[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 37 (Thursday, March 14, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1850-S1851]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SEQUESTER MITIGATION
Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about the
bipartisan UdallCollins flexibility plan, which is designed to help
mitigate the damaging effects of the automatic spending cuts our
country now faces, commonly called the sequester. If left unchanged,
these indiscriminate sequester cuts will undermine services that
hardworking families rely on and harm our economic growth during this
fragile recovery.
So what is the sequester and how did our politics deteriorate so
badly that we are left to watch as this self-inflicted wound is leveled
on our country? It boils down to two problems that both Democrats and
Republicans readily acknowledge deserve our attention: our national
deficit and debt. In some ways it is just as the President has
described it: a matter of pure math. The Federal Government is spending
more than it is taking in and that picture is not projected to change
in the long run--in fact, it is projected to get worse.
And this has been a long time coming. In 2010, I was part of a core
group of Senators who urged the White House to establish a bipartisan
fiscal commission that would help us address our debt and deficit. The
administration heard our call and established a debt and deficit panel
to recommend a balanced and comprehensive way to get our fiscal house
in order. Their plan, as you know Mr. President, is now commonly
referred to as the Simpson-Bowles plan. Former Republican Wyoming
Senator Al Simpson and Former Clinton Chief of Staff Erskine Bowles led
the effort and both Democrats and Republicans here in the Senate
embraced the framework that pushed for spending cuts, raising revenue
and responsibly reforming our entitlements. With bipartisan support for
such a balanced plan, it should have been an open-and-shut case, which
is why I endorsed the idea and repeatedly encouraged my colleagues to
bring it to the floor for a vote.
The problem is that it doesn't just take some bipartisanship to get
anything done around here; it takes a lot of bipartisanship--60 votes
in the Senate and 218 votes in the House of Representatives. Ideologues
on both sides of the aisle and in both chambers have since dug in their
heels, totally unwilling to set aside differences to reach a
compromise.
So that brings us back to the sequester. Because Congress cannot
agree on a balanced and bipartisan plan to reduce the deficit, we are
left with these automatic and blunt across-the-board cuts.
There is no doubt that we must reduce the deficit, which is why I
have been saying for months that we ought to bring forward the Simpson-
Bowles plan and find a way to achieve deficit reduction in a more
thoughtful and strategic way. That approach would include additional
revenue and shoring up our entitlements. In theory, many of my
colleagues on both sides of the aisle agree with this approach. But at
the end of the day, there just aren't enough of them with the courage
to support a balanced, deficit-reduction plan. We owe it to the
American people to be honest. Let's just acknowledge that we have
reached an impasse.
And until there are enough Members willing to make the difficult
decisions we are left with these terrible and indiscriminate cuts to
our Government. Let's get it straight: the sequester is not a solution.
It is neither smart, nor strategic--it wasn't designed to be. I firmly
believe that the sequester will leave our Government frayed and our
economy weakened.
The sheer magnitude of the sequester cuts will not only damage our
economy, but will also put our national security at a level of risk
that could have been avoided had Congress exercised the courage to pass
a bipartisan and balanced plan. We can do better, and the Udall-Collins
plans suggests that there are more reasonable ways to find these
savings than implementing blunt, thoughtless cuts.
Our plan says, ``Wait a minute, if we really have to live with these
terrible cuts, shouldn't we at least be strategic about how and where
we make them?''
The proposal that Senator Collins and I have put forward is not about
providing flexibility to choose between cutting children's education
funding in New York City versus Kansas City. Our plan simply provides
the administration and Congress with the flexibility to look at where
our Government's highest-value investments are so we can continue to
invest in them, while cutting back in areas that do not provide
mission-critical value for Americans.
While there are still difficult decisions to make and tough choices
to confront, the best way forward is through a collaborative process
between the administration and Congress--as the Udall-Collins plan
would provide.
Last week, the Senate voted down a politically motivated flexibility
proposal. Senator Collins and I are not
[[Page S1851]]
interested in proposing a partisan plan. Instead, we offer a plan that
is both reasonable and feasible because it calls for strategic
decision-making that allows for the least disruption possible for our
constituents as the executive branch implements $85 billion in spending
cuts over the next 7 months.
Further underscoring the need for a comprehensive flexibility plan,
several members of Congress introduced this week amendments to a
funding bill called a continuing resolution that propose flexibility in
implementing sequestration for individual agencies or departments that
were immediately hit by the effects of the automatic budget cuts. These
amendments are mainly focused on providing flexibility for particular
agencies, while the bipartisan Udall-Collins approach proactively
provides for strategic decision-making and flexibility across all
agencies in our Government.
Coloradans know we are all in this together. When the pioneers had a
wagon train breakdown, they didn't quibble about who was to blame. They
fixed the wheel. When bad weather rolled in while crossing the divide,
they didn't argue about who put them in harm's way--they came together
and supported each other in order to survive.
In that vein, we ought to continue working on a Simpson-Bowles
inspired plan that raises revenue by closing tax loopholes and asks the
well-off to do a little more, reforms our entitlements to shore them up
over the long term, and finds areas of our budget where we can pare
back Government spending. If we can finally agree on a balanced
solution like this, we would--in effect--fix the wagon wheel and get us
through the storm so that we can move on to the other serious
challenges confronting our country, like energy and immigration reform,
fighting terrorists and building an economy that is set to lead the
global economic race.
At this point, we are left with very few workable options. The
sequester will be damaging no matter what, but let's work together to
ensure its impact is not unnecessarily debilitating to our Government,
our national security, and our economy. Most importantly, let's not do
unnecessary harm to hardworking, middle-class families across this
Nation.
I urge my colleagues to join Senator Collins and me in supporting our
amendment to give Congress and the White House the authority to more
strategically implement the sequestration cuts. By working together, we
can make the best out of a bad situation and agree on a wholesale,
balanced and bipartisan plan to address our fiscal imbalances.
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