[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 169 (Friday, December 28, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8507-S8508]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Mr. SHELBY:
S. 3713. A bill to make technical corrections to the Dodd-Frank Wall
Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act; to the Committee on Banking,
Housing, and Urban Affairs.
Mr. SHELBY. Mr. President, I rise today to discuss legislation that I
introduced to make technical corrections to the Dodd-Frank Act.
Two and a half years ago, Congress rushed to pass the 2,300 page
Dodd-Frank Act and, like any large and complex piece of legislation, it
contains numerous technical errors.
For example, section 742(b) of Dodd-Frank amends the Gramm-Leach-
Bliley Act by citing to section 206(e) of that act when, in fact,
Gramm-Leach-Bliley does not have a section 206(e).
Another example is that Dodd-Frank abolished the Office of Thrift
Supervision, but failed to take out references to the OTS in at least
20 statutes.
These are the types of errors that should be corrected.
While I strongly opposed Dodd-Frank and do not believe that it should
have become law, I nevertheless believe that we should at least attempt
to clean up the errors found throughout the legislation.
Accordingly, the legislation I have introduced focuses purely on
technical corrections of non-substantive inaccuracies and omissions in
the final Dodd-Frank bill.
The bill I introduced could have been many pages longer, but I sought
to keep it to only those changes that were purely technical.
There are many other technical changes that could be made that also
involve policy judgments.
I decided not to include those changes in my bill because I wanted to
introduce a bill that could garner broad bipartisan support and serve
as a starting point for forging additional compromises on other
problems with Dodd-Frank.
If Congress is ever going to be bipartisan, this is the bill. We
should at a bare minimum be able to agree that a law with numerous
technical errors should be fixed at least to the extent of those
technical issues.
While the issues addressed in this bill are technical in nature, they
also take into account the realities with the ongoing implementation of
Dodd-Frank.
For example, this legislation extends for one year the deadline for
completing and issuing the regulations, studies and reports required by
Dodd-Frank that have not been met by the date specified.
This provision does not aim to delay or undermine the rulemaking
process in any way.
On the contrary, it is meant to address the flawed rulemaking process
stipulated by Dodd-Frank, which directs financial regulators to
complete an unprecedented number of rulemakings in very short time
frames.
Presently, our financial regulators are in violation of the law
because they have not completed scores of rulemakings by the times
prescribed by Dodd-Frank. This is not how the world's leading democracy
should function.
Congress's laws should be followed, especially by the agencies it has
created. Congress should either hold regulators accountable for not
making statutory deadlines or should grant regulators more time so that
they are not in violation of the law.
In this case, extending deadlines is the appropriate and reasonable
approach.
While I offer this bill to technically improve Dodd-Frank, my views
about the substantive provisions of Dodd-Frank have not changed.
I continue to believe that it is a flawed and poorly conceived piece
of legislation. It expanded the scope and power of ineffective
bureaucracies, created vast new bureaucracies with little
accountability, and seriously undermined the competitiveness of the
American economy.
Moreover, Dodd-Frank did all that without accomplishing what it set
out to do--make our financial system safer.
Instead, Dodd-Frank preserved and codified preferential treatment for
large financial institutions.
It solidified the close relationships between regulators and big
banks by maintaining their pre-existing prudential regulators.
Dodd-Frank also protected the big banks from bankruptcy by creating a
new resolution mechanism to ensure that large financial institutions do
not fail.
In addition not one regulator was held accountable in the wake of the
crisis. To add insult to injury, the very same regulators that missed
the warning signs were then closely consulted on how to draft Dodd-
Frank.
Accordingly, many provisions in Dodd-Frank should be reexamined and
replaced with language which would actually address the serious
problems in our financial regulatory system.
This bill, however, does not address any of my substantive concerns
with Dodd Frank. In fact, I made a conscious effort to avoid any
substantive recommendations, and to focus exclusively on technical
corrections.
My hope is that this bill will form the foundation for a more
comprehensive debate on Dodd-Frank in the next Congress. Therefore, I
intend to reintroduce this bill when we return in January.
By working together to revise Dodd-Frank, I believe Congress can not
only
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make our financial system safer, but also foster economic growth and
job creation.
One would think that we could reach a bipartisan consensus on that.
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