proceeded to consider the resolution, which had been
reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations, with an amendment.
[Strike the part printed in boldface brackets and insert the part
printed in italic.]

S. Res. 65

Whereas, on May 14, 1948, the people of Israel proclaimed
the establishment of the sovereign and independent State of
Israel;
Whereas, on March 28, 1949, the United States Government
recognized the establishment of the new State of Israel and
established full diplomatic relations;
Whereas, since its establishment nearly 65 years ago, the
modern State of Israel has rebuilt a nation, forged a new and
dynamic democratic society, and created a thriving economic,
political, cultural, and intellectual life despite the heavy
costs of war, terrorism, and unjustified diplomatic and
economic boycotts against the people of Israel;
Whereas the people of Israel have established a vibrant,
pluralistic, democratic political system, including freedom
of speech, association, and religion; a vigorously free
press; free, fair, and open elections; the rule of law; a
fully independent judiciary; and other democratic principles
and practices;
Whereas, since the 1979 revolution in Iran, the leaders of
the Islamic Republic of Iran have repeatedly made threats
against the existence of the State of Israel and sponsored
acts of terrorism and violence against its citizens;
Whereas, on October 27, 2005, President of Iran Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad called for a world without America and Zionism;
Whereas, in February 2012, Supreme Leader of Iran Ali
Khamenei said of Israel, ``The Zionist regime is a true
cancer tumor on this region that should be cut off. And it
definitely will be cut off.'';
Whereas, in August 2012, Supreme Leader Khamenei said of
Israel, ``This bogus and fake Zionist outgrowth will
disappear off the landscape of geography.'';
Whereas, in August 2012, President Ahmadinejad said that
``in the new Middle East . . . there will be no trace of the
American presence and the Zionists'';
Whereas the Department of State has designated the Islamic
Republic of Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism since 1984
and has characterized the Islamic Republic of Iran as the
``most active state sponsor of terrorism'' in the world;
Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has
provided weapons, training, funding, and direction to
terrorist groups, including Hamas, Hizballah, and Shiite
militias in Iraq that are responsible for the murder of
hundreds of United States service members and innocent
civilians;
Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has
provided weapons, training, and funding to the regime of
Bashar al Assad that has been used to suppress and murder its
own people;
Whereas, since at least the late 1980s, the Government of
the Islamic Republic of Iran has engaged in a sustained and
well-documented pattern of illicit and deceptive activities
to acquire a nuclear weapons capability;
Whereas, since September 2005, the Board of Governors of
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has found the
Islamic Republic of Iran to be in non-compliance with its
safeguards agreement with the IAEA, which Iran is obligated
to undertake as a non-nuclear-weapon State Party to the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, done at
Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 1968, and entered into
force March 5, 1970 (NPT);
Whereas the United Nations Security Council has adopted
multiple resolutions since 2006 demanding of the Government
of the Islamic Republic of Iran its full and sustained
suspension of all uranium enrichment-related and reprocessing
activities and its full cooperation with the IAEA on all
outstanding issues related to its nuclear activities,
particularly those concerning the possible military
dimensions of its nuclear program;
Whereas the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has
refused to comply with United Nations Security Council
resolutions or to fully cooperate with the IAEA;
Whereas, in November 2011, the IAEA Director General issued
a report that documented ``serious concerns regarding
possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear programme,''
and affirmed that information available to the IAEA indicates
that ``Iran has carried out activities relevant to the
development of a nuclear explosive device'' and that some
activities may be ongoing;
Whereas the Government of Iran stands in violation of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights for denying its
citizens basic freedoms, including the freedoms of
expression, religion, peaceful assembly and movement, and for
flagrantly abusing the rights of minorities and women;
Whereas in his State of the Union Address on January 24,
2012, President Barack Obama stated, ``Let there be no doubt:
America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear
weapon, and I will take no options off the table to achieve
that goal.'';
Whereas Congress has passed and the President has signed
into law legislation imposing significant economic and
diplomatic sanctions on Iran to encourage the Government of
Iran to abandon its pursuit of nuclear weapons and end its
support for terrorism;
Whereas these sanctions, while having significant effect,
have yet to persuade Iran to abandon its illicit pursuits and
comply with United Nations Security Council resolutions;
Whereas more stringent enforcement of sanctions
legislation, including elements targeting oil exports and
access to foreign exchange, could still lead the Government
of Iran to change course;
Whereas, in his State of the Union Address on February 12,
2013, President Obama reiterated, ``The leaders of Iran must
recognize that now is the time for a diplomatic solution,
because a coalition stands united in demanding that they meet
their obligations. And we will do what is necessary to
prevent them from getting a nuclear weapon.'';
Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated, ``Iran's
leaders should understand that I do not have a policy of
containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from obtaining a
nuclear weapon.'';
Whereas, on October 22, 2012, President Obama said of Iran,
``The clock is ticking . . . And we're going to make sure
that if they do not meet the demands of the international
community, then we are going to take all options necessary to
make sure they don't have a nuclear weapon.'';
Whereas, on May 19, 2011, President Obama stated, ``Every
state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able
to defend itself, by itself, against any threat.'';
Whereas, on September 21, 2011, President Obama stated,
``America's commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable.
Our friendship with Israel is deep and enduring.'';
Whereas, on March 4, 2012, President Obama stated, ``And
whenever an effort is made to delegitimize the state of
Israel, my administration has opposed them. So there should
not be a shred of doubt by now: when the chips are down, I
have Israel's back.'';
Whereas, on October 22, 2012, President Obama stated,
``Israel is a true friend. And if Israel is attacked, America
will stand with

[[Page S3737]]

Israel. I've made that clear throughout my presidency . . . I
will stand with Israel if they are attacked.'';
Whereas, in December 2012, 74 United States Senators wrote
to President Obama ``As you begin your second term as
President, we ask you to reiterate your readiness to take
military action against Iran if it continues its efforts to
acquire a nuclear weapon. In addition, we urge you to work
with our European and Middle Eastern allies to demonstrate to
the Iranians that a credible and capable multilateral
coalition exists that would support a military strike if, in
the end, this is unfortunately necessary.''; and
Whereas the United States-Israel Enhanced Security
Cooperation Act of 2012 (Public Law 112-150) stated that it
is United States policy to support Israel's inherent right to
self-defense: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved,

SECTION 1. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

Congress--
(1) reaffirms the special bonds of friendship and
cooperation that have existed between the United States and
the State of Israel for more than sixty years and that enjoy
overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress and among the
people of the United States;
(2) strongly supports the close military, intelligence, and
security cooperation that President Obama has pursued with
Israel and urges this cooperation to continue and deepen;
(3) deplores and condemns, in the strongest possible terms,
the reprehensible statements and policies of the leaders of
the Islamic Republic of Iran threatening the security and
existence of Israel;
(4) recognizes the tremendous threat posed to the United
States, the West, and Israel by the Government of Iran's
continuing pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability;
(5) reiterates that the policy of the United States is to
prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon capability and
to take such action as may be necessary to implement this
policy;
(6) reaffirms its strong support for the full
implementation of United States and international sanctions
on Iran and urges the President to continue and strengthen
enforcement of sanctions legislation;
(7) declares that the United States has a vital national
interest in, and unbreakable commitment to, ensuring the
existence, survival, and security of the State of Israel, and
reaffirms United States support for Israel's right to self-
defense; and
[(8) urges that, if the Government of Israel is compelled
to take military action in self-defense, the United States
Government should stand with Israel and provide diplomatic,
military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in
its defense of its territory, people, and existence.]
(8) urges that, if the Government of Israel is compelled to
take military action in legitimate self-defense against
Iran's nuclear weapons program, the United States Government
should stand with Israel and provide, in accordance with
United States law and the constitutional responsibility of
Congress to authorize the use of military force, diplomatic,
military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in
its defense of its territory, people, and existence.

SEC. 2. RULES OF CONSTRUCTION.

Nothing in this resolution shall be construed as an
authorization for the use of force or a declaration of war.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there will be now be
50 minutes for debate, with the Republicans controlling 30 minutes and
the majority controlling 20 minutes.
The Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, this is a debate where it does not matter
who is speaking, Republican or Democrat, because we are speaking with
one voice. That very seldom happens in American politics today,
unfortunately. There will be 50 minutes divided, but really there is no
division here.
S. Res. 65 has 91 cosponsors. That is very difficult to do. The
Presiding Officer, Senator Coons, was an original cosponsor of the
legislation.
What is S. Res. 65 all about? It is about the following: On March 4,
2012, President Obama stated:

Whenever an effort is made to delegitimize the State of
Israel, my administration has opposed them. So there should
not be a shred of doubt by now. When the chips are down, I
have Israel's back.

This resolution is in support of the President's statement. When I
heard that statement, it was music to my ears, because the Iranian
nuclear program, the efforts of the Iranians to develop a nuclear
capability, marches on as I speak.
Today, May 22, there are two articles, one in the Associated Press,
one in Reuters, talking about AIEA reports and diplomats saying that
Iran is pressing forward with the construction of a research reactor
that would add to their nuclear capability in terms of enriching
uranium to make a bomb, and that they have increased the number of
centrifuges dramatically since April.
We have been trying to sanction Iran--very successfully, I might add.
Senator Menendez, my cosponsor here, the original cosponsor, will be
here around 4. As to Bob Menendez, there is no stronger supporter of
the U.S.-Israel relationship than Bob, who is chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee.
We have worked on a resolution. The guts of this resolution basically
are as follows: It declares the United States has a vital national
interest in and an unbreakable commitment to ensuring the existence,
survival, and security of the state of Israel. It reaffirms the support
of the United States for Israel's right to legitimate self-defense. In
the last paragraph, it is not an authorization to use force, but it
says the following: That if Israel is compelled to take military action
in self-defense, the United States will stand with Israel and provide
diplomatic, military, economic support in its defense of its territory,
people, and existence.
The whole resolution is about Israel having to defend herself against
a nuclear-capable Iran. So when our President said in 2012 that ``we
have Israel's back,'' that his administration has Israel's back, this
is a chance for the Senate to say we also have Israel's back.
From my point of view, you cannot separate the threat the nuclear
program in Iran creates from the United States and Israel. They are the
same. The same threat Israel faces from a nuclear-armed Iran, a
nuclear-capable Iran, we face as a Nation. So people wonder, what will
happen if that day ever comes? What would America do? Well, this is a
statement by every Senator who votes yes--not an authorization to use
force, but a statement--that if that day comes and Israel has to
justifiably defend itself from a breakout by the Iranian regime to
build a nuclear weapon, which could be the end of the Jewish state, we
will have Israel's back economically, militarily, and diplomatically.
I cannot stress how important it is for that statement to be made by
the Senate. Time is running out. Time is not on our side. As to the
threat from Iran, since 1984 they have been characterized as the most
active state sponsor of terrorism in the world. As we have sanctioned
them to stop their nuclear ambitions, the amount of enriched uranium
has grown. As we talk, they enrich.
We are going to have several Senators come down to voice their
support for this resolution.
With that, I would yield to Senater Hoeven for 2 minutes. The Senator
has been an unwavering supporter of the United States-Israel
relationship.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
Mr. HOEVEN. I appreciate the opportunity to join my esteemed
colleague from the great State of South Carolina in support of S. Res.
65, expressing our strong support for our close friend and ally,
Israel.
This resolution right up front says--I want to read from the
subheading in the resolution--``Strongly supports the full
implementation of the United States and international sanctions on
Iran, and urging the President to continue to strengthen enforcement of
sanctions legislation.''
This is very important. I want to buttress a comment made by the good
Senator from South Carolina, and that is through Kirk-Menendez and
other legislation, we have provided authority for the administration to
put the strongest possible sanctions in place against Iran to prevent
Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. We need to do it. We need to
stand with Israel. We need to support our ally. This is not just about
Israel, this is about security for the United States. This is about
preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.
Essentially what these sanctions do is they provide any country or
company that buys oil from Iran cannot do business with our banking
system. Think about that. Countries that buy oil from Iran would not be
able to transact with the United States and U.S. companies. That would
preclude them from buying Iranian oil.
Okay. Think about that. If Iran cannot sell its oil, it has no
revenue. If it has no revenue, it is forced to stop its efforts to
build a nuclear weapon. So the point is this: We cannot only have
sanctions. What we are trying to do in this legislation is not only
express support for Israel, again as the Senator

[[Page S3738]]

from South Carolina pointed out, but encourage and support the
administration in completely enforcing the strongest possible sanctions
against Iran so we do not have to go to the option of a military strike
to take out their nuclear weapon capability. That is what this is all
about. This is bipartisan--as the Senator said, 91 cosponsors. This is
about saying we can get this done but we have got to impose these
sanctions as strongly as we can. We have got to do it now.
Mr. GRAHAM. I thank the Senator from North Dakota.
Now I wish to recognize Senator Ayotte for 4 minutes. We have got a
lot of speakers here to talk about S. Res. 65. She has been there at
every step of the way.
Ms. AYOTTE. Mr. President, let me thank Senator Graham and Senator
Menendez for their leadership on this important Senate resolution, S.
Res. 65. This is a resolution that is very straightforward. It says to
our friend and ally Israel: We have your back. That means right now. If
you look at the dangers confronting Israel, they are unprecedented
dangers, from the situation in Syria, to threats from Hamas and
Hezbollah, to the situation in the Sinai. But the greatest threat of
all is Iran acquiring nuclear weapons capability. It is a country that
has threatened to wipe Israel off the map.

Rightly so, the Israelis have said never again. As our country, we
say never again. Because it is not just that the Iranians could acquire
nuclear weapons capability and launch a missile against our country, it
is that they are the largest state sponsor of terrorism. They could
give that nuclear weapon to a terrorist. Then it is not just a threat
to Israel, this is a threat to the safety of the world. That is why I
fully support this resolution and why it has so many cosponsors in the
Senate. To understand the deep friendship we have with Israel, what we
share in terms of democracy in the Middle East, ultimately this threat
is not just a threat to Israel, this is a threat to the safety of the
United States of America.
This resolution is clear. If Israel is compelled to take military
action in self-defense against Iran's nuclear weapons program, it urges
the U.S. Government to stand with Israel, diplomatically, militarily,
and economically. It also reiterates what my friend from North Dakota
talked about, which is the policy of the United States to prevent Iran
from acquiring a nuclear weapon and reaffirms that we will continue to
press for the toughest of economic sanctions.
To the leaders in Iran, understand there is much we do not agree on
in this body. When we pass this resolution today, you need to know we
are unified when it comes to stopping you from acquiring nuclear
weapons capability, and that we will stand with our friend and ally
Israel to make sure you do not present that type of grave danger to the
safety of the entire world.
I thank my colleague from South Carolina. I thank my colleagues here
who have supported this incredibly important resolution. Think about
it. How often do we come together with 91 Senators to support
legislation? This is about the security of this country. I look forward
to this body passing this important resolution.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, at this time I wish to recognize a member
of the Foreign Relations Committee, one of the strongest voices on
national security in the body, a new member but someone who understands
the world and is a tremendous supporter of the United States-Israel
relationship, Senator Marco Rubio from Florida, for 4 minutes.
Mr. RUBIO. I thank the Senator.
I rise in support of these sanctions as well. Americans are perhaps
tempted these days to take a step back from the problems in places in
the Middle East and wonder why do we need to be active in resolving
these thorny issues that often seem unsolvable. But yesterday in the
Foreign Relations Committee, for example, we discussed Syrian
legislation and debated how to address the growing repercussions of our
policy of inaction as violence and instability spreads beyond Syria's
borders. We cannot stand idly by and ignore the fallout from Syria.
Americans need to remember that Iran is not just Israel's problem, it
is ours as well.
Iran has been sponsoring terrorism and killing Americans for decades,
most recently in places such as Iraq and Afghanistan. Iran has pursued
an anti-American agenda, and its foreign policy has supported tyrants.
It has undermined U.S. allies, and not just in the Middle East, through
its terrorist proxies such as Hezbollah and what they are doing now to
defend Asad in Syria, but they have even done it in our own hemisphere.
On top of these issues, Iranian leaders have denied that the
Holocaust even happened. They threaten Israel's very existence. So we
do need to strengthen our sanctions. We need to actually follow through
with them. That is what this resolution calls on the administration to
do.
But we also have to ensure that our international partners do that as
well. I am pleased that this resolution calls on the administration to
fully implement the sanctions we have already passed and approved.
These sanctions have not changed Iran's calculus. The sanctions alone
are not enough because, as we have seen, Iran has added centrifuges, so
they continue to enrich uranium and they get closer to a nuclear
capability. Similarly, the approach of this administration to talk to
Iran, trying what our European partners have attempted to do in the
past, has also been unsuccessful. For more than 10 years now we and the
Europeans have tried to negotiate--all with no results. Iran has only
gotten closer and closer to a nuclear capability.
We need a new approach. One avenue that has not been adequately
explored is using perhaps our greatest weapon, what Ronald Reagan
called ``the will and moral courage of free men and women.'' That means
speaking out more forcefully about the human rights situation in Iran.
This regime is brutally oppressive. It represses its own people. Read
the 2012 State Department report. It talks about disappearances; cruel,
inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment, including judicially
sanctioned amputations and flogging; politically motivated violence and
repression, such as beatings and rape; harsh and life-threatening
conditions in detention and prison facilities. This is not even a
comprehensive list of the abuses that exist in Iran.
Currently, there is an American pastor in Iran, Saeed Abedini, who is
serving 8 years in prison because he is a Christian and practices
Christianity.
Yesterday the Iranian Government disqualified two Presidential
candidates. This will be a sham election in the coming months. As one
State Department official put it to the Foreign Relations Committee,
the Green Movement in Iran today is virtually nonexistent.
Instead of denigrating the freedom fighters in Iran who have suffered
from inaction and lack of support, we need to be doing everything
possible in the weeks to come to speak frankly about the lack of
fundamental freedoms in Iran and reject the notion that this regime is
legitimate or a credible negotiating partner.
We need to make clear that a crackdown against the Iranian people
similar to the one that occurred in June of 2009 after a fraudulent
Presidential election will have real consequences this time. We can't
be everywhere. America can't be everywhere and do everything, but we
can't outsource the solutions to all our problems either.
Israel faces an unprecedented security environment. I saw this
firsthand during my recent visit to the Middle East in February. In
every direction, Israel sees uncertainty and potential instability,
from an all-out civil war on its northern border in Syria, to neighbors
going through delicate political transitions in the wake of the Arab
spring. But even with all these changes in its neighborhood, the
greatest challenge facing Israel today is the threat of a nuclear Iran.
We need to stand with Israel and provide diplomatic, military, and
economic support in its defense of its territory, its people, and its
existence. We need to remind Tehran that the United States will not
allow Iran to obtain nuclear weapons, as this resolution states, and
that is why I am supporting it. I urge all of my colleagues to support
it as well.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Brown). The Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. GRAHAM. I thank the Senator for a terrific speech.

[[Page S3739]]

I would ask whether Senator Menendez minds if Senator McCain speaks.
Mr. MENENDEZ. I am always willing to allow Senator McCain to speak.
Mr. GRAHAM. We will do this by age. Senator McCain is recognized for
5 minutes. That is not quite a minute a decade, but that will get us
going.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Arizona is recognized.
Mr. McCAIN. I thank the Chair, and I hope the Chair will discipline
this disrespect that is being displayed because of my advanced age.
This would never have happened in the Coolidge administration, in which
I first served.
I thank the Senator. I also thank my dear friend Lindsey Graham for
bringing this important resolution to the Senate.
Resolutions happen all the time. This is a very important one. It
wouldn't have happened without the leadership and support of the
distinguished chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. I would like
to thank him for his continued leadership, including the passage of the
resolution that was passed through the Foreign Relations Committee
yesterday concerning the situation in Syria.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record
three articles that are of importance for our colleagues.
One is from the Washington Post: ``Iran paves over suspected nuclear
testing site despite U.N. protests.''
The second is another Washington Post article, by the Associated
Press: ``Iran expands nuke technology for program that could be used to
make weapons.''
Of interest is another one, also from the Washington Post: ``Iranian
soldiers fighting for Assad in Syria, says State Department official.''
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:

[From the Washington Post, May 22, 2013]

Iran Paves Over Suspected Nuclear Testing Site Despite U.N. Protests

(By Joby Warrick)

Iran has begun paving over a former military site where its
scientists are suspected to have conducted nuclear-weapons-
related experiments, according to a new U.N. report, a move
that could doom efforts to reconstruct a critical part of
Iran's nuclear history.
Satellite photos of the site, known as Parchin, show fresh
asphalt covering a broad area where suspicious tests were
carried out several years ago, the International Atomic
Energy Agency said in an internal report that was prepared
for diplomats.
The paving appears to have occurred within the past few
weeks, at a time when the United Nations' nuclear watchdog
was meeting with Iranian officials to try to negotiate access
to the site to investigate allegations of secret weapons
research.
Iran has repeatedly denied IAEA inspectors entry to the
site, and previous satellite photos have shown a series of
efforts to alter it by razing buildings and even scraping
away topsoil around what was once a chamber used for military
explosives testing. U.N. officials believe that the facility
may have been used to test a special kind of detonator used
in nuclear explosions.
Since February, Iran ``has conducted further spreading,
leveling and compacting of material over most of the site, a
significant proportion of which it has also asphalted,'' the
IAEA said in its report, a copy of which was obtained by The
Washington Post.
The alterations to the site ``have seriously undermined the
Agency's ability to undertake effective verification'' of
Iran's claims that its nuclear program is entirely peaceful,
the report said.
Iran denies that it ever conducted nuclear weapons research
and says the IAEA has no mandate for investigating a military
base with no ties to its nuclear program.
The IAEA, which conducts routine monitoring of Iran's
civilian nuclear facilities, met with Iranian officials
earlier this month in the latest in a string of failed
efforts to clear up concerns over suspicious experiments by
Iranian scientists. U.S. intelligence officials believe Iran
was testing components for nuclear weapons as recently as
2003, when the work was abruptly halted.
Since then, Iran has amassed a large stockpile of enriched
uranium--a key ingredient in nuclear weapons--but has not yet
decided whether to take the risk of building and testing a
bomb, U.S. officials say.
The IAEA report also documented Iran's continued progress
in increasing its supply of enriched uranium, including the
addition of still more advanced centrifuges that produce
nuclear fuel more efficiently than the outdated machines
formerly used by Iran. At the same time, Iran has continued
to convert some of its uranium stockpile into metal fuel
plates, a step that would make it more difficult to use the
material in a future weapons program.
____

[From the Washington Post, May 22, 2013]

Iran Expands Nuke Technology for Program That Could Be Used To Make
Weapons

(By The Associated Press)

Vienna.--The U.N. atomic agency on Wednesday detailed rapid
Iranian progress in two programs that the West fears are
geared toward making nuclear weapons, saying Tehran has
upgraded its uranium enrichment facilities and advanced in
building a plutonium-producing reactor.
In a confidential report obtained by The Associated Press,
the International Atomic Energy Agency said Tehran had
installed close to 700 high-tech centrifuges used for uranium
enrichment, which can produce the core of nuclear weapons. It
also said Tehran had added hundreds of older-generation
machines at its main enrichment site to bring the total
number to over 13,000.
Iran denies that either its enrichment program or the
reactor will be used to make nuclear arms. Most international
concern has focused on its enrichment, because it is further
advanced than the reactor and already has the capacity to
enrich to weapons-grade uranium.
But the IAEA devoted more space to the reactor Wednesday
than it has in previous reports. While its language was
technical, a senior diplomat who closely follows the IAEA's
monitoring of Iran's nuclear facilities said that reflected
increased international concerns about the potential
proliferation dangers it represents as a completion date
approaches.
He demanded anonymity because he was not authorized to
discuss confidential IAEA information.
The report also touched upon a more than six-year stalemate
in agency efforts to probe suspicions Tehran may have worked
on nuclear weapons. It said that--barring Iran's
cooperation--it may not be able to resolve questions about
``possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear program.''
The U.S., Israel and Iran's other critics say the reactor
at Arak, in central Iran, will be able to produce plutonium
for several bombs a year once it starts up. They have said
Tehran's plan to put it on line late next year is too
optimistic.
But the report said the Islamic Republic had told IAEA
experts that it was holding to that timeline. The IAEA noted
that much work needed to be done at the reactor site, but it
said Iranian technicians there already had taken delivery of
a huge reactor vessel to contain the facility's fuel. It also
detailed progress in Tehran's plans to test the fuel.
Installations of the new IR-2m centrifuges are also of
concern for nations fearing that Iran may want to make
nuclear arms, because they are believed to be able to enrich
two to five times faster than Tehran's old machines.
The IAEA first reported initial installations in February.
It said then that agency inspectors counted 180 of the
advanced IR-2m centrifuges at Natanz, Tehran's main
enrichment site, less than a month after Iran's Jan. 23
announcement that it would start installing them.
Diplomats said none of the machines appeared to be
operating and some may only be partially set up. But the
rapid pace of installations indicates that Iran possesses the
technology and materials to mass-produce the centrifuges and
make its enrichment program much more potent.
Iranian nuclear chief Fereidoun Abbasi said earlier this
year that more than 3,000 high-tech centrifuges have already
been produced and will soon phase out its older-generation
enriching machines at Natanz, south of Tehran.
The report also noted Iran's decision to keep its stockpile
of uranium enriched to a level just a technical step away
from weapons-grade to below the amount needed for a bomb.
More than six years of international negotiations have
failed to persuade Tehran to stop enrichment and mothball the
Arak reactor.
____

[From the Washington Post, May 21, 2013]

Iranian Soldiers Fighting for Assad in Syria, Says State Department
Official

(By Anne Gearan)

Muscat, Oman.--Iran has sent soldiers to Syria to fight
alongside forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those
of the Lebanon-based Hezbollah militia, a senior State
Department official said Tuesday.
An unknown number of Iranians are fighting in Syria, the
official said, citing accounts from members of the opposition
Free Syrian Army, which is backed by the United States. The
official spoke on the condition of anonymity to preview a
strategy session that Secretary of State John F. Kerry is to
hold Wednesday with key supporters of the Syrian opposition.
Rebel forces have alleged for weeks that Iran is sending
trained fighters to Syria, and the Iran-backed Hezbollah has
said baldly that it will not let Assad fall.
But with the British, French and American governments
considering providing arms to the Syrian opposition on a
scale not yet seen in the civil war, the U.S. official's
allegation was a tacit acknowledgment that the two-year-old
Syrian conflict has become a regional war and a de facto U.S.
proxy fight with Iran.
``This is an important thing to note: the direct
implication of foreigners fighting on Syrian soil now for the
regime,'' the official said.

[[Page S3740]]

Kerry is in the Middle East this week to foster political
talks between Assad's resurgent regime and the embattled
rebels and to inaugurate a new round of peace talks between
Israel and the Palestinians.
The State Department official said the Syrian opposition,
which is badly split, has not finalized its representative to
the talks in Amman, Jordan, on Wednesday. The Amman session
is intended to align strategies ahead of a larger conference
in Switzerland that would bring together the Russian- and
Iranian-backed Assad regime and the Western-backed rebels.
Russia appears to be hedging its bets, as the U.S. official
acknowledged Tuesday. Assad's forces are being resupplied
from somewhere, the official said, and not all of the
armaments can be explained away as part of a continuation of
weapons contracts that predate the conflict.
Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov agreed two
weeks ago to jointly lobby the opposition and Assad's
government to sit down for negotiations. The goal would be a
transitional government with members chosen by mutual
consent. The United States says that would mean Assad's
eventual exit; Russia says not necessarily.
Kerry stopped in Oman on Tuesday to solidify a partnership
with a rare Sunni Arab nation that has friendly relations
with both Iran and the United States. He was readying plans
with Sultan Qaboos bin Said for Oman's purchase of an
estimated $2.1 billion air-defense system. The Raytheon-built
system is part of a coordinated, U.S.-led detection and
defense network intended to counter Iran's sophisticated
missile systems.
The State Department official would not say whether Iran
was welcome at the Syria conference in Geneva, tentatively
set for June.
In Washington on Tuesday, the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee passed legislation authorizing President Obama to
send weapons to vetted Syrian opposition groups. Although the
administration has not decided whether to provide lethal aid
and does not need congressional approval to do so, the
measure would strengthen Obama's case against those lawmakers
who disapprove of stepped-up U.S. involvement in Syria.
The bill, co-sponsored by Sen. Robert Menendez (D-N.J.),
the committee chairman, and Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), the
ranking minority member, also creates a $250 million annual
transition fund--from reprogrammed, not newly appropriated,
money--to help the civilian opposition preserve government
institutions and strengthen sanctions against anyone
providing arms or selling oil to Assad.
Menendez acknowledged concerns that U.S. weapons could fall
into the hands of Islamist extremists fighting on the side of
the opposition. But, he said, ``if we stand aside and do
nothing,'' such worries ``will become self-fulfilling
prophecy.''
The bill, which passed the committee on a bipartisan 15 to
3 vote, still requires approval by the entire Senate and by
the House, which has no companion version pending.
Karen DeYoung in Washington contributed to this report.

Mr. McCAIN. I join with 90 Members of the Senate to support this
resolution. This resolution has extraordinary bipartisan support. The
Senate will send a clear and unequivocal message to the regime in
Tehran, and that is this: The United States will not allow you to get a
nuclear weapons capability.
The dangers of a nuclear Iran cannot be denied, diminished, or
dismissed. We must continue to ratchet up the pressure through
sanctions, as this resolution suggests. At the end of the day,
sanctions are a means to an end, not an end unto themselves.
Unfortunately, despite the unprecedented international sanctions that
have been put in place, Iran is today closer to a nuclear weapons
capacity than ever before, and the facts speak for themselves.
In January 2009, according to the IAEA, the Iranians had
approximately 1,000 kilograms of uranium enriched to 3.5 percent. Today
they have more than 8,000 kilograms. In January 2009 Iran had not
enriched to 20 percent. Today the IAEA reported that Iran has produced
324 kilograms of 20 percent-enriched uranium. That is 44 kilograms more
than 3 months ago. It means they are moving unabated and unhindered
toward the development of a nuclear weapon, and they continue to deny
IAEA inspectors entry into nuclear facilities while the centrifuges
continue to increase dramatically. Just a few hours ago, the IAEA
issued a report that says Iran has installed close to 700 high-tech
centrifuges, which will exponentially increase the speed with which
Iran will be able to enrich uranium.
Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons capability cannot be divorced from
its other destabilizing actions. The threat from Iran is comprehensive.
It includes ongoing threats against Israel and other allied Arab
governments across the region, it includes a decades-long campaign of
unconventional warfare, and it includes Iran's ongoing role as the No.
1 state sponsor of terrorism in the world.
Let's not forget that Iran has bolstered violent extremist groups
such as Hezbollah and Shiite militias in Iraq who are responsible for
the murders of hundreds of young American forces and innocent civilians
or that senior leaders of the Quds Force were implicated in a terrorist
plot to assassinate Saudi Arabia's Ambassador to the United States on
U.S. soil.
The Iranian regime continues to undertake its full-fledged campaign
of brutality to keep Bashar al-Asad in power in Syria. Senior Iranian
officials are advising and assisting the Syrian military with
intelligence support and weapons. They have undertaken, together with
Hezbollah, a large-scale training effort of as many as 50,000
militiamen. As today's Washington Post makes clear, Iranian soldiers
are fighting on the ground in Syria, supporting the regime as it
massacres its civilians.
I ask whether this is in America's national security interest.
The threat in Iran is more deadly and more serious than any I have
seen in my lifetime. I don't think this threat will be fully resolved
until a very different set of leaders is in power in Tehran and until
we see an Iranian Government that reflects the will of the Iranian
people. I am confident that the current regime that rules Iran will not
last forever for the simple reason that the Iranian people want the
same freedoms and rights as people elsewhere.
I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this amendment.
Again, I thank the Senator from South Carolina Mr. Graham for his
hard work on this resolution for a change.
Mr. GRAHAM. I wish to thank Senator McCain for his voice on this
topic and any other topic that keeps America safe. I also thank Senator
Menendez, without whom there would be no resolution. Senator Reid is
not here, but I thank him for making the time available to have this
vote.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey is recognized for
5 minutes.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, is there a division of time?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority controls 20 minutes.
Mr. MENENDEZ. I recognize myself for such time as I may consume.
Let me start off by thanking and congratulating my colleague Senator
Graham for joining with me, for engaging me on this critical question.
He knows my concerns about Iran's march toward nuclear weapons, and
together we thought it was an important statement to make. I appreciate
his leadership on this issue and bringing us to a point where I think
we will have a remarkably strong bipartisan vote today to send a very
clear message. The message is that we seek full implementation of U.S.
and international sanctions on Iran and urge the President to continue
to strengthen enforcement of those sanctions.
I cannot emphasize enough my strong concerns about Iran's nuclear
program and the extraordinary threat it poses, yes, to Israel but, very
importantly, to the United States of America and to the entire
international community. Iran's provocative actions threaten to not
just undo regional stability, but they pose an existential threat to
our ally Israel and clearly a very clear threat to the national
security of the United States. Iran continues to export terrorist
activity directly and through proxies, such as Hezbollah. It continues
to actively support the Asad regime Syria with fighters, arms, and
petroleum. It continues its unrelenting drive for nuclear weapons,
placing it at the top of our list of national security concerns. In my
view it remains the paramount national security challenge we face,
certainly in the Middle East, if not the world.
We are at a crossroads in our Iran policy, and the question today is,
What do we do next? The Obama administration, in concert with the
Congress, has pursued a dual-track approach of diplomacy and sanctions.
Two weeks ago members of the Foreign Relations Committee met with Lady
Ashton, who has led the diplomatic track with the P5+1, along with
Under Secretary Sherman. The talks have been central in demonstrating
to the world that it is

[[Page S3741]]

Iran and not the United States that is acting in bad faith and it is
Iran that, through its obstinacy, has helped galvanize the
international community to increase the pressure. But the talks have
failed to achieve their central objective, which is getting Iran to
make concessions on its nuclear program.
It is clear to me that we cannot allow the Iranians to continue to
drag their feet by talking, while all the while they grow their nuclear
program. Iran is proceeding at a fast pace. Today, as has been
mentioned, the International Atomic Energy Agency, in its quarterly
report, said that Iran has installed almost 700 advanced IR2m
centrifuges at Natanz, an increase of more than 500 centrifuges since
February of this year. These are centrifuges that can more efficiently
and more quickly enrich uranium. The IAEA's report also again expressed
concern about the possible military dimensions of Iran's nuclear
program.
We cannot allow Iran to buy more time by talking even as the
centrifuges keep spinning. There is no doubt and there has never been a
doubt--certainly not in my mind--that a nuclear-armed Iran is not an
option for U.S. national security. That is why I have been fully
dedicated to doing everything we can to stop Iran from ever crossing
that threshold. That is why I introduced, along with Senator Graham,
this resolution that makes clear that a nuclear Iran is not an option
and that the United States has Israel's back. It is why I have come to
this floor time after time as an author of some of the toughest
sanctions that one country has ever levied against another, the
sanctions against Iran.
Working closely with my colleague Senator Kirk and with the Obama
administration, we have implemented these sanctions in a way that is
truly strangling the Iranian economy. Iran's leaders must understand
that unless they change their course, their situation will only get
worse and economic struggles and international isolation will grow.
They must understand that at the end of the day their pursuit of a
nuclear weapons capability will make them less, not more, secure.
I also want to say something about Iran's unacceptable and deplorable
approach to the State of Israel and its continued threats to the Jewish
State. As the President has made clear time and again, America's
commitment to Israel's security is unshakeable. I share the President's
commitment to Israel's security, and I know my colleagues do as well.
Every time Iran makes outrageous threats, it only succeeds in further
uniting the world against it and strengthening America's resolve.
I strongly support the close and unprecedented security cooperation
that the administration has pursued with Israel, and I know this
cooperation will only continue. I am deeply committed to doing
everything I can to ensure that Israel is able to defend itself.
While this resolution makes absolutely clear we are not authorizing
the use of force, it does also make clear that we have Israel's back
and, specifically, that if Israel is compelled to take military action
in self-defense against Iran's nuclear program, we should stand with
Israel, using all the tools of our national power to assist Israel in
defense of its territory, its people, and its very existence.
The bottom line is that Israel should always understand the United
States has its back; that we will not allow Iran to obtain nuclear
weapons capability, and if we are forced to, we will take whatever
means necessary to prevent this outcome.
As the President has reiterated on numerous occasions, all options--
all options--are on the table. That message, along with the solidarity
of this Chamber, I intend to take with me on my visit to Israel later
this week.
The simple fact is we need to continue to apply pressure and we must
bring along the international community in our effort. This has been
incredibly important, because while we have led, we have had a
multiplier effect with the multilateral support of the European Union
and others so our sanctions can bite, and they have been biting. Iran's
crude oil exports have been cut in half, from 2\1/2\ million barrels
per day in 2011 to approximately 1.25 million barrels now per day. Iran
still had energy sector exports, however, of $83 billion in 2012,
including $60 billion in oil and another $23 billion in natural gas,
fuel oil, and condensates. The sanctions are working, but they aren't
enough, and they aren't working fast enough.
In my view, we need to double down on four fronts.
First, we need to encourage further reductions in energy sector
purchases from Iran, including purchases of petroleum, fuel oil, and
condensates and prevent Iran from engaging in trade in precious metals
to circumvent sanctions; second, we need to ensure we have prohibited
trade with Iran with respect to all dual-use items that can be used in
Iran's nuclear program. That means adding additional industry sectors
to the trade prohibition list; third, we need to ask the international
community to ramp up the pressure and change Teheran's calculus. A
nuclear Iran, after all, isn't only an American problem; and fourth,
the time may have also come to look more seriously at all options and
that would include increasing military presence and pressure against
Iran.
I believe there still may be time for diplomacy to work, but
increased military pressure could signal to the supreme leader a
nuclear program will undermine the security of his regime, not improve
it.
Fundamentally, the challenge remains a difficult one and we are
walking a fine line. But this resolution says to the supreme leader of
Iran that we will not let up, we will continue to apply pressure, and
this continued pursuit of nuclear weapons is threatening the very
existence of his regime.
I urge my colleagues to support the Graham-Menendez resolution and
full implementation of U.S. international sanctions on Iran. We are
considering other options before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, as well as working with our colleagues on the Senate Banking
Committee to make it very clear we will exercise and exhaust all
options that are peaceful diplomacy to achieve our ultimate goal.
This resolution makes it very clear to the world we stand behind the
President as he stands behind Israel, and it says to Israel: We
continue to be your faithful ally. We recognize you as a clear
democracy in a challenging part of the world, as a major security
partner of the United States, and the one country most likely to be
voting with us in international organizations in common cause with
common values.
That is what I think this vote will be about tonight.
I reserve the remainder of my time because I do believe I have a
colleague who wishes to speak, but I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina is recognized.
There is 8 minutes remaining on the Republican side and 9 minutes
remaining on the majority side.
Mr. GRAHAM. At this time, I yield 2 minutes to my friend from
Mississippi, Senator Wicker, who is a member of the Armed Services
Committee.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Mississippi.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of this
resolution because Iran represents the single largest threat to freedom
and peace in the Middle East. Our State Department classifies Iran as
the most active state sponsor of terrorism, period.
A troubling news account from Reuters released just yesterday reveals
a United Nations nuclear agency report due this week is ``expected to
show Iran further increasing its capacity to produce material that . .
. could eventually be put to developing atomic bombs.''
The clock is ticking. This is a moment to be resolute. The forceful
words we just heard from the distinguished chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee, and previously from the distinguished senior
Senator from Arizona, demonstrate our firm bipartisan position on this
matter. The world can ill afford the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran.
That is why it is incumbent on the Congress and the President to take
every action necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring a weapon of mass
destruction. All options must be on the table, as the resolution
indicates, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.
Israel is a nation under siege by terrorist organizations, many of
which are being directly funded by the Iranian regime. The United
States must not waiver in its support and obligation to our friends in
Israel. I am pleased this resolution reaffirms our commitment to
Israel, particularly in the event

[[Page S3742]]

Israel is forced to exercise its sovereign right to defend itself.
I urge my colleagues to take a firm stand against nuclear
proliferation by voting for strengthened sanctions and for the adoption
of this resolution.
I yield back whatever time I may have remaining.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Connecticut.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I rise to express my strong support
for this resolution and to thank our colleagues Senator Graham and
Senator Menendez for their leadership and to thank them also for giving
me the privilege of working with them over the last years on this
vitally important national security issue. It is vital not just to the
existence of Israel--it is an existential issue for Israel--but to the
national security of the United States.
I believe Israel is a crucial ally of the United States and a
successful democratic state in the Middle East. Recent turmoil in that
region adds urgency and importance to ensuring that Israel remains a
secure, stable, independent state.
This resolution is a reaffirmation of the readiness of the United
States of America to assist Israel, our steadfast partner in the
region, to thwart any measure of aggression made toward Israel by Iran.
It is also a reaffirmation of the policy long supported by this
body--by our colleagues here, by all of us in a very personal and
direct way--that we have the back of the President of the United States
in his insisting on strong sanctions against Iran as long as it
continues its development of a nuclear capability.
In the coming days, I will be introducing, along with my colleague
the senior Senator from North Dakota, Mr. Hoeven, a resolution that
calls for free and fair elections in Iran. Regardless of the outcome of
these elections--and they are likely to be sham elections--we can't
avoid the sad fact that Iran has maintained its course and commitment
to nuclear development. The centrifuges are spinning, they are going,
and more are brought online every day in this breakout for nuclear
capacity. So we have to be wary of false signals of hope and remain
vigilant in our constant effort to secure against Iran faithfully
pursuing nuclear weapons.
Fruitless negotiations can't be our reason to call a halt to these
sanctions. That can come only with compliance--verified compliance. We
have to remain vigilant and remember that Iran has threatened to attack
not only Israel but the United States. It has substantiated those words
with attacks on our troops in Iraq and on American civilians visiting
or living in Israel.
It is Israel who helps diffuse those threats from Hamas and Hezbollah
and all who have targeted America. If Iran chooses to declare war on
Israel, if it ignores the path of peace the international community has
repeatedly laid down for it, they must know they do it at their peril.
The United States supports our strategic partner Israel, and that is
why I support S. Res. 65, because it demonstrates our full, unyielding,
unstinting support for Israel if the unthinkable and the avoidable
happens.
I yield back the remainder of my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. GRAHAM. At this time, I yield 5 minutes to my good friend from
Texas, a strong supporter of the United States-Israel relationship,
Senator Cornyn.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The senior Senator from Texas.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, back in October 2012, two Iran experts at
the Foundation for Defense of Democracies wrote a sobering article
about the Iranian nuclear program. They concluded that, despite years
of international and unilateral sanctions, Iran's economy had been
allowed to remain healthy enough to leave a vanishingly short period of
time for sanctions to do the work that might possibly head off military
action.
Seven months have passed since that article was written, and over
that period of time the following things have happened: The Iranians
have upgraded their biggest uranium enrichment plant. The head of the
International Atomic Energy Agency has found credible evidence that
Tehran has secretly been pursuing nuclear weapons technology. The
United States renewed sanction waivers for countries that import
substantial amounts of Iranian oil. President Obama installed a harsh
critic of Iran sanctions as his Secretary of Defense. The Iranians have
continued to prop up Syria and its dictator Bashar Asad and transport
dangerous weapons to Hezbollah as well.
In short, the Iranians are feeling emboldened, America's credibility
is being tested, and time is running out. For these reasons, I am a
proud cosponsor of S. Res. 65, which would send a clear message we are
determined not just to contain Iran but to prevent the Iranians from
acquiring a nuclear weapon.
It would also send a clear message the United States will stand with
Israel if our democratic ally is forced to take military action in
legitimate self-defense.
I would also add that I have joined my colleague from Illinois
Senator Kirk in introducing a separate bill, the Iran Export Embargo
Act, which would further expand U.S. sanctions by prohibiting companies
from doing business with any entity that is owned or controlled by the
Government of Iran.
More specifically, our bill would prohibit all export-related
transactions conducted on behalf of Iranian Government entities, and it
would block their assets.
One final point. The Iranians are not just waiting to see how we beef
up sanctions, they are also waiting to see how we respond to Syria's
apparent use of poison gas. After all, President Obama famously warned
the Asad regime that deploying chemical weapons would be tantamount to
crossing a red line. Yet the White House is walking back its red line
comments and issuing retroactive qualifiers.
We can be sure the mullahs are taking notes, and we can be sure the
outcome of the Syrian civil war will help determine the outcome of the
Iranian nuclear crisis.
I yield the floor.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I rise in support of S. Res. 65, an
important and timely resolution that restates U.S. policy to prevent
Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability and expresses U.S.
support should Israel be compelled to take military action against Iran
in its own legitimate self-defense.
I would like to take this time to thank my colleagues Senator
Menendez, Senator Graham, Senator Hoeven, and Senator Blumenthal for
joining forces to introduce this important bipartisan resolution that
recognizes and reaffirms the special bonds of friendship and
cooperation that have existed between the United States and the State
of Israel for more than six decades.
Make no mistake--the diplomatic, security, and economic relationship
between Israel and the United States is stronger than it has ever been,
and nothing can break that everlasting bond. But let's be completely
frank. Right now, our friend Israel faces one of the gravest threats it
has confronted in more than a half a century.
The Islamic Republic of Iran is dangerously obsessed with the goal of
acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. And we are getting closer and
closer to ``crunch time'' in terms of Iran developing that nuclear
weapons capability.
Time is of the essence, but unfortunately the latest talks between
the United States, our international partners, and Iran in Almaty,
Kazakhstan, failed to achieve any progress toward curbing Tehran's
nuclear ambitions. ``Talks'' about the ``future talks'' are ongoing,
but the centrifuges continue to spin in Iran, with more advanced
centrifuges on the way.
And who can deny the horrific actions of the Iranian regime. From its
support of the vicious Asad regime in Syria, which is spearheading a
human rights catastrophe that has led to the deaths of more than 70,000
people, to its backing of murderous terrorist organizations like Hamas
and Hezbollah, the Iranian regime is getting more and more dangerous by
the day. All the while, Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad continues
to guide his people down a very perilous path.
That is why this bipartisan resolution is so timely. It recognizes
the tremendous threat posed to the United States, the West, and Israel
by Iran's continuing pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability, and it
deplores and condemns in the strongest possible terms

[[Page S3743]]

the reprehensible statements and policies of the leaders of the Islamic
Republic of Iran threatening the security and existence of Israel.
The United States must do everything we can--as quickly as we can--to
convince the Iranian Government that it is in its interest to abandon
its pursuit of nuclear weapons. This resolution sends a blunt message
to the Government of Iran the United States will take whatever steps
are necessary to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons
capability.
This resolution states that nothing in this text shall be construed
as an authorization for the use of force or a declaration of war. But
rest assured, I believe that when it comes to Iran, we should never
take the military option off the table. President Obama has stated that
Israel is a true friend. And if Israel is attacked, America will stand
with Israel. Most importantly, President Obama has said that Iran's
leaders should understand that he does not have a policy of
containment; rather President Obama has a policy to prevent Iran from
obtaining a nuclear weapon.'' I take the President at his word, and so
should the Government of Iran. But we need to ratchet up the sanctions
and the pressure on Iran now.
And rest assured--Congress has given the President a powerful package
of economic sanctions that will paralyze the Iranian economy and I am
confident we in Congress will do more and this Administration will do
more to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapons capability.
I strongly urge my colleagues in the Senate to support this important
resolution and I look forward to its swift passage.
Mr. ROBERTS. Mr. President, I rise today in advocacy for each of my
colleagues to come to the floor this afternoon and vote in support of
Senate Resolution 65. This vital resolution makes a clear statement to
Iran--both to the current regime and to Iranian citizens who wish for
real and true change from the status quo--that the United States will
not tolerate its development of a nuclear weapon. Additionally, Senate
Resolution 65 expresses the United States' unconditional support for
Israel's right to self-defense against the threat of a nuclear Iran.
These vital statements come at a time when change could happen with
Iran's elections next month. But unfortunately, there is little reason
to believe things will change. According to the State Department, Iran
remains the most active state sponsor of terrorism. This is a statistic
that must be addressed. Iran's continual material and financial support
to Hezbollah and Hamas, expanding involvement in Syria, and serial
deception of its nuclear program are unlikely to be different a month
from now; a year from now; perhaps, a decade from now. Especially as
Iran continues to reject the United Nation's International Atomic
Energy Agency's, IAEA, regulatory authority and oversight, the United
States must reiterate the plain and simple fact that a nuclear Iran is
unacceptable.
When looking at the bigger picture, the recent terrorist attacks and
killings in Boston and Benghazi remind all Americans that our war on
terrorism continues. Even as troop numbers dwindle in Afghanistan, this
fight and its core focus are far from over. We must continue to combat
the terrorist threat around the world and strengthen our allied
relationships as this fight continues. Iran's funneling of weapons and
aid to terrorist cells increases their threat beyond the neighborhood.
Iran is not only a threat to Israel but to the United States as well.
Senate Resolution 65 reminds us of this fact and of the long and
important strategic relationship our nations have shared, one which has
been built of mutual trust and strengthened through security
cooperation.
I strongly support the United States' determination to prevent Iran
from obtaining a nuclear weapon. I strongly support this resolution as
it makes our determination unequivocal. All options are on the table.
To avoid our option of last resort, armed conflict, it is important
that this Congress continue to push for full implementation of
sanctions against the current regime in Iran to cripple their ability
to acquire a nuclear weapon. I encourage all of my colleagues to join
me in advocating for this--not only this administration, but for the
European Union and democracies around the world to strengthen their
sanctions on this rogue regime, as Iran's beliefs, rhetoric, and
actions threaten every nation who calls for democracy and freedom.
Of greatest importance, this resolution makes it crystal clear that
the United States stands firmly behind Israel and her right to self-
defense by pledging full support should Israel take military action
against the threat of Iran's nuclear program. This is not an
authorization for use of military force or a declaration of war.
However, it sends the right message to Iran and the rest of the world.
The United States stands strong behind our allies. Even in this time of
necessary financial restraint, the United States will never leave an
ally to fight alone.
Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of S. Res. 65, a
resolution which sends Israel, Iran, and the region a clear message: We
stand with our friends in Israel as they face the looming threat of a
nuclear-capable Iran.
I thank Senators Graham and Menendez for submitting this critical
resolution, which comes as we face a dangerous crossroads in the Middle
East.
Iran's quest for a nuclear weapons capability is moving closer and
closer to fruition. Talks with Iran have yet to achieve the progress
necessary to restrain Iran's nuclear ambitions and to compel Iran to
comply with the standards and norms expected of members of the world
community. And while sanctions are having a significant impact on
Iran's economy, they have not yet caused Iran's leaders to alter their
course.
Just yesterday, Iran's leaders again showed their uncompromising and
hard-line stance by excluding viable opposition candidates from their
upcoming Presidential election.
There has been a special bond of friendship and cooperation between
the U.S. and the State of Israel for over 60 years, which continues to
retain broad bipartisan support. We should continue to support and
expand the close military, intelligence, and security cooperation
between our two countries.
In this context, S. Res. 65 makes three vital points.
First, it reiterates that it is U.S. policy to prevent Iran from
achieving a nuclear weapons capability.
Second, it calls for the full implementation of United States and
international sanctions on Iran and urges the President to continue and
strengthen enforcement of sanctions legislation, including closing
loopholes that allow the regime to skirt sanctions.
And third, it makes clear the U.S. should stand in support of Israel
in case Israel is compelled to take military action in self-defense, in
accordance with U.S. law and Congress's constitutional responsibility
to authorize the use of force.
Now is not the time for America to project any ambiguity concerning
Iran's nuclear program.
While we hope that sanctions will ultimately prove successful in
persuading the regime to halt its nuclear ambitions, we must at the
same time make clear to Tehran that we will stand with Israel. Any
other message will simply encourage the mullahs to believe that Iran
can pursue its nuclear ambitions with impunity--and may facilitate
precisely the sort of crisis that we all hope to avoid.
I urge my colleagues to stand with Israel by voting in favor of S.
Res. 65.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I support the resolution on Iran that we
are voting on today, and I hope it sends a strong message to Iran as it
continues to flout the international community in pursuit of a nuclear
program that is a significant challenge to our Nation, our allies, and
the world.
While a diplomatic arrangement in which Iran rejoins the responsible
community of nations remains far and away the preferred outcome, there
is a consensus in that a nuclear-armed Iran is not acceptable and that
all options--including military options--must remain available to
prevent such an outcome.
However, according to a New York Times report today, Iran is pressing
ahead with the construction of a research reactor that could offer it
another way to produce material for a nuclear weapon should it decide
to do so.

[[Page S3744]]

If true, this is further evidence that Iran is not interested in a
diplomatic solution, but rather in walking up to the line of a nuclear
weapon capability to fuel an arms race in the region, increase the risk
of proliferation, and challenge the global community.
Over the past 2 years, the National Defense Authorization Act has
included sanctions provisions that have ratcheted up the pressure on
Iran's ability to facilitate and support its illicit network of nuclear
suppliers and has made it more difficult for the government of Iran to
conduct business as usual until Iran changes its course. I will
continue to support additional unilateral and multilateral sanctions
regimes that further increase the pressure on Iran's economy.
I look forward to supporting this resolution today, and I urge my
colleagues to support it as well.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, how much time remains?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 2 minutes remaining.
Mr. GRAHAM. I thank Senator Cornyn and every person who spoke today
and all the Senators who cosponsored this resolution. I thank Senator
Reid for making the time available. Senator Menendez has been a
terrific partner, the strongest voice one could hope for in having a
partner on the Democratic side to stand at a time when it matters.
In conclusion, on March 4, 2012, the President, President Obama, said
``when the chips are down, I have Israel's back.''
Mr. President, you were right then. Today the Senate will speak with
one voice echoing what you said.
There is a lot of wonderment about what is going to happen with the
Iranian nuclear program. I hope and pray they stop their nuclear
ambitions because they don't want a nuclear reactor, they want a
nuclear weapon. If they ever get one we will never be safe, Israel will
be under the gun for the rest of its existence, and they will share the
technology with the terrorists. Every Sunni Arab state will want a
nuclear weapon to counter the Shia Persians and all hell will break out
beyond what it is today in the Mid-East.
How do we prevent that? Sanctions, diplomacy, but the one thing we
cannot have in doubt is what we would do if Israel had to act in her
self-defense to stop the nuclear ambitions of an Iranian regime that
has promised to wipe the State of Israel off the map.
After today, in about 10 or 15 minutes, I believe every Member of the
Senate will be telling the Iranians we are not going to allow them to
get a nuclear weapon because if we do, they will throw the world in
chaos. It will threaten our very existence, as well as the State of
Israel, but most important we are going to tell everybody in the Mid-
East, throughout the world, in Tehran, Jerusalem and Tel Aviv that if
there is a conflict where Israel is justified in defending herself
against a nuclear-capable Iran, we will be there for them. We will have
their back. Where I come from, when we tell somebody, ``I have your
back,'' that means if they get into a fight for their very life, they
can count on us to be there.
In this case, Israel can count on the American people, the Senate,
and our Commander in Chief to be there. If that day ever comes, and I
pray it does not, but if that day ever comes where Israel has to take
military action, to our friends in Israel: We will be there with you
every step of the way, diplomatically, economically, and, yes,
militarily.
To the Iranian people: We would love to have a better relationship
with you. To the Iranian regime: You are one of the biggest evils on
the planet. We will stand up to you. We will stand by our friends. And
your desire to throw the world in chaos is never going to happen
because we will be there when necessary to stop your ambitions.
To every colleague who has taken time out to sponsor this resolution,
taken time out to speak on the floor: Thank you. There is not much we
agree on 100 percent, but I think today will be a major milestone in
our efforts to secure Israel and the United States. I think today we
will have 100 percent support by the Senate and stand by our friends in
Israel and stand up to the thugs in Iran.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana is recognized.
Mr. COATS. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from South Carolina
for bringing this forward. We have implemented now another set of
sanctions. There is still some question as to whether sanctions will
succeed and bring about the result we want, but I particularly commend
my colleague for his statement just a few moments ago relative to the
commitment of the United States toward the security, safety and
preservation of Israel in light of this threat that exists in Iran.
For years and years the clock has been ticking as the Iranians pursue
nuclear weapons capability. We know that for a fact. We need to exert
every possible measure that we can to give them reason not to go
forward and do this. That involves everything from diplomacy to
pressure through multinational organizations, through sanctions and
ever-tightening, ever-ratcheting sanctions against them, but also the
commitment to use whatever force may be necessary. I, along with my
colleague, pray this does not happen. But Iran absolutely has to know
that the United States will be standing shoulder to shoulder with the
nation of Israel. If they level their gun sights at Israel, they are
going to see us in the scope, standing shoulder to shoulder. We are
committed to that. We are committed to doing everything we possibly can
to prohibit and prevent Iran from achieving this nuclear capability. We
will take whatever steps are necessary if they use it--if they gain
that and use it for inappropriate purposes or any purposes other than
production of medical devices and products as well as providing nuclear
power.
I trust also that we have a 100-percent vote on this so we send a
very strong signal to the Iranians that we will not tolerate them going
forward with this plan.
I thank the Senator for yielding time.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, notwithstanding the previous order with
respect to S. Res. 65, I ask consent that the committee-reported
amendment be agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
Mr. GRAHAM. I do not see any other speakers. I yield the remainder of
the time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back. The question is on
adoption of S. Res. 65, as amended.
Mr. GRAHAM. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr.
Lautenberg) is necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 99, nays 0, not voting 1, as follows:

[Rollcall Vote No. 133 Leg.]

YEAS--99

Alexander
Ayotte
Baldwin
Barrasso
Baucus
Begich
Bennet
Blumenthal
Blunt
Boozman
Boxer
Brown
Burr
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Chambliss
Coats
Coburn
Cochran
Collins
Coons
Corker
Cornyn
Cowan
Crapo
Cruz
Donnelly
Durbin
Enzi
Feinstein
Fischer
Flake
Franken
Gillibrand
Graham
Grassley
Hagan
Harkin
Hatch
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Heller
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johanns
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (WI)
Kaine
King
Kirk
Klobuchar
Landrieu
Leahy
Lee
Levin
Manchin
McCain
McCaskill
McConnell
Menendez
Merkley
Mikulski
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Paul
Portman
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Risch
Roberts
Rockefeller
Rubio
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Scott
Sessions
Shaheen
Shelby
Stabenow
Tester
Thune
Toomey
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Vitter
Warner
Warren
Whitehouse
Wicker
Wyden

NOT VOTING--1

Lautenberg

The resolution (S. Res. 65), as amended, was agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the preamble is
agreed to and the motions to reconsider are considered made and laid
upon the table.

[[Page S3745]]

The resolution (S. Res. 65), as amended, with its preamble, reads as
follows:

S. Res. 65

SECTION 1. SENSE OF CONGRESS.

Congress--
(1) reaffirms the special bonds of friendship and
cooperation that have existed between the United States and
the State of Israel for more than sixty years and that enjoy
overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress and among the
people of the United States;
(2) strongly supports the close military, intelligence, and
security cooperation that President Obama has pursued with
Israel and urges this cooperation to continue and deepen;
(3) deplores and condemns, in the strongest possible terms,
the reprehensible statements and policies of the leaders of
the Islamic Republic of Iran threatening the security and
existence of Israel;
(4) recognizes the tremendous threat posed to the United
States, the West, and Israel by the Government of Iran's
continuing pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability;
(5) reiterates that the policy of the United States is to
prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon capability and
to take such action as may be necessary to implement this
policy;
(6) reaffirms its strong support for the full
implementation of United States and international sanctions
on Iran and urges the President to continue and strengthen
enforcement of sanctions legislation;
(7) declares that the United States has a vital national
interest in, and unbreakable commitment to, ensuring the
existence, survival, and security of the State of Israel, and
reaffirms United States support for Israel's right to self-
defense; and
(8) urges that, if the Government of Israel is compelled to
take military action in legitimate self-defense against
Iran's nuclear weapons program, the United States Government
should stand with Israel and provide, in accordance with
United States law and the constitutional responsibility of
Congress to authorize the use of military force, diplomatic,
military, and economic support to the Government of Israel in
its defense of its territory, people, and existence.

SEC. 2. RULES OF CONSTRUCTION.

Nothing in this resolution shall be construed as an
authorization for the use of force or a declaration of war.

____________________