[Congressional Record Volume 159, Number 36 (Wednesday, March 13, 2013)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E280-E285]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




            FIRST THE SATURDAY PEOPLE THEN THE SUNDAY PEOPLE

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. FRANK R. WOLF

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                       Wednesday, March 13, 2013

  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I just returned from Lebanon and Egypt where I 
met with State Department officials, civil society actors, including 
prominent religious leaders and humanitarian aid organizations, and 
Syrian refugees. The trip (February 18-21, 2013) came at a critical 
time, as events in the broader Middle East over the last two years have 
been both historic and tumultuous.
  One of the main purposes of the trip was to spend time with the 
Syrian Christian community. As a brutal civil war, which has taken 
nearly 70,000 lives, rages in Syria the plight of the sizable Christian 
community is often overlooked. While from the outside it appears as 
though President Bashar al-Assad's brutal regime will ultimately fall, 
the eventual outcome,

[[Page E281]]

including how many will perish in or be displaced by the continued 
violence and who will step into the ensuing power vacuum, is far from 
certain. Moreover, what that will mean for the Christian community in 
Syria is largely unknown and, unfortunately, rarely addressed by 
Western media or church leaders.
  I wanted to hear firsthand from Syrian Christians about their 
concerns and what the future might hold and to put this issue in the 
larger context of an imperiled Christian community in the broader 
Middle East, specifically in Egypt and Iraq.
  Coptic Christians and other minorities in Egypt have increasingly 
been marginalized with the ascendancy of the Muslim Brotherhood. The 
newly drafted constitution is viewed as highly problematic by many 
Egyptians. A February 5 Associated Press article reported 
``[p]rovisions in the document allow for a far stricter implementation 
of Islamic Shariah law than in the past, raising opponents' fears that 
it could bring restrictions on many civil liberties and the rights of 
women and Christians.''
  Egypt is the recipient of billions of dollars in U.S. foreign 
assistance. A thorough assessment of the conditions in Egypt and the 
evolving political situation is critical, especially in these tight 
budgetary times.

                           The Sunday People

  These issues must be viewed not simply as today's news but rather 
through the lens of history. A phrase not often heard outside the 
majority Muslim world is ``First the Saturday people, then the Sunday 
people.'' The ``Saturday people'' are, of course, the Jews. Their once 
vibrant communities in countries throughout the region are now 
decimated. In 1948 there were roughly 150,000 Jews in Iraq; today less 
than 10 remain. In Egypt, there were once as many as 80,000 Jews; now 
less than 100 remain. It appears a similar fate may await the ancient 
Christian community in these same lands.
  Consider this observation by author and adjunct fellow at the Center 
for Religious Freedom, Lela Gilbert, who recently wrote in the 
Huffington Post: ``Between 1948 and 1970, between 80,000 and 100,000 
Jews were expelled from Egypt--their properties and funds confiscated, 
their passports seized and destroyed. They left, stateless, with little 
more than the shirts on their backs to show for centuries of Egyptian 
citizenship. . . .''
  Meanwhile, with the fall of Hosni Mubarak, Coptic Christians, 
numbering roughly 8-10 million, are leaving in droves. A January 8 
National Public Radio, NPR, story reported ``Coptic Christians will 
celebrate Christmas on Monday, and many will do so outside their native 
Egypt. Since the revolution there, their future in the country has 
looked uncertain and many are resettling in the United States. Their 
population in the U.S. may have grown by nearly 30 percent, according 
to rough estimates.''
  Gilbert echoes this reality, writing ``. . . today, hundreds of 
thousands of Copts have already fled--those able to afford airfare and 
lawyers have sought asylum in the U.S. and Canada. As for the others . 
. . the options are few and fraught with danger.''
  Similarly, Iraq's Christian population has fallen from as many as 1.4 
million in 2003 to roughly 500,000 today. Churches have been targeted, 
believers kidnapped for ransom and families threatened with violence if 
they stay. In October 2010, Islamist extremists laid siege on Our Lady 
of Salvation Catholic Church in Baghdad, killing over 50 hostages and 
police, and wounding dozens more.
  Turning to Syria, in the midst of devastating bloodshed and civil 
war, the Christian population is particularly vulnerable. A recent 
Associated Press story reported ``[Christians] are fearful that Syria 
will become another Iraq, with Christians caught in the crossfire 
between rival Islamic groups.''
  Over the span of a few decades, the Middle East, with the exception 
of Israel, has virtually been emptied of Jews. In my conversations with 
Syrian Christian refugees, Lebanese Christians and Coptic Christians in 
Egypt, a resounding theme emerged: a similar fate awaits the ``Sunday 
People.''

                               An Exodus

  While it remains to be seen whether the historic exodus of Christians 
from the region will prove to be as dramatic as what has already 
happened to the Jewish community, it is without question devastating, 
as it threatens to erase Christianity from its very roots.
  A recent study on Christian persecution released by the London-based 
think tank Civitas found that ``[p]arts of the media have been 
influenced by the logical error that equates criticism of Muslims with 
racism, and therefore as wrong by definition. This has further 
distracted attention away from the hounding of Christians, helping to 
cement the surprisingly widespread idea that Christianity is a 
'Western' faith.''
  This idea could not be further from the truth. The Middle East is the 
very cradle of Christendom.
  Consider Iraq. With the exception of Israel, the Bible contains more 
references to the cities, regions and nations of ancient Iraq than any 
other country. The patriarch Abraham came from a city in Iraq called 
Ur. Isaac's bride, Rebekah, came from northwest Iraq. Jacob spent 20 
years in Iraq, and his sons (the 12 tribes of Israel) were born in 
northwest Iraq. A remarkable spiritual revival as told in the book of 
Jonah occurred in Nineveh. The events of the book of Esther took place 
in Iraq as did the account of Daniel in the Lion's Den. Furthermore, 
many of Iraq's Christians still speak Aramaic the language of Jesus. In 
fact a February 2013 Smithsonian Magazine story noted ``[a]s Jesus died 
on the cross, he cried in Aramaic, `Elahi, Elahi, lema shabaqtani?' 
(`My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?')'' In Egypt, some 2,000 
years ago, Mary, Joseph and Jesus sought refuge in this land from the 
murderous aims of King Herod. Egypt's Coptic community traces its 
origins to the apostle Mark.
  If, as appears to be happening, the Middle East is effectively 
emptied of the Christian faith, this will have grave geopolitical 
implications and does not bode well for the prospects of pluralism and 
democracy in the region, which is especially disquieting in the 
aftermath of the ``Arab Spring.'' These developments demand our 
attention as policymakers.
  Similarly, these realities demand the attention of the church in 
West. As already noted, ancient faith communities have inhabited these 
lands for centuries and are a vital part of the fabric of global 
Christendom.

                                Lebanon

  Upon arriving in Beirut on the evening of February 18, I met with the 
U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon, Maura Connelly, and senior embassy staff. 
One of the many issues addressed was the impact the substantial--and 
growing--Syrian refugee population is having on Lebanon.
  Just over four million people live in Lebanon, which is about the 
size of Connecticut. Since the fighting started in Syria in the spring 
of 2011, thousands of refugees have entered the country, putting a 
strain on the people and government of Lebanon. Complicating this is 
the fact that Lebanon has its own sectarian issues, and there is 
concern that the spillover from Syria could lead to instability in 
Lebanon, given that roughly half the population supports the Assad 
regime and the other half supports the rebels.
  A February 23 New York Times story described the precarious balance 
this way: ``As they flee increasingly sectarian killing, Syrians layer 
their fears onto those of a country deeply scarred by its own 
generation-long sectarian civil war. They are testing, yet also relying 
on, the fragile yet flexible balance that has endured here, punctured 
by occasional fighting, since Lebanon's war ended 22 years ago.''
  On February 19, I met with Lebanese President Michel Sleiman, the 
only Christian president in the region. I also met with Lebanese Prime 
Minister Najib Mikati and Lebanese Minister of Social Affairs Wael Abou 
Faour. Lebanon's leaders--and its people--should be thanked for what 
they are doing to help address the humanitarian crisis in Syria. 
Lebanon is hosting more Syrian refugees than any other country, and all 
three expressed concern that the situation is growing more tenuous by 
the day as greater numbers of refugees pour over the border and 
resentment among Lebanon's poorer communities grows, not to mention the 
underlying sectarian tension. Criminal activity is also on the rise.
  Following the initial meetings with government leaders, I spent the 
rest of my time in Lebanon meeting with religious leaders, civil 
society representatives, non-governmental organizations, NG0s, and 
Syrian refugees--both Christian and Muslim.

                             John and Mary

  My first meeting was a moving encounter with a Syrian Christian and 
his wife who, despite the risks, had driven from Syria to Beirut to 
meet with me and detail the experience of their community. They often 
cross the border. Given security concerns, I will simply refer to them 
as John and Mary.
  John and Mary told me that many Christians had left Damascus, and 
most of those who remained were simply too old to flee. They described 
some in the Free Syrian Army as terrorists, including foreign fighters 
from countries like Libya, Afghanistan, Yemen and Egypt.
  Increasingly the claims of foreign jihadists are verified. A February 
18 Washington Post story reported ``[a] report issued Monday in Geneva 
by the U.N. Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria 
said the Islamist fighters include foreigners--from Libya, Tunisia, 
Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Iraq and Egypt--drawn to the conflict because 
they consider it a Sunni jihad against Assad's government, which, 
although secular, is dominated by Alawites, a branch of Shiism.''
  John and Mary described the situation in Syria as ``very dangerous.'' 
Fear was a constant. ``We are always afraid,'' they said. They did not 
see a future for themselves or their community if the Free Syrian Army 
prevailed. ``We were told that when we [the opposition] take over the 
government you will be out [of the country] or you will die.''

[[Page E282]]

  But the threat is actually imminent, not some distant concern. They 
said the day before meeting with me that they read on the Internet that 
``we advise you to leave because we are going to destroy your 
community.''
  Throughout the course of the meeting Mary was understandably 
emotional. Through tears she told me that they had attempted to prepare 
their children for what the future may hold, saying ``we have told our 
children our house could come under attack and there may be blood. We 
have told them we will shut our eyes and then open them in Heaven.''
  She went on to say that she feels God wants them in Syria. ``We will 
not fail. It is our mission.''
  Bashar al-Assad is a brutal dictator and war criminal. But, as John 
and Mary caution, the West must be clear-eyed about who the rebels are, 
and what they will do if they seize power. Indeed, factions within the 
rebel movement, such as the al-Nusra Front, do not seek a peaceful, 
democratic and pluralistic Syria.
  They warned against supporting such segments of the opposition. The 
prospect of extremists taking over Syria weighed heavily on John and 
Mary.
  I asked if they felt abandoned by the church in the West. Their 
answer: ``yes.''
  I left the meeting deeply sobered by what I had heard and convinced 
anew that there are no easy answers to the unfolding tragedy in Syria.

                             Church Leaders

  On March 15, 2011, Bechara Rai was elected the 77th Patriarch of 
Antioch and the Levant. The Maronite Church is in communion with Rome, 
and Patriarch Rai frequently travels on pastoral visits to Maronite 
communities around the world. I spent an hour with Patriarch Rai and 
Bishop Sayah, who served in Jerusalem for 16 years before coming to 
Lebanon.
  Patriarch Rai provided a candid assessment of the situation in Syria, 
saying that ``the original movement was spontaneous. It was about 
freedom and human rights. But all of a sudden someone came in and took 
over.''
  He told me ``reforms were needed, but in dealing with theocracies, it 
backfired.'' He pointed to Iraq, saying ``it has not reached a 
democracy, and now the Sunni and Shia are fighting. Our Christian 
culture started in Iraq. Now a majority of the Christians have had to 
leave. A similar thing is happening in Egypt with the Copts. They have 
been marginalized and are afraid. In Syria, we are witnessing the same 
scenario.''
  Patriarch Rai also spoke to the broader geopolitical implications of 
the crisis facing Christians in the region, saying ``the West is 
heading to a situation that is going to hurt them. If Christians 
disappear, what will happen to this part of the world? If the 
Christians are gone, the West will have to deal with this radicalism.''
  He lauded the model of Lebanon, saying ``Lebanon has agreed to live 
together. It has become a model. It still has its problems, but it has 
human rights. We have to make sure this country is safeguarded, too. If 
Lebanon disappears as a formula for success it will hurt this region 
and the West, too.''
  I also met with Archdeacon Emanuel Youkhana of the Assyrian Church of 
the East. He was the focus of a piece that recently appeared in 
National Review Online vividly detailing the exodus of Christians from 
Syria. It was written by Nina Shea, director of the Hudson Institute's 
Center for Religious Freedom and a former commissioner on the U.S. 
Commission on International Religious Freedom. She also highlighted a 
recent report by Swedish Journalist Nun i Kino titled ``Between the 
Barbed Wire.'' The Archdeacon told me that it is imperative that the 
church be involved in the political debate and peace process 
surrounding it. He also cautioned the church not to defend the Assad 
regime by saying it is protecting them. He said the minorities in 
Syria, including Christians, are being used to give cover to the 
dictatorship. He ended our conversation by saying Christianity in the 
West cannot survive if Christianity in the East is being destroyed and 
asked for the church in the West to ``pray for those suffering in the 
East. Pray for the Martyrs.''
  Again, the complexities of the situation in Syria were apparent.

                             Syriac League

  During a meeting with the Syriac League, an NGO in Lebanon that has 
strong connections with the Syriac community in Lebanon and with 
Christians who have come to Lebanon to escape conflict and difficulties 
in their own countries, including Syria, Iraq and Egypt, I had a chance 
to hear directly from a number of people who had fled Syria. Once 
again, the general theme was an abiding sense of fear. They said they 
lived under threat every day. They described killings and kidnappings 
for ransom. They talked about having to pay smugglers to help them get 
across the border. (One man told me that he knew he had fake papers, so 
he turned himself in to the authorities and ultimately had to spend 57 
days in a Lebanese prison. He was released the day before we met.) They 
said there are some towns and villages in Syria where there are no 
Christians left. They said many of the Christians who remain simply 
have no money to get out. They talked about multiple checkpoints: some 
manned by the regime's forces; others by opposition forces.
  They said three years ago life in Syria was relatively good. While 
they may not have had equal rights in the government, they had freedom 
of religion. They also had their safety and security.
  One of the people I met was a doctor. He described how the Free 
Syrian Army forced him to treat wounded soldiers. He said they came in 
daily but when they found out he was a Christian they threatened to 
kill him. The Kurds helped him escape. He said half of his friends had 
either been killed or kidnapped. He lamented that as a doctor he led a 
good life in Syria but is struggling now because he obviously can't go 
back to his country nor is he able to practice medicine in Lebanon.
  When I asked what message I needed to take back to leaders in the 
West, the universal refrain was: ``We need you not to support regimes 
that are persecuting us [Christians]. We need to be treated as 
equals.''

                            Jihadists Arrive

  The people also spoke of a newcomer on the scene: jihadists. They 
echoed earlier conversations saying that people from other places 
(Afghanistan, Tunisia and Chechnya were mentioned) were coming in to 
fight. They specifically mentioned al-Nusra Front. On December 11, 
2012, the State Department designated al-Nusra Front as a terrorist 
organization linked to al-Qaeda in Iraq. In the State Department 
briefing announcing the designation, the department spokesperson said 
``Al-Nusra Front has sought to portray itself as part of a legitimate 
Syrian opposition, but today's actions are intended to expose them and 
make clear that the United States believes that al-Nusra's extremist 
ideology has no role in a post-Assad Syria. Among the consequences of 
today's actions is a prohibition against knowingly providing or 
attempting or conspiring to provide material support or resources to or 
engaging in transactions with al-Nusra Front.''
  One of the men I spoke to said, ``Our people see no future for us. 
There is no law and order in Iraq or Syria. Our people are leaving and 
not coming back.''
  ``We want to survive here,'' another said. ``Yet there are two 
problems: violence and people do not accept us as citizens.''
  One family who was there with their young daughter, who is an 
American citizen, said they had been in Lebanon for seven months. They 
left Syria because the opposition knew their daughter was born in 
America, and they were going to kidnap her. They said a Palestinian 
woman once came to their house and said: ``Your daughter is an 
American. I am going to take your house.'' They said their neighbors 
were killed because they were Christians.
  I asked them what they would want church leaders in the West to know. 
The response: ``There is a total erasure of the Christian presence in 
the region.''

                            A Refugee Crisis

  I also visited the registration center being operated by the United 
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which is leading the 
humanitarian response to the refugee crisis in Lebanon. UNHCR has 
identified roughly 300,000 refugees--both those already registered and 
those who are known to be waiting for a registration date. As of 
February 22, there were 309,997 Syrian refugees in Lebanon, which 
includes 196,744 already registered and 113,253 waiting to be 
registered. The number of Syrians reaching out to UNHCR has accelerated 
significantly in the last two months with more than 3,000 individuals 
per day seeking assistance. I was told that it is difficult to quantify 
how many Christians there are among the Syrian refugee population since 
most of them are too afraid to register.
  During my visit to the center, I met with a Muslim family who had 
fled Syria after their village was destroyed by a bomb. The father said 
during the day life was normal, but at night the bombing would start 
and continue for several hours. ``You cannot sleep,'' he told me. He 
said his youngest son was cut by shards of glass when the village was 
hit. The family, made up of two girls and three boys, had been in 
Lebanon for three months and would like to go back but don't know what 
the future holds. The father said he has seen a number of ``foreign 
fighters'' in Syria and that there were checkpoints--some controlled by 
the regime; some controlled by the opposition--throughout the country.
  My next stop was the town of Zahle, about 90 minutes southeast of 
Beirut, to meet with more refugees and Caritas Lebanon, an NGO that has 
been operating in Lebanon since 1994. Catholic Relief Services is 
assisting Caritas.
  During my visit, I was able to talk to two families in Caritas' 
offices and visit two sites

[[Page E283]]

where families were living. Their stories were painfully similar to the 
other stories I had already heard: death, destruction and fear. Both 
families I met with said the circumstances in Syria have changed 
dramatically since the fighting started, saying Christians were not 
initially targeted for violence but they are now. ``Christians and 
Muslims were living like brother and sister but that has changed,'' one 
woman, who has two young children and whose husband cannot escape 
Syria, told me.
  She also explained that while she is appreciative of all that the 
Lebanese have done, her situation is not good. She said she has had a 
hard time trying to find a place to live and is essentially living in a 
hallway. She cannot work because there is no one to watch her children. 
I was told by officials with Caritas that some women are prostituting 
themselves for $3.50 simply to help their families survive. In recent 
years similar heartbreaking stories have emerged out of the Iraqi 
refugee population. A May 29, 2007 New York Times story quoted Sister 
Marie-Claude, a Syrian nun aiding Iraqi refugees, saying ``I met three 
sisters-in-law recently who were living together and all prostituting 
themselves . . . They would go out on alternate nights--each woman took 
her turn--and then divide the money to feed all the children.''

  Unlike many humanitarian crises which are the result of war, those 
fleeing Syria into Lebanon are not living in massive tent cities. Most 
are being absorbed into communities and towns across Lebanon. But Wael 
Abou Faour, the Lebanese Minister of Social Affairs, cautioned in our 
meeting that the time is fast approaching when formal camps may need to 
be established. Some in the Lebanese government are understandably 
concerned about this.
  The first ``house'' I visited looked essentially like a storage unit 
in the West. It was about 20 feet wide and 40 feet deep (roughly the 
size of a two-car garage) with a concrete floor and no windows. Three 
Muslim families--a total of 19 people--shared the space and paid $250 a 
month in rent. The second site was in a farmer's field. Twenty families 
were living in about eight large white tents. They had been there for 
roughly six months. The ground was extremely muddy, the result of heavy 
rains in January. They pay rent to the farmer. There did not appear to 
be running water.
  The burgeoning Syria refugee crisis is but one of the great human 
tolls of this deadly conflict.

                                 Egypt

  I was last in Egypt in June 2011, four months after Hosni Mubarak 
stepped down as president and turned over power to the military. In the 
face of decades of human rights and religious freedom abuses under the 
Mubarak regime, successive U.S. administrations, including the Obama 
Administration, failed to advocate for those whose voices were being 
silenced. Many pro-democracy activists and religious minorities that I 
spoke with during that trip felt abandoned by the West. Their 
disillusionment with the U.S. and general trepidation about the rise of 
Islamists in the lead up to the elections was tempered by a palpable 
sense of anticipation, and in some cases, even hope about what the 
future might hold for the Egyptian people.
  Fast-forward to February 2013. I wanted to witness first-hand the 
outcome of the revolution. The verdict is not what anyone had hoped. 
Egypt is in danger of becoming a failed state. Its economy is 
collapsing, unemployment is rising, as is inflation, lawlessness is 
becoming a real issue, and human rights abuses persist, and in some 
cases, are now enshrined in the new Egyptian constitution.
  During my visit, I met with government officials, including Prime 
Minister Hisham Kandil, civil society activists, Christian leaders and 
NGOs. In addition, I met with Maggie Gobran, affectionately known as 
``Mama Maggie.'' She runs a ministry that serves poor families living 
in Egypt's garbage slums. Established in 1989, Stephen's Children runs 
65 camps, five vocational centers, 80 clinics and 80 community 
education centers. The organization serves Egyptians of all faiths, 
including Coptic Christians. I have been so inspired by her work and 
ministry over the years that I joined with several other Members of 
Congress, both last year and this year, in nominating her for the Nobel 
Peace Prize.
  One of my last meetings was with 86-year-old Carmen Weinstein, the 
president of the Jewish Community of Cairo (JCC). She was born and 
raised in Egypt and has lived her entire life there--a life set against 
the backdrop of a great Jewish emigration out of Egypt, namely the 
departure of thousands of Egyptian Jews from the 1940s-60s. She now 
leads a small community of mostly elderly Jewish women in Cairo, who 
with their sister community in Alexandria, represent Egypt's remaining 
70 or so Jews.
  There are 12 synagogues left in Cairo. Some, along with a landmark 
synagogue in Alexandria, have been refurbished by the government of 
Egypt and/or U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and have 
received protection as cultural and religious landmarks. Mrs. Weinstein 
is seeking to form a foreign-based endowment to protect the remaining 
synagogues, the Bassatine Jewish Cemetery--which is 900 years old and 
half overrun with squatters--and the patrimony records of the 
community. This is increasingly important as the remaining Jewish 
community ages and in all likelihood will eventually disappear.

                            Summer Marriages

  Other than in my meetings with Egyptian officials, no one painted a 
rosy picture for the future of Egypt. In fact, many suggested that life 
was better under Mubarak. I was repeatedly told that the new government 
led by President Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood is ignoring 
women's rights, human rights and religious rights. I was told women are 
being removed from positions in the workplace. Photos of unveiled women 
are being dropped from textbooks. Child labor abuse continues, as well 
as female genital mutilation. I was told girls as young as nine are 
being kidnapped and sold as child brides. When reported to the police, 
no action is taken. There is no rule of law. Sexual trafficking is 
prevalent. Girls ages 16-18 are ``rented'' to rich men from the Gulf in 
what are called ``summer marriages'' during the summer months and then 
returned to their families.

                          Growing Persecution

  The Christian community also continues to be persecuted. Churches 
have been desecrated, and no permits to build new churches have been 
granted since January 2011. Just days before I arrived, an angry mob 
set fire to a church in Fayoum Province. Fox News reported that it was 
the ``second such assault against the town's Coptic population in a 
month. The attackers ripped down the church's cross and hurled rocks at 
church members. . . .''
  Television channels regularly carry programming that insults 
Christians and women. ``The general atmosphere allows Islamists to 
speak out against women and Christianity and the government does 
nothing,'' one activist told me.
  At a meeting at the Coptic Orthodox Church in Cairo, Bishop Moussa, a 
close advisor to Coptic Pope Tawadros II, told me he is concerned about 
where Egypt is headed and said the Coptic community is fearful. He 
raised a number of issues relating to the proposed changes to the 
Egyptian constitution. Earlier this month, Pope Tawadros took the 
unusual step of publicly criticizing the constitution as 
discriminatory.

                               Elections

  There also is deep concern that the upcoming elections will 
essentially be rigged, especially since it is believed that the Muslim 
Brotherhood has put its supporters in place to oversee the elections 
and that there will be no transparency. The Associated Press reported 
on February 23 that ``[a] key opposition leader called Saturday for a 
boycott of upcoming parliamentary elections, saying he will not take 
part in a `sham democracy.' ''
  In a meeting a with Emad Abdel Ghafour, a Salafist who is the 
presidential advisor for community outreach, all these reports were 
brushed aside and blamed on politics. At least the prime minister 
acknowledged that the government still has a long way to go. ``We are 
trying. It just takes time,'' he told me.
  The media has done a better job of reporting the plight of the 
persecuted in Egypt than it has in other parts of the Middle East and 
surrounding region. On February 22, the Washington Post ran an op-ed 
co-written by Robert Kagan and Michele Dunne that makes the case for a 
new U.S. approach in dealing with Egypt. I agree with much of what they 
said and have shared it with my congressional colleagues.

                       The People, Not the Regime

  The U.S. must change how it deals with Egypt. On more than one 
occasion I was told the perception among many Egyptians is that the 
United States is supporting the Muslim Brotherhood. ``Why hasn't the 
State Department issued any statements condemning the lack of certain 
rights?'' one person asked me. ``There is a double standard,'' another 
told me. ``Human rights and women's rights mean one thing in the United 
States and another in Egypt.''
  I was told people think the United States is developing relationships 
with the Muslim Brotherhood because it believes the party is going to 
remain in power. They went on to say that the feeling is that as long 
as the brotherhood protects the United States' interests in the region, 
it can act with impunity within its borders.
  One person pointedly said, ``the United States is helping create a 
state of terrorism that will be exported to Europe. The dogma of 
religion affecting human rights and women's rights will be worse than 
the Wahhabi sect in Saudi Arabia.''
  I also was told the United States is losing credibility. When I asked 
what message I should take back to the West, I was told: ``Make sure 
you support the people of Egypt, not the regime.''

[[Page E284]]

                            Recommendations

  In light of the meetings I had and the insights I gained, I came away 
with a number of broad-based policy recommendations:


                                 Syria

  The situation in Syria is complex and there is no easy solution. Many 
believe it will take years to resolve. Will Assad continue to cling to 
power with the help of Tehran? Will Syria fracture? Will the rebels 
attempt to form a legitimate shadow government in Syria that can garner 
international support? There are more questions than answers about the 
future of Syria. But even before the civil war broke out, Assad's 
abuses were well-known. Not only was he a brutal, corrupt dictator at 
home, but Damascus was a lifeline to the terrorist organization 
Hezbollah. I have seen with my own eyes Hezbollah's murderous aims 
having visited the Marine barracks in Lebanon following their 1983 
bombing that killed 241 American servicemen. Fast-forward to earlier 
this month, as Hezbollah was implicated in the deadly bomb attack on 
Israeli vacationers in Bulgaria. Clearly Assad has much blood on his 
hands and the U.S. must work, even at this late date, to bring about an 
end to Assad's reign in Syria.
  The Obama Administration missed an early opportunity to aid the 
opposition in Syria at a time when the conflict had not yet devolved 
into a proxy war and when international jihadists were not as 
significant of a factor as they are today. An already complex 
environment has only intensified, and many of Syria's minorities 
increasingly wonder what the future holds for them. A January 15, New 
York Times story said, ``Former [State Department] Syria adviser, 
Frederic C. Hof, wrote last month that although the opposition has 
offered general assurances to the one-third of Syrians who belong to 
minority groups, `probably no more than a handful' believe it, 
especially as jihadist groups grow more prominent on the battlefield. . 
. .'' As the Obama Administration seeks to develop an effective Syria 
policy, including Secretary Kerry's latest overture to the Syrian 
opposition, it must be ever mindful of the very real concerns of 
Syria's Christian community. Opposition to Assad should not be enough 
to garner American support. A common enemy does not our friend make. 
Any aid to the rebels, non-military or otherwise, must be accompanied 
by insistence that the opposition respect minority rights and allay the 
very real fears of these communities. This is especially important 
given the influx of foreign jihadists and the ambiguity surrounding 
their influence and numbers among the opposition.

  Christian leaders in the West must begin to speak out about what is 
happening not only in Syria but in the Middle East and other parts of 
South Central Asia. Christian leaders from the Middle East need to be 
brought to the United States to meet with church leaders here and make 
the case for greater engagement from the faith community in the West. 
(In January, I wrote to more than 300 Protestant and Catholic leaders 
in the U.S. urging them to use their influence to speak out on behalf 
of the persecuted church around the globe specifically in the Middle 
East.).


                                 Egypt

  After I returned from Egypt in July 2011, I recommended that the 
United States seriously consider conditioning U.S. foreign assistance--
specifically military assistance--to Egypt. Since the Camp David Peace 
Accords, Egypt has received over $60 billion in U.S. foreign 
assistance, the second largest overall recipient of such funding. Given 
the Mubarak regime's human rights and religious freedom abuses, I have 
long believed this assistance should be conditioned on improvements in 
these areas. Now with the Muslim Brotherhood at the helm, and the 
transition to a mature democracy with all that entails, far from 
certain, I am more convinced than ever that aid to Egypt must be 
conditioned upon the government respecting and upholding universally 
recognized human rights norms. We must press President Morsi and the 
Muslim Brotherhood more broadly to respect and uphold religious 
freedom, freedom of speech and the press, freedom of assembly and other 
basic rights. Police reform, too, must be a priority. Rather than 
ramming through the constitution, the Muslim Brotherhood must be urged 
to embrace an inclusive process that takes into account the concerns of 
the opposition and various minority groups. Clear benchmarks must be 
set--an agreed upon framework established--that allows policymakers in 
the U.S. to determine if Egypt is truly on a path to reform. 
Recognizing that democratic transitions are often long and messy, it is 
simply unacceptable to blindly give precious aid dollars to a 
government that is working at cross-purposes with American values. In 
addition, Congress should seriously consider removing altogether the 
State Department waiver authority as it relates to aid to Egypt, since 
the State Department, without fail and irrespective of changes on the 
ground, uses the waiver.
  The United States should press President Morsi to compromise with the 
opposition on rules for upcoming parliamentary elections, which he 
scheduled to begin April 22 over opposition objections. There are many 
legitimate opposition concerns, including gerrymandering to break up 
districts formerly won by secular parties and use of government 
ministries to advantage Morsi's party. As of now, most of the secular 
opposition parties say they will boycott, which means that the 
elections cannot produce a truly representative parliament even if they 
are cleanly run.
  The administration must utilize every ``tool'' in its ``toolbox'' to 
influence the Egyptian government. President Morsi's planned trip to 
Washington is a significant point of leverage to begin pressing for key 
reforms. As Morsi and his government seek further international 
economic relief, the U.S. must make it clear that not only is American 
foreign assistance contingent upon clear progress in the areas outlined 
above, but our willingness to galvanize the additional economic 
assistance needed to stabilize the Egyptian economy is also based on 
progress in these areas.
  The U.S. embassy should actively seek to cultivate relationships with 
the liberal, democratic Egyptian opposition groups and individuals, 
human rights groups, Coptic Christians and other key civil society 
actors. By most accounts, U.S. policy has not evolved to meet the new 
realities in Egypt. We have embraced the Morsi government the same way 
we embraced the Mubarak government--to the detriment of other elements 
of Egyptian civil society--elements with which we have a natural 
affinity. While such groups may not take the reins of leadership in the 
near future, they are central to the Egyptian democratic experiment, 
and we can bolster their standing and effectiveness if we take the 
long-term view. In this same vein, aid to Egypt should once again 
benefit Egyptian civil society, not simply the military and economy.
  Congressional delegations traveling to Egypt should meet with 
activists, NGOs and Christian leaders to better understand what is 
happening on the ground and to hear firsthand the perception of the 
United States' support for the Muslim Brotherhood.


                        Regional Recommendations

  Special Envoy.--There must be a high level Special Envoy at the State 
Department with the dedicated mission of protecting and preserving 
religious minority communities in the Middle East and South Central 
Asia. In January 2011, I introduced bipartisan legislation in the House 
which would do just that. It overwhelmingly passed by a vote of 402-20 
in July 2011. The House-passed legislation and companion legislation 
introduced by Senators Carl Levin and Roy Blunt stalled in the Senate. 
Despite my repeated appeals, former Senators Jim Webb and John Kerry 
objected to the legislation moving forward. I have joined with my 
Democratic colleague Rep. Anna Eshoo in reintroducing this legislation 
in the 113th Congress and remain committed to pressing ahead with the 
envoy despite State Department opposition opposition which is short-
sighted and utterly consistent with the department's posture on similar 
initiatives over the years having opposed for example the creation of 
the International Religious Freedom Office. It is worth noting that it 
is fully within the Secretary of State's authority to appoint an envoy 
absent legislative action. Based on what I heard on this trip, I am 
confident that such a move by Secretary Kerry would be warmly embraced 
by the communities affected in the region and the diaspora communities 
abroad, including here in the United States.
  Persecuted Christians Relief Fund.--In some of the countries where 
Christians and other religious minorities have faced the most 
difficulties, severe economic hardship is a consequence of religious 
persecution, especially when entire communities are displaced. Consider 
this February 2011 International Organization for Migration (IOM) press 
report: ``The physical instability driving Christian displacement is 
now leading to financial hardship as well. Some in Baghdad have sought 
to exploit the situation by publishing rumors of impending violence 
against Christians in order to drive down prices of Christian homes and 
to force Christians to flee. Unable to sell their homes for a fair 
price and quickly in addition to facing difficulties in transferring 
their jobs or finding new sources of income, many Christians are 
finding it difficult to support themselves while displaced.'' It is 
worth noting that depletion of the Christian community in Iraq happened 
while America was deeply involved in Iraq and in a position militarily, 
politically and otherwise to exert tremendous influence. Similar 
difficulties faced the Syrian Christian refugees with whom I spoke as 
outlined above. Despite congressional attempts, over multiple years, to 
target aid toward Iraqi Christians, the State Department resisted these 
efforts, and once the funding was provided the department and USAID 
proved ineffectual in ensuring that the communities in question 
benefited. In fact, a July 2012 Government Accountability Office (GAO) 
report, ``U.S. Assistance to Iraq's Minority Groups in Response to 
Congressional Directive,'' found that the agencies could not prove they 
spent the funds as

[[Page E285]]

Congress intended. In fact, it often appears that there is an anti-
Christian bias at the State Department. For years the department 
refused to recognize that Iraqi Christians were being targeted, 
insisting instead that they were simply victims of generalized 
violence. In light of these realities, church leaders in the West, 
especially the leadership of affected communities (Copts, Chaldeans, 
Assyrians etc.), should consider partnering with other churches in the 
U.S. in establishing a relief fund to benefit beleaguered Christians in 
the Middle East.
  Champion Human Rights.--Every U.S. government official, from the 
President, to the Secretary of State, to the young foreign service 
officer serving in Cairo or Beirut, must champion the cause of human 
rights, including religious freedom, in their interactions with foreign 
government officials and civil society actors. Not simply paying lip-
service to these foundational American principles but seeing that they 
are fully integrated into U.S. foreign policy at every turn. In a 1987 
Constitution Day speech, President Ronald Reagan described the United 
States Constitution as ``a covenant we have made not only with 
ourselves, but with all of mankind.'' We have an obligation to keep 
that covenant with the fearful Coptic Christian and the displaced 
Syrian refugee. My conversations abroad revealed that the covenant is 
in jeopardy.

                               Conclusion

  In closing, I would like to thank the federal employees--embassy 
personnel, foreign service officers, Diplomatic Security Officers, FBI, 
and other government agencies--serving in Lebanon and Egypt. They are 
extraordinarily dedicated and extremely professional. In Lebanon, the 
ambassador and embassy staff live in an extremely challenging security 
environment. Their movement is seriously restricted. In Egypt, too, 
there are also very real security concerns for U.S. embassy personnel. 
Protesters scaled the walls of the compound on September 11, 2012 and 
pulled down the American flag, mere hours before the Benghazi consulate 
attack. We owe these employees of the U.S. government and their 
families a debt of gratitude.
  Specifically, in Lebanon, I was grateful for Ambassador Connelly's 
hospitality and for the work of my control officer, Caitlin Spicer, and 
the embassy's political and economic section chief, Danielle Garbe. All 
went to great lengths to ensure that our trip was a success and that 
our time was filled with insightful meetings.
  In Egypt, I appreciate Ambassador Patterson and her team's efforts to 
see that our relatively brief visit was productive. I especially want 
to thank my control officer Peter Shea (who also assisted with my 
earlier visit to Egypt). His dedication to human rights and religious 
freedom is evident and appreciated.
  I also would like to thank Speaker John Boehner and House 
Appropriations Committee Chairman Hal Rogers for approving this trip.
  Finally, I would like to thank my staff, particularly Elyse Anderson, 
my foreign policy director, and Dan Scandling, my chief of staff, who 
accompanied me on the trip.

                          ____________________