[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 173 (Wednesday, January 2, 2013)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8661-S8663]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RESOLVING SPENDING ISSUES
Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, earlier this week I supported this
agreement to avoid unacceptable tax increases on the middle-class, and
to at last begin to undo the damage to our fiscal standing that began
11 years ago when President Bush signed into law unaffordable tax cuts
for the wealthiest Americans. Make no mistake; that unfair and
unaffordable tax policy has been the biggest driver of the fiscal mess
and the complete ideological rigidity of congressional Republicans on
the issue of tax policy has been the biggest obstacle to cleaning up
that mess. That House Republicans remained intransigent even after the
stroke of midnight on New Year's Eve just shows in very stark terms the
dimensions of that problem.
In contrast, the Senate acted in an overwhelmingly bipartisan way to
make the best out of a bad situation. This, at least, sends a good
message to the country that there's hope that Washington can function.
But the fact that even against the ultimate drop-dead, high stakes
deadline, so little common ground could be found itself underscores the
dangerous situation we have found ourselves in these last years. This
may have been the best that could have been accomplished at
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this late hour, but it was not the best we could have done for our
country or our economy.
We all knew from day one there was universal agreement about the need
to protect 98 percent of American taxpayers and 97 percent of American
small businesses from a tax increase. Now, having done that, I hope
this removes, once and for all, the key obstacle that has stood in the
way of our ability to seriously tackle our longterm fiscal problems.
Nonetheless, taking into account the actions we took in this bill--
which are significant for the working families in this country--we
still face a budget woefully out of balance that will threaten our
Nation's future prosperity if Congress and the Administration do not
get more serious about genuinely addressing these issues.
This should not come as news to anyone. The message we received over
and over from budget experts, businesses, global investors, financial
markets and others has been loud, clear, and consistent.
We continue to face unprecedented economic challenges, both
domestically and globally. How we respond will determine if the United
States can continue to claim our position of leadership in the world or
whether we will have to cede that spot to someone else.
Just a couple of reminders:
Federal debt held by the public currently exceeds 70 percent of the
Nation's gross domestic product, GDP, a percentage not seen since 1950.
If we keep going in this direction we are looking at significant
longterm damage to both the government's finances and the broader
economy. The more of our resources that have to go toward higher
interest payments, the more difficult it is to invest in our most
urgent priorities like education, research, and infrastructure to fuel
growth and prosperity. The more constrained we are in terms of Federal
dollars, the less able policymakers will be to respond to unexpected
challenges, such as economic downturns, natural disasters, or financial
crises and the less attractive we are as a place for global investment.
Our population is changing. The aging of the baby boom generation
presents enormous challenges--none of which can be solved in a
political environment where one side turns tax cuts for the very
wealthy into a holy grail of American politics.
Finally, we must reverse the troubling trend of increased income
inequality in this country. For too long, those at the top of the
income scale have prospered while everyone else struggled or fell
behind. This is not sustainable.
These are big, important issues, not just for our Federal budget, but
for our very quality of life.
The decisions we make--or fail to make--in this decade on new energy
sources, on education, infrastructure, technology, and research, all of
which are going to produce the jobs of the future, and our decisions on
deficits and entitlements will without doubt determine whether the
United States will continue to lead the world or be left to follow in
the wake of others, on the way to decline, less prosperous in our own
land and less secure in the world.
We tried to tackle these problems several times over the last few
years--including on the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction on
which I served. Each time, the ideology of tax cuts for the wealthiest,
supply side economics, and Grover Norquist tax orthodoxy got in the way
of good policy and doomed the best possible outcomes.
Now, staring at the edge of the so-called fiscal cliff, we had
another chance to demonstrate to the American people and to the world,
we are capable of focusing on the future and solving big problems.
Unfortunately, again, while for now we may avert the fiscal cliff, this
is another tragic missed opportunity in solving the big challenges in a
way that is fair.
One more time, we had the chance to prove our fiscal discipline was a
prize well worth achieving, to make our country a safe haven for
investment and to earn back a modicum of respect for Congress from the
American people. In the end, this agreement does not do all of what
voters sent us here for--we didn't make difficult and sober choices
about taxes and spending priorities that would have restored the full
measure of fairness and started to put America's fiscal house in order.
The problems we confront certainly do not go away because we were
able to cobble something together. In fact, these problems very well
could be compounded because the more we delay the tough choices that
are truly needed, the more severe those steps will have to be in order
to have any impact at all.
I am disappointed that this bill did not lay out a path or process
for fundamental tax reform, which is desperately needed. Our individual
tax code still is skewed in favor of the already wealthy and further
widens the chasm between rich and poor. Our corporate tax code is not
keeping pace and will continue to threaten the ability of U.S.
businesses to compete and U.S. workers to prosper in a 21st century
global economy.
I am equally frustrated that this package did not establish the
needed framework for how we should strengthen our entitlement programs
by looking for reasonable ways to reduce their costs, just as we did in
the Affordable Care Act. It is critical we start taking real steps now
to protect these programs in ways that are fair and which guarantee
that we keep the promises we made to seniors when they were created.
I'm relieved that the agreement averts a 27 percent cut in Medicare
physician payments for 2013 so that seniors will continue to have
access to their doctors. But a one-year fix falls far short of a
permanent solution, which I have long supported.
Every Medicare expert knows that Medicare's Sustainable Growth Rate
(SGR) formula is irreparably flawed and needs to be repealed. I
continue to believe that Congress should permanently repeal the SGR and
offset the cost with savings from capping a portion of the spending for
Overseas Contingency Operations, OCO, below amounts in the
Congressional Budget Office, CBO, baseline.
This latest Medicare physician payment fix comes at a great cost to
the health care industry in Massachusetts including our hospitals,
dialysis providers and manufacturers, Medicare Advantage plans, and
medical imaging manufacturers and world-class physicians who rely on
this life-saving equipment.
For example, the agreement offsets the cost of SGR fix with about $15
billion in hospital cuts including: $10.5 billion in coding
adjustments, $4.2 billion in Medicaid Disproportionate Share Hospital,
DSH, payments, and $300 million from reducing payments for stereotactic
radiosurgery services. I am concerned that continued cuts to our
hospitals will ultimately jeopardize beneficiaries' ability to access
care.
The agreement also lowers Medicare reimbursement for medical imaging
by $800 million, leading doctors to hold on to their old equipment
longer and preventing patients from accessing the newest technologies
that are better at finding early-stage diseases. I have long opposed
this policy which is particularly difficult for Massachusetts because
we have thousands of jobs directly tied to medical imaging technology.
Additionally, I'm particularly concerned that Medicare payment
reductions for dialysis services could undermine kidney care at
dialysis treatment centers across the state as providers are adjusting
to a new Medicare payment system.
This package also fails to resolve potential problems with the
looming cuts of sequestration because it does not include more
deliberate spending decisions. We have only avoided sequestration
temporarily. I hope the Senate will consider legislation to reduce
wasteful and unnecessary federal spending as soon as possible. There is
room to make appropriate changes in federal spending.
But let us be clear that there's a big difference between wasteful
spending and necessary investment. Cutting critical areas of public
investment, like education, transportation, and scientific research is
precisely the wrong way to promote long-term economic growth and is in
fact counterproductive to longterm deficit reduction because it's the
enemy of growth which produces revenue. As we look at the next round of
budget discussions, we must ensure that these long-term investments are
expanded and not indiscriminately hit by short-term across the board
spending cuts. There are better ways to spend our scarce Federal
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dollars, and we all should be willing to have those honest
conversations.
Finally, I am particularly concerned that we may again see our
Nation's credit rating used for political leverage when we return to
the unfinished business of how to fund the Federal government for the
next fiscal year or two.
Despite how it looked from the outside, the process of getting us to
agree on a package of tax cuts and delays in spending reductions was
the easy part. The most difficult issues remain. Our Nation needs 100
Senators and 435 Representatives who face the facts and find a way to
work not just on their side, but side by side.
We still have a lot of work to do to resolve our differences and face
our Federal spending issues.
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