[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 147 (Friday, November 16, 2012)]
[House]
[Pages H6409-H6417]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 0950
RUSSIA AND MOLDOVA JACKSON-VANIK REPEAL AND SERGEI MAGNITSKY RULE OF
LAW ACCOUNTABILITY ACT OF 2012
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) is
recognized.
Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, I urge passage of this bipartisan legislation to
ensure that American companies, workers, farmers, and ranchers benefit
from Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization. Almost three
months ago, Russia became the 156th member of the WTO. Since then,
exporters from every WTO member but one--the United States--have been
guaranteed the benefit from the concessions that Russia made to join
the WTO. These benefits include increased access to Russia's growing
market in goods and services, improved protection of intellectual
property rights in Russia, Russian animal and plant health rules based
on international standards and science, and binding dispute resolution
if Russia does not live up to its WTO obligations. If U.S. exporters
want to be guaranteed these benefits as well, we must pass this
bipartisan legislation and establish permanent normal trade relations
with Russia.
This bill would allow us to gain important rights and powerful new
enforcement tools with respect to one of the world's largest economies
without giving up a single tariff or other concession. We could double
or even triple U.S. exports to Russia within 5 years. But until we do,
these benefits will go to our foreign competitors while our exporters
fall further behind.
With our high unemployment, we cannot afford to pass up any
opportunity to increase our exports and create jobs. And the longer we
delay in passing this legislation, the more ground our exporters will
lose.
I don't dispute that our relationship with Russia has many
challenges. On the commercial front, we face weak enforcement and
protection of intellectual property rights, as well as discriminatory
standards for U.S. agricultural products. Russia's recent adoption of
the WTO's rules should address many of these issues, but this bill goes
farther by requiring the administration to stay focused on Russia by
making sure that it lives up to its WTO obligations, resolves
outstanding trade issues with Russia, and improves the rule of law in
Russia.
Many of us also have significant concerns with Russia's foreign
policy. Much as I believe that Russia does not always act responsibly,
I also believe that this legislation cannot be seen as rewarding
Russia. Instead, any benefit that is conferred is on U.S. job creators.
I also fully share the concerns of many of my colleagues on Russia's
abysmal human rights record, and that's why I support adding the
Magnitsky legislation to this bill, on the third anniversary of the
murder of Sergei Magnitsky while imprisoned.
For all of these reasons, we urgently need to pass this important
bipartisan legislation. I urge all of my colleagues to support it.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to make a number of points, but first to join with the
chairman of
[[Page H6410]]
the committee. We have worked hard on this legislation on a bipartisan
basis, and also with the Senate.
I think these are the important points, if I might say so. First of
all, I urge that we take each trade agreement very much on its own,
maybe not completely looking at other agreements but assessing the
merits of each particular agreement. And when you look at this
agreement on its merits, it's clear, I urge, we should be supportive.
If you look at the flow of trade that will be enhanced by this
legislation, it's clear that it will be beneficial to our country. The
major exports from our country to Russia are machinery, motor vehicles,
and aircraft. These are products made in America by American companies
and by American workers. So essentially, this will enhance our ability.
Russia, in terms of taking this on its own, is already in the WTO, and
the question is whether we will be able to access their markets.
The next point: there is also a question of enforcement. Trade
agreements by themselves will not be enough. There has to be built in
strong enforcement and a willingness to enforce. And this agreement,
with the help of colleagues, some of whom will be here to speak today,
this agreement has strengthened enforcement provisions. Those were
worked out with the Senate, and I want to thank the Senators for
working with us. So there is within this agreement not only a guarantee
of more flow, but also a guarantee that we have access to the
instrumentalities so that we can hold Russia's feet to the fire, if I
might say so, in terms of their meeting their obligations.
The next point is this: we've been working on trade issues for a long
time. For some of us, trade is more than the flow of goods; it's the
structure within which the flow occurs and looking at the benefits of
that flow so that we're sure that the impact is a positive one for our
businesses and our workers.
Also, it's important to remember that the rule of law in another
country is vital, otherwise investment is perilous. The Magnitsky
legislation was added here in part in recognition that when you talk
about trade, you have to look at a fuller picture. And I want to
salute, if I might say so, especially Jim McGovern for his work on this
issue. And I also want to thank Mr. Camp, our chairman. I also want to
thank those in the Senate for working with us to make sure that this is
in this bill, the chair of our Foreign Relations Committee, and also
especially Mr. Cardin, who once served on our committee and is now in
the Senate and has made this a dedicated effort on his part.
This is a bipartisan effort. I hope that it will set the stage for a
successful effort to deal with trade issues now and beyond on a
bipartisan basis.
I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1000
Mr. CAMP. I thank the gentleman for his comments. Also, I would yield
2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady), the distinguished
chairman of the Trade Subcommittee.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Madam Speaker, this is a jobs bill, pure and
simple. It levels the playing field in Russia for American energy,
agriculture, manufacturing, services, and our growing technology
industry to be able to compete on a level playing field in that country
with our competitors: China, Europe, Brazil, and others.
This bill means more sales to the ninth largest economy in the world
and more jobs here at home as a result. America gives up nothing in
this legislation, but it stands to gain much. Creating that leveled
playing field is important to job creation.
But this bill also holds Russia accountable to live up to its
obligations, to play by the same trade rules everyone else in this
world does as well. That means a chance to protect and the means to
insist that our intellectual property rights be protected, to insist
that sound science be used on food safety, to insist, again, that there
are not artificial barriers either at the front door or the back to
American products and services being sold in Russia.
This legislation also creates important new tools to continue to
pressure Russia to make progress on the important issue of human
rights. For Texas, our State, this is an important issue because Russia
is our fastest growing trade partner. We are the number one exporter.
Our growth and sales grew by almost a third last year alone.
But it is broader than that. It's important to every State in the
United States. It's important to our trading relationship. And again,
the fact that we are able to hold Russia accountable should they
violate their commitments, we have in law a process to resolve those
disputes and re-create a level playing field.
I want to credit and thank Chairman Dave Camp of Michigan for his
long leadership on trade. This is, by my account, the seventh
bipartisan trade measure to pass this House, and we hope it will move
to the President's desk. And I thank Ranking Member Levin for his
outstanding work on this as well.
Mr. LEVIN. I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from the great
State of Washington (Mr. McDermott), the ranking member on Trade.
(Mr. McDERMOTT asked and was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. McDERMOTT. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this bill to grant
permanent normal trade relations to Russia and Moldova.
Let's begin with Russia. Russia joined the WTO this summer. Congress
does not have veto power on that. All we can do here is decide whether
to allow U.S. businesses and workers to see the benefits of Russia's
WTO obligations.
Will Russia always honor these obligations on its own initiative?
Probably not. But Russia's WTO membership means we can at least hold
them to those obligations, and we must be prepared to enforce those
obligations. That is a lesson we've learned the hard way over the last
few years. This bill actually does that. This bill has strong
antibribery and anticorruption provisions. It has mechanisms to help
strengthen our intellectual property rights.
But that's not all. Another critical piece of this bill is the
Magnitsky Act, placing real sanctions on those individuals who are
complicit in human rights violations. This is a serious policy upgrade
and a big win for human rights.
At the end of the day, Russia's entry into the WTO can be expected to
create real jobs here in the U.S. by reducing tariffs and other
barriers to U.S.-made goods and services. The tariffs on information
technology products are completely eliminated. Russia's aircraft,
chemical, and pharmaceutical tariffs are heavily reduced. This means
real job growth around the country in the coming years.
In many ways, this agreement is one-sided to our benefit. Our tariffs
are not going down, but Russia's are. Russia is a WTO member regardless
of what we do today, but with this bill, we can make sure that American
businesses and workers get the benefits of Russian commitments.
Finally, this bill gives permanent normal trade relations to Moldova,
a country that joined the WTO more than a decade ago. The Moldovans
want closer ties with their friends in the United States and Europe.
This bill demonstrates that we share that interest with our Moldovan
partners.
I urge the passage of this bill unanimously by the Members here.
Everyone in this country will benefit from it.
Mr. CAMP. At this time, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Nunes), a distinguished member of the Ways and Means
Committee.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Speaker, the 1974 Jackson-Vanik amendment
effectively pressured the Soviet Union over its appalling human rights
record. It was an important part of America's decades-long effort to
contain and ultimately bring down an evil empire.
Times have changed. The Cold War is over, and the USSR has given way
to the Russian Federation. Its ruler, Vladimir Putin, presides over an
authoritarian regime that closely controls the key economic sectors,
shackles the media, stamps out most dissent, and stage-manages the
political process. Nevertheless, Putin's Russia is not the Soviet
Union, and we should update our laws accordingly.
The Jackson-Vanik amendment addresses problems from a different era.
By joining the WTO, Russia has undertaken new obligations to adhere to
the
[[Page H6411]]
rule of law. As we approve normal trade relations with Russia, we must
verify that it adheres to its new responsibilities.
Furthermore, by approving the Magnitsky Act, we will signal that
corrupt thugs who attack whistleblowers and human rights activists will
be held to account--in America, if not Russia. That is why, Madam
Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this bill.
Mr. LEVIN. I now yield 9 minutes to the gentleman from Maine (Mr.
Michaud) for a colloquy, a gentleman who has worked so hard on trade
issues.
Mr. MICHAUD. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Representative DeLauro of Connecticut and I introduced legislation to
increase the specifics and the strength of U.S. enforcement efforts of
Russia's WTO membership. As our experience with China has shown, if
there isn't a robust enforcement mechanism, American jobs will be lost.
I am pleased that the bill being debated today includes similar
language to strengthen our enforcement of Russia's WTO membership, but
I do have lingering concerns that USTR may be reluctant to fully
implement these provisions, both in letter and in spirit.
First, I am worried that USTR may not interpret the bill's reporting
requirements in a way that will make it possible for Members of
Congress or American businesses to fully understand Russia's WTO
commitment. The Working Party Report, alone, is hundreds of pages and
is hard to decipher. In addition, I'm concerned that USTR may not
include in their report when they decide not to take action against
Russia, even when they are not in compliance.
Can you assure me that you will work with me to ensure that Members
of Congress and our businesses are made aware of all of Russia's WTO
commitments and whether or not they are in full compliance?
I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. LEVIN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I very much agree with my colleague from Maine that it's vital to
monitor and fully enforce our trade agreements, and I will work with
USTR to keep you and other Members of Congress informed when Russia has
not fulfilled its commitment, regardless of whether or not the
administration has taken formal notice.
Mr. MICHAUD. I thank the gentleman for his answer.
My next concern is that USTR's report that Congress may not give
sufficient attention to Russia's compliance with their manufacturing-
related commitments. I know you and I share a deep commitment to
American manufacturing. Will my friend work with me to ensure that USTR
reports to Congress include assessments on their compliance with
manufacturing-related obligations?
Mr. LEVIN. As my colleague knows, today's legislation includes
reporting requirements on all of Russia's commitments they made prior
to joining the WTO, including the reduction of tariffs and other
commitments related to manufacturing sectors. I will work with my
colleague to make certain that USTR's reports include an evaluation of
Russia's manufacturing-related commitments.
{time} 1010
Mr. MICHAUD. I thank my friend for his response. And I know it will
come as no surprise that I have approached this legislation and debate
with skepticism. Since China joined the WTO more than 10 years ago,
nearly 2 million U.S. jobs have been shipped overseas. Although I have
advocated for and supported U.S. enforcement efforts at the WTO, these
actions have not been enough to counter China's persistent trade
violation, including their currency manipulation. I do not want us to
repeat this mistake with Russia.
I think the enforcement provisions in this legislation are a good
start, but it will take a proactive Congress to make sure our
businesses benefit from this agreement. Can my friend assure me that he
will work with me to use all the tools at our disposal, including
section 301 authority, if needed, to make sure that Russia lives up to
the WTO commitment?
Mr. LEVIN. I very much agree with you that we must enforce our
trading partners' commitments so that our American workers can compete
on a level playing field, and I really believe that Mr. Camp, our
chairman, and others concur in that. I, too, have been concerned about
the effect China's trade relations have had on the U.S. economy.
I will work with you to monitor Russia's compliance and to ensure
that U.S. manufacturers get the full benefits of Russia's WTO
membership, and I can assure you we will continue to work together to
address China's violations as well. This administration has been active
in that regard.
As for section 301, I wish to note that I and the ranking member on
our Trade Subcommittee, Mr. McDermott, exchanged letters with the U.S.
trade rep in July, confirming our rights to request action under
section 301. Under section 301, USTR is required to respond to our
requests within a fixed timeline. That exchange of letters has already
been incorporated into the legislative history of the bill before us
today.
Mr. MICHAUD. I appreciate the gentleman's comment, and I look forward
to working with him on these issues. You and I have worked closely
together on trade enforcement over the past few years, and I sincerely
hope this effort between our offices will further strengthen our
dialogue and collaboration on trade policy going forward. It will be
even more important that we work together to make sure that TPP is a
good deal for American workers and that its implementation legislation
as well, should it ever reach the floor, include strict enforcement
measures.
This legislation represents an unprecedented step towards improving
enforcement of our trade agreements. I want to thank you for working
with us to improve this legislation and for agreeing to work with me on
my outstanding concerns that we currently have. As a result of these
improvements and the strong human rights language in the bill, I'll be
supporting this legislation when the House votes on it today. And I
want to thank the gentleman from Michigan very much for his efforts in
that regard.
Mr. LEVIN. I want to thank you, Mr. Michaud, for your arduous
efforts.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CAMP. I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of the Ways and
Means Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Herger).
Mr. HERGER. Thank you, Chairman Camp.
Madam Speaker, the bill before us is about economic growth and job
creation. It's about expanding U.S. exports to the ninth largest
economy in the world. It's about making sure U.S. businesses receive
the same treatment in Russia as their competitors in Europe. It's about
ensuring we have the tools to hold an unreliable trading partner
accountable.
This legislation is not a handout or gift to Russia. Maintaining
Jackson-Vanik does not give us any leverage, as Russia is already a WTO
member. A vote against this bill is a vote against U.S. employers. It's
a vote against small businesses. It's a vote against farmers and a vote
against ranchers.
I urge my colleagues to support legislation to give Americans fair
access to an important market.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield 2 minutes to another Member who's been so active
on trade policy, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
Mr. NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Levin.
Madam Speaker, after more than 18 years of negotiations, Russia
joined the World Trade Organization this past August. WTO membership
will require Russia, for the first time, to play by the same rules of
trade as the United States and virtually every other nation in the
world. This is a significant development, and it's critical that
Congress approve permanent normal trade relations with Russia so that
U.S. companies can benefit from these reforms.
Russian PNTR also is a jobs bill. The President's Export Council
estimates that U.S. exports of goods and services to Russia would
double or triple once Russia joins WTO. Greater exports mean more jobs,
and that's exactly what our economy needs right now. A reminder: Last
year, the fastest growing part of the American economy was exports,
which grew by almost 6 percent.
Let me conclude by expressing my support for important provisions in
the
[[Page H6412]]
PNTR legislation that address the Russian Government's expropriation of
the large oil company, Yukos.
When Russian authorities dissolved Yukos and took over its assets,
Yukos investors, including 20,000 individual American investors, many
from my home State of Massachusetts, received nothing. I'm pleased that
PNTR legislation requires USTR and the State Department to provide an
annual report to Congress on the steps they are taking to advocate for
American investors in Yukos. This reporting requirement is critical
because Russia must be pressed to make good on the money it owes
American investors.
Madam Speaker, I actually, for a long period of time, had a bracelet
that I wore and kept in my office--and still have--based upon one of
the issues at the time that led to Jackson-Vanik, and it was the
ability and right of Soviet Jewry to emigrate from Russia if they so
desire, and we are addressing that issue today. It was one of the human
rights champions that we're witnessing today that allowed this to
happen. And I think that you can see how far diplomacy can extend when
it's beneficial to the United States, but also on the issue of
emigration at that particular time. It was America and the American
dimension that helped to transform that particular moment.
Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, how much time remains?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) has
22 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin) has
14\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. CAMP. Thank you.
I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of the Ways and Means
Committee, the gentleman from Washington State (Mr. Reichert).
Mr. REICHERT. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Speaker, I'm speaking in favor of granting Russia and Moldova
permanent normal trade relations. I would like to emphasize this will
hold only benefits, as was said, for the United States. There is no
down side for us in this agreement, unless we fail to act.
Now the time has come for us to come together and pass this
legislation. As the sponsor of the Moldova PNTR, I'm pleased that the
long overdue graduation of Moldova from the Jackson-Vanik amendment is
included in this bill. Jim McDermott and I have worked hard on the
Moldovan agreement and are very proud and pleased to see that it's
included in this bill.
Passing this bill will increase America's exports of goods and
services substantially and will serve as a no-cost job creator.
Currently, exports to Russia support over 1,400 jobs in my home State.
In fact, in 1 year, exports from Washington State to Russia grew by 80
percent. If, however, we fail to act, U.S. companies, farmers, and
workers will not receive the benefits of the Russian membership, nor
will the United States Government have authority to hold Russia
accountable to its WTO commitments.
So, Madam Speaker, it's my sincere hope that we can pass this
legislation and grant Russia and Moldova permanent normal trade
relations.
Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to a gentleman
who has served so long with distinction on our committee, the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Rangel).
(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. RANGEL. I rise on the floor because there have been so many
people in my constituency that are wondering about why did I vote in
support of China going into the WTO, and at the same time we all are
complaining about our failure to abide by the rules.
{time} 1020
I want to make it abundantly clear that we're in the same situation.
Sandy and I, it was a profile in courage almost to support China, and
we have consistently supported our position as most people are
supporting the committee's position and the Congress' position as
relates to allowing Russia to assume the responsibilities of joining
the WTO. While we have no guarantees that she will abide by the rules,
at least we do have that she recognizes that there are international
rules.
For those people that are just monitoring the behavior of the
People's Republic of China, we have to realize that in order to get
people to cooperate and to find some discipline in international trade,
they have to join. This goes a long way in making certain not only that
we create the jobs and improve commercial trade with Russia, but also
it encourages the administration now to see what works for the great
United States, what really works to improve the quality of trade
between all nations, and it gives us another tool to work with.
So I want to thank Sandy and the chairman of the committee for
working together as closely as they have, and Mr. McDermott. And I do
hope that we will be able to join these countries to say that even in
America it's possible to work even with Communists and not sell out our
principles of the great qualities of democracy that are prevalent with
most people.
Mr. CAMP. At this time I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of
the Ways and Means Committee, the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr.
Paulsen).
Mr. PAULSEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I'd like to speak in favor of this legislation but also just talk a
little bit about why this bill is so important to my home State in
Minnesota.
Minnesota's economy has a stake in extending permanent normal trade
relations with Russia. Last year, Minnesota exported about $71 million
worth of goods to Russia, directly supporting hundreds of jobs for
Minnesotans. Now, with the world's ninth-largest economy and a growing
middle class, the Russian marketplace holds great future potential for
increased exports and more Minnesota jobs.
This August, Russia gained membership to the WTO, giving member
economies around the globe increased access to nearly 142 million
potential customers. But our failure to pass permanent normal trade
relations with Russia means American job creators, American employers
can't take advantage of these new opportunities. There are large
Minnesota job creators like Cargill, 3M, T&M Marine, TSC Container
Freight, and Massman Automation that have all expressed their interest
and how important it is that PNTR be extended for increased competition
and job growth.
One great example of an industry that will benefit from extending
PNTR to Russia is our Nation's medical device innovators. We understand
the immense size of the Russian population, but only 20 percent of
Russians currently have access to quality health care, and nearly two-
thirds of Russia's medical equipment is becoming obsolete. There is an
incredible opportunity, Madam Speaker, for U.S. medical technology. And
now with its accession to the WTO, Russia has agreed to substantial
tariff reductions for imported medical equipment, again, creating a
great opportunity for American medical device innovators to increase
exports, grow their businesses, and create many new jobs. But unless we
pass this legislation, unless we move forward, our competitors will
continue to have a distinct and unnecessary advantage.
We need to pass PNTR with Russia not only for countless Minnesota
businesses trying to compete and win in today's marketplace, but also,
more importantly, for 60,000 Minnesota jobs that are tied to a robust
trade agenda.
Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I now yield 1\1/2\ minutes to another
member of our committee from the great State of Oregon (Mr.
Blumenauer), who is so active on trade issues.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy.
You have heard and you will continue to hear how important it is to
pass this legislation to level the playing field for the United States
and our businesses that seek to do business with Russia, one of the 10
largest economies in the world. This provides us an additional tool to
make sure that our friends in Russia play by the rules.
Now, while one of the Presidential candidates talked about Russia
being the greatest geopolitical threat to the United States, I think
it's clear that times have in fact changed. The relationship between
the United States and the former Soviet Union has been dramatically
altered. Russia is an opportunity for us--it's a challenge. We have
differences of opinion. There are issues
[[Page H6413]]
that we, frankly, need their cooperation. There are others that we're
pushing back a little bit. But it is far better to be engaged in
economic competition and cooperation to help build those bridges.
Speaking of bridges, I think it's encouraging to watch the debate on
this floor today. It's been my pleasure to be involved with a variety
of them over the years, but this is one where there is commonality,
where there's consensus, where we're working together to move forward.
I hope this forms a pattern by which we will be able to have future
success in critical, thoughtful trade policy crafting in the future.
The American economy needs it.
Mr. CAMP. At this time I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of
the Ways and Means Committee, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam).
Mr. ROSKAM. I thank the chairman.
Madam Speaker, a couple months ago I pick up the phone and I'm
talking to one of your constituent companies in Naperville, Illinois.
It's a company that you've represented well for the past 14 years. I
was talking to the manufacturer, talking about Russian PNTR, and I
posed a simple question: How much business are you doing now, and what
kind of business would you be able to do in Russia if we normalize the
trade relationships? Without batting an eye he said, currently,
Congressman, we do $15 million worth of exports into Russia. If
Congress changes this and we regularize this status, that number
overnight would jump to $30 million.
Now, the State of Illinois currently is one of the largest States as
it relates to exports to Russia--$70 million worth of business, Madam
Speaker, coming out of our home State. So we've got a chance today to
do something great, and to do something great is to allow worldwide
American companies to get a sure footing in a growing marketplace
that's only going to get bigger, and to do it in a thoughtful way.
This helps to meet President Obama's goal of doubling exports in 5
years--this is inextricably linked to that goal--and this is an
opportunity for us to create jobs where we want to create them, that
is, here at home, exporting into markets abroad.
Mr. LEVIN. I now yield 1\1/2\ minutes to another active member of our
committee on trade and every issue that comes before us, the gentleman
from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind).
Mr. KIND. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
I want to first commend the chairman and the ranking member of the
Ways and Means Committee, Mr. Camp and Mr. Levin, for the work they did
in getting this legislation to the floor.
I rise in strong support of extending permanent normal trade
relations with Russia and Moldova. I also want to commend the chair and
the ranking member of the subcommittee, Mr. Brady and Mr. McDermott,
for the work that they've done, as well as a gentleman who's not on the
floor today--we're going to miss his leadership, he's retiring at the
end of this session--Mr. Dreier from California. He's been a great
leader on trade policy. He's been a great colleague. We will miss that
leadership, and I commend him for his one last lift that he made into
making this legislation possible.
In a lot of ways I wish we had passed this before the August recess
because every day we delay right now we are losing market share in a
large and expanding marketplace in Russia. Our goods, our services, our
products, the Made in America goods that we should be exporting right
now, we're not until we're able to pass this bill. Russia has already
agreed to lower their trade barriers and other nontariff barriers for
the entry of our goods.
Just as one example, Great Britain alone over the last couple of
years has expanded their exports into the Russian market by over 80
percent. But this legislation will also allow us to enforce rules and
have dispute resolution mechanisms that are available through the World
Trade Organization, higher rules that Russia now has to comply with.
As another example from my home State of Wisconsin, Russia has, since
2010, shut out all dairy exports that we could make from our country
into Russia due to phytosanitary concerns that we view as highly
suspect and highly questionable. Now we'll have a mechanism in order to
resolve that dispute through the WTO.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. KIND. Something that is not available to us until we're able to
move this legislation here today.
Now, as was pointed out earlier, Governor Romney indicated that
Russia, in his view, is America's greatest geostrategic adversary in
the 21st century.
{time} 1030
I don't know if that's true or not, but I do know that when goods and
products cross borders, armies don't. This gives us another tool of
diplomatic engagement with Russia, economic engagement with Russia, as
well as another piece to what we need to do to get our economy fully
functioning and creating the good-paying jobs that we need right here
in America at this time.
So I encourage my colleagues to support this. Hopefully, we will have
a wide bipartisan vote, and I thank the leadership on this issue.
Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, at this time I yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Grimm).
Mr. GRIMM. Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak on H.R. 6156, Russia
and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act of 2012. And I'm very, very proud
to join my friend and colleague, Congressman Greg Meeks, and stand with
him in strong support of this legislation. I look forward to serving
with him as the cochair of the Congressional Russia Caucus in the 113th
Congress.
Madam Speaker, Russia, as we've heard, is one of the largest
economies in the world, and passing permanent normal trade relations
with Russia is a move that would greatly benefit the United States.
The World Bank has estimated that more than half of Russia's 140
million-plus people are middle class consumers. This legislation
creates great opportunities for Americans and New York companies. It
creates jobs for small businesses in Staten Island and Brooklyn. It
increases maritime jobs at the Port of New York and creates more jobs
in the manufacturing and services sector in New York City.
New York and Russia have a special relationship. Last year, New York
exported $497 million worth of goods to Russia, which directly
supported an estimated 1,400 jobs. Additionally, New York City is home
to one of the largest Russian communities in the United States and
that, I'm very proud to say, I represent.
So I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of American jobs and vote
``aye'' on H.R. 6156.
Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, could you verify how much time there is on
both sides.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin) has
9 minutes, and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) has 15\1/2\
minutes.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Chairman, I think I'll proceed.
It's now my pleasure to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell), another vigorous member of our committee on
all issues. We wish your State the best, by the way.
Mr. PASCRELL. Mr. Camp, Mr. Levin, great job in putting this
together. I didn't drink the Kool-Aid when I came to Ways and Means on
trade, I can tell you that; but I think that this is a major effort on
both sides of reconciliation and putting together a good trade deal, so
I want to congratulate both of you sincerely.
I want to congratulate Mr. Michaud for seeking the inclusion of tough
enforcement provisions. You can have all the trade deals in the world;
but if you do not have tough enforcement, then they mean very, very,
very little.
I'm very concerned about the imbalance in trade with Russia, which is
trying to be our partner here. I mean, imports in 2011 were $34.5
billion, and exports were only $8.3 billion. I hope we reverse that, or
we can change that dramatically, with so many items being reduced in
terms of what the rates will be.
In New Jersey, it's very important for us. We export auto parts and
medical equipment to Russia, for example; and by them joining the WTO,
Russian
[[Page H6414]]
tariffs will be lowered for our exports, and that helps our workers get
to work.
This has always been the major issue in any trade deal: Does it hurt
our jobs or does it help our jobs? And I'm convinced that this
legislation will be of great help to get our trade imbalance down to
where we want it to be.
But, Mr. Chairman and Sandy, I'm very concerned about using trade as
leverage. The Russians have stuck their finger in our eye on the
subject of Syria, and I'd like to use trade as leverage.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 10 seconds.
Mr. PASCRELL. I want to make sure that Russia does toe the line. This
is very serious business. So if we can't get them to move on Syria, the
situation only gets worse. Maybe it's hopeful that we have a coalition
which was formed just a few days ago. So I hope that we will use trade
as leverage not only in Russia.
Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelly).
Mr. KELLY. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support. Listen, this is
what the country expects us to do; and today, you don't have to have on
a red shirt or blue shirt. These are red, white, and blue jobs that
we're talking about. And we're talking about our opportunity now to
compete, and not just compete and not just participate, to actually
dominate the world market.
I want to just read from a note from a friend of mine, Rick McNeel,
who's the president and the chief executive officer of Lord
Corporation. He says that outside our borders are markets that
represent 80 percent of the world's purchasing power, 92 percent of the
economic growth, and 95 percent of its consumers. One in three American
manufacturing jobs depends on this.
In Lord Corporation alone, they increased their sales from $67
million in 2001 to $158 million in 2011.
Listen, this makes sense for America. This makes sense for the world.
And when it talks about us not just participating, but dominating the
world market, my goodness, does this give us a voice at the table when
it comes to the discussion of human rights and personal liberty. We can
be the strongest voice in the world, and we need to be that strongest
voice in the world. There is no other place to look to now for
leadership other than the United States. We can do that.
And by passing this today, we send a strong message not only to the
world, but to our country, that we have joined hands, we are joining
arm-in-arm, and we are going to dominate in the world markets and
regain our position as the leader when it comes to human rights and
personal freedoms and liberty.
I thank the gentleman, and I'd urge all our colleagues on both sides
to pass this bill today.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. DeFazio), with his passion on all issues.
Mr. DeFAZIO. I thank my friend, the gentleman, for the time.
We could, today on the floor, just replay the debate from 11 years
ago in the lame-duck session about China. It's about exporting U.S.
goods to China. Just get them in the WTO, give them permanent normal
trade relations, and they'll follow the rules. Well, when we adopted
that, our trade deficit with China was $84 billion. Today it's $295
billion.
The issue isn't the tariffs the Russians have. The issue wasn't the
tariffs that the Chinese had. It's all of their manipulation and
nontariff barriers that go into these nonmarket economies. How is it
going to be any difference with Russia?
The debate is disconnected from the reality. We're concerned about
Syria, so let's reward them with permanent normal trade relations. You
can't go to the WTO and complain about the Russians supporting a thug
who's killing his people in Syria. That's not something you can use the
WTO for.
We are giving up the tools we have to try and push Russia on economic
issues; and we're binding ourselves to this international body, which
has a secret dispute resolution process with unelected bureaucrats who
have no conflict-of-interest rules. Now, that's a powerful tool we're
going to use against those Russians. It worked real well against the
Chinese. It doesn't work against the way the Chinese are manipulating
their markets to keep out our goods, to steal our international
property, and all the host of other unfair trade practices there that
the Russians can just duplicate very easily. The WTO is not the
solution to these issues.
We have more power today with a bilateral agreement. We have more
power today with the capability of depriving them of a normal trade
relation status with the United States. If we want to use our clout, we
should vote this bill down.
And it's not just about Syria and human rights and a host of other
abuses in Russia. It's about American jobs. Today, the biggest export
under the WTO for the last 15 years has been American jobs. How is that
going to change by binding us, one more time, to the WTO with one more
nonmarket, essentially dictatorial economy with a corrupt regime
running the country?
{time} 1040
How is that going to work any differently than it has worked with
China? It won't. This is a recipe for more job loss. It's not about
saying, Oh, the terrorists will go away, and they're just going to
start buying all our goods. No, it's not going to happen. All the same
abuses that we have seen in China will be replicated by the regime in
Russia, and it will become, yet again, another large addition to the
deficit side of our ledger on trade. I urge Members to oppose this.
Mr. CAMP. I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished gentleman from
Missouri (Mr. Long).
Mr. LONG. Madam Speaker, we are trading with Russia right now. This
doesn't hurt Russia. This is to prevent hurting us. This is to help our
manufacturers and our farmers. If you took manufacturing and farming
out of the United States of America, you wouldn't have a whole lot
left; and since Russia is in the World Trade Organization, we need to
move past that. I support permanent normal trade relations with Russia
because permanent normal trade relations is a great opportunity to
create new jobs here in America.
American workers produce some of the highest-quality manufactured and
agricultural goods in the entire world. PNTR will allow our workers to
compete on a level playing field--and that's what I'm after--in a new
market, and it will give people who are out of work new opportunities
to get back on the job. Americans work hard, and they can compete with
any nation in the world if given the chance; but there has got to be a
fair playing field. PNTR will provide that chance for those to compete
fairly in the Russian market. We shouldn't be hamstringing our Nation's
workers over a technicality stemming from the Cold War.
Americans are suffering right now. They want jobs right now so that
they can pay their mortgages and send their children to college and
plan for retirement. Expanding opportunities for Americans to sell
products in foreign markets is one of the best ways that we can help
relieve Americans from the economic hardships that they are now facing.
Good jobs for Americans right here in America is not impossible to
accomplish. We can make America the best place in the world to do
business if we will remove unnecessary bureaucratic burdens off the
backs of American workers. Passing PNTR will be a very good first step.
Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Virginia who is deeply involved in trade issues, Mr. Moran.
Mr. MORAN. I thank my friend from Michigan. I thank him for his very
genuine concern over the jobs and labor rights for American workers and
for his support of this legislation.
Madam Speaker, today, countries all over the world are enjoying
preferential treatment versus the United States with Russia. They have
better intellect property protections; they have lower tariff barriers;
they have other open-market concessions. And many of them are our
allies, but all of them are our competitors.
Now, clearly, parts of Russia's economy is little better than a
kleptocracy--with serious violations of human and political rights. Yet
the
[[Page H6415]]
Jackson-Vanik bill is in place today. This would repeal it, which needs
to be done, and it would impose the Magnitsky bill, which would support
human rights and political rights in Russia. I should share with my
colleagues that Charlie Vanik, after he retired, became a constituent
of mine. He wrote a letter to me, saying that the time for the Jackson-
Vanik bill has passed and that, in fact, in many areas it's
counterproductive.
We are doing the right thing--the right thing for America's workers
and the right thing for America's economy in supporting this
legislation today.
Mr. CAMP. I yield 2 minutes to a distinguished member of the Ways and
Means Committee, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Reed).
Mr. REED. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for yielding time to me today.
I rise, Madam Speaker, in support of the proposed legislation to
repeal Jackson-Vanik.
To me, what this represents is an opportunity for American
manufacturers and American farmers to have access to the Russian market
so that we can go about the number one priority of this Congress and
the next Congress--getting people back to work. This represents an
opportunity to potentially increase U.S. exports by doubling or even
tripling those export levels over the next 5 years with PNTR status in
place for Russia.
I strongly support the proposed legislation, and I take a point of
disagreement with my good friend from Oregon, who was referencing his
comments in opposition to the proposed legislation.
The fact is that Russia is now part of the WTO. They are a member
after 18 years of negotiation, some of the negotiations being led by
the United States in the most aggressive manner to hold them
accountable to the rules of the WTO. By not supporting this
legislation, we are handcuffing American manufacturers and farmers by
not allowing them to take advantage of this opportunity that is there.
So I urge all of my colleagues to support the proposed legislation,
and I urge our moving forward with expanding job opportunities for
generations of Americans to come.
Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to the gentleman
from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).
Mr. COHEN. I rise in strong support of this legislation because it
will mean jobs in Memphis and will make Russia, which is potentially
our most important bilateral relationship, a stronger one. I also rise
as a cosponsor of the Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act. We must
hold Magnitsky's killers accountable as well as others who have been
responsible for human rights abuses in Russia.
I am particularly concerned about the case of an all-women's punk
rock band that staged an unauthorized concert in a church to protest
President Putin. They were arrested and charged with hooliganism,
motivated by religious hatred. They were sentenced subject to a trial
that was little more than a farce. They were not allowed to testify and
weren't allowed testimony by witnesses on their side. They were
sentenced to a 2-year prison sentence in a penal colony far away from
their families and far away from Moscow.
I recently met with their legal team and with the husband of one of
their members, and I found their story troubling as they are the latest
victims of the Russian Government's brutal crackdown on dissent. Those
responsible for this miscarriage of justice should be held accountable,
which is why this bill is important. The band was prevented from
exercising First Amendment rights and also from having a fair trial.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
Mr. COHEN. These are exactly the sorts of victims contemplated in
this legislation. I hope the State Department will give strong
consideration to their case when compiling the list called for in this
legislation. Russia should be a partner and friend, but we cannot stand
by while they continue to violate the rights of their people with these
abuses.
I thank Mr. Levin, and I also want to thank the head of the Foreign
Affairs Committee, Mr. Berman--a great Congressman. I urge my
colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. CAMP. I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LEVIN. It is now my pleasure to yield 1 minute to a gentleman who
has just been sworn in, a colleague of ours from Michigan (Mr. Curson).
This is your maiden speech, and it is my special pleasure to yield to
you.
Mr. CURSON of Michigan. Today, I will vote in favor of H.R. 6156 and
to change Russia's trading status from conditional to permanent normal
trade relations. By doing so, we will ensure that American businesses,
workers, and farmers will receive the same competitive access to
Russia's markets that all other countries receive in the WTO. It is my
hope that H.R. 6156 will provide growth opportunities for American
businesses and will create jobs for our workers here at home. However,
while expanding trade with Russia, we must not lose sight of our
American values and our commitment to human rights.
H.R. 6156 has been updated and significantly improved by the adoption
of the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012. Sergei
Magnitsky was a 37-year-old Russian lawyer and father of two, who was
tortured to death after he exposed an elaborate tax fraud scheme--the
largest in Russian history--that defrauded the Russian people of $230
million. November 16 will be the third anniversary of Sergei's death;
and, to date, no one has been punished for this crime.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. CURSON of Michigan. The act will finally hold those responsible
for the embezzlement and Sergei's death accountable by denying them
entry into the United States and by freezing their assets. The bill
would also hold accountable anyone believed to be responsible for
killing, torturing, or committing other human rights violations against
anyone seeking to expose corruption or to expand human rights and
freedoms.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has again expired.
Mr. LEVIN. I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
Mr. CURSON of Michigan. The act requires the executive branch to
publish a list of people who are to be punished under its sanctions,
and it gives key Members of Congress the ability to request that the
names of other human rights violators be added to the list. Diligent
enforcement of the provisions of this act is critical for its success,
however, and the State Department must do what is right and hold human
rights violators accountable. H.R. 6156 is a powerful statement of
support for freedom and democracy. It is a good bill for Americans and
Russians alike.
{time} 1050
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp) has
10\1/2\ minutes remaining, and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin)
has 15 seconds.
Mr. CAMP. At this time, I have no further speakers, and I am prepared
to close.
Mr. LEVIN. I would ask Mr. Camp if you would yield me an additional
1\1/2\ minutes.
Mr. CAMP. Yes, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan.
Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
I wanted Mr. Curson to finish his statement because of his roots in
the labor movement and beyond. We're proud to have you here, and we
welcome your statement.
As I close, I want to congratulate everybody who worked on this to
try to strengthen it. I also want to say just a word about Jackson-
Vanik because this terminates that provision that was a part of the
trade bill.
I want to salute everybody over the years who worked to implement
what Senator Jackson and Congressman Vanik undertook. Many of us, my
late wife and myself, and so many others went to Russia to try to make
real that amendment. It showed that trade is more than the flow of
goods. We have to look at the structure within which trade operates.
So I close again by attributing so much to people who worked so hard
to try to make sure that those who wanted to leave Russia, the Jewish
community and beyond, had a chance to live elsewhere and to pursue
their lives with dignity.
[[Page H6416]]
This is an important moment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CAMP. I yield myself the balance of my time.
I too want to thank Mr. Levin for his work on this legislation and
for his long-time work on Jackson-Vanik. Those were very different
times. His leadership there, I think, has paved the way for the effort
that we're going to see today--I think a very large bipartisan vote. I
appreciate the bipartisanship on this bill.
I also want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), who
will be retiring at the end of this Congress, who is the chairman of
the Rules Committee, who has been a leader on trade, trade issues, and
has really been a mentor to me on these issues since I came to
Congress. His leadership will be missed both in the Rules Committee and
his intelligent contribution to debate on the floor, as well as his
leadership on trade issues.
This truly is, as Mr. Levin said earlier, a bipartisan effort, and
many brought it forward: Mr. McGovern, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, Mr. Cardin, a
former member of the Ways and Means Committee now in the Senate. This
is the seventh bipartisan trade bill we've had this Congress. Also, not
to be forgotten, this moves Moldovan PNTR. Moldova joined the WTO 11
years ago. Finally, we're seeing a resolution and some movement there.
As others have said, Russia is and will be a member of the WTO,
regardless of whether or not the United States grants Russia PNTR. The
commercial benefits, the jobs that will be created here in the United
States because of Russia's accession, are significant if we do grant
PNTR. As a WTO member, Russia will be subject to rules and regulations
that the WTO creates that they're not subject to now. They must comply
with all of their rules and regulations. It helps level the playing
field for our workers, our employers, our exporters, and particularly
in the areas of discriminatory practices, intellectual property rights,
more transparency, implementing uniform rules and customs, all the
things that are needed to have a viable economic--a dynamic and equal
relationship are important there.
Also, it's important to note that our employers, workers, farmers,
ranchers, and employees will not get any benefits of having Russia into
the WTO unless we grant this.
This is an important step. It will bring us big gains. As has been
said, this establishes tools that will help us ensure Russia's
enforcement. And I think particularly also in the area of human rights,
it's important that the Magnitsky legislation is a part of this
legislation.
I urge support for this bill, and I yield back the balance of my
time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 6156, which
would extend to the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova
permanent normal trade relations (PNTR). While Russia completed its
ascension to the World Trade Organization (WTO) earlier this year, U.S.
businesses are currently at a competitive disadvantage to world
competitors and we cannot utilize WTO dispute mechanisms because of a
Cold War-era law that has outlived its purpose. The Jackson-Vanik
amendment rightly restricted trade relations with the former Soviet
Union until it allowed Jews to emigrate freely--and it accomplished
that objective.
Now, it is important that we extend PNTR to Russia to allow our
businesses to compete in the Russian market and to make use of WTO
mechanisms that will force Russia to play by the rules. There are
enormous opportunities for American exporters in the Russian market,
especially for manufacturers of machinery, aircraft, and computer and
electronic parts.
While this bill is not perfect, it sets strong enforcement procedures
by requiring the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) to report annually to
Congress on Russia's implementation of its WTO obligations (including
food safety issues, intellectual property protections, and
implementation of the WTO Information Technology Agreement and
Agreement on Government Procurement). This legislation also requires
the USTR and State Department to report on Russia's promotion of the
rule of law, which must improve to provide certainty to investors, curb
bribery and corruption, and most importantly improve human rights.
That is why I am pleased that this legislation also includes
provisions from the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act,
which hold accountable those responsible for the detention and death of
Russian activist Sergei Magnitsky. This sends a message to Russia that
ascension to the WTO comes with responsibilities, including compliance
with international trade agreements, enforcement of the rule of law,
and protection of human rights--especially those of political
dissenters.
Again, this bill is not perfect and could have included stronger
enforcement provisions to ensure the protection of labor groups in
Russia. Unfortunately, it was considered under a closed rule and no
amendments were permitted. It is essential, however, that we extend
PNTR to allow our businesses to compete and WTO enforcement mechanisms
to function.
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. PAUL. Madam Speaker, I rise to strongly oppose this legislation.
Unfortunately, Congress has ruined an opportunity to overturn an
anachronistic impediment to free trade with Russia by attaching to it
an interventionist and provocative ``human rights'' bill that will
worsen U.S./Russia relations.
With Russia's recent accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO)
Congress is obligated to repeal the ``Jackson-Vanik Amendment,'' a 1974
era piece of legislation that sought to condition normal trade
relations with the Soviet Union (which no longer exists) upon
liberalization of emigration rules for Soviet Jews. WTO members are
obliged to eliminate trade barriers with other members. So the repeal
and extension of normal trade relations simply should have been a
formality. Unfortunately Congress instead took this as an opportunity
to meddle in the internal affairs of Russia, which will worsen US/
Russian relations and have a negative economic impact on the United
States.
By attaching the so-called ``Magnitsky'' bill to the Jackson-Vanik
repeal, Congress will direct the State Department to draw up a list of
Russians it believes are responsible for human rights abuses. These
people will be denied entry into the United States and have their
assets seized by the U.S. government. The implications of this reckless
move are stunning.
What is even more dangerous is that the bill directs the U.S.
government to also consider ``evidence'' provided by international non-
governmental organizations when it determines who should be sanctioned
by the U.S. government. Non-governmental organizations are not legal
tribunals, and in fact many are politically-motivated pressure groups.
Many are funded by governments or political parties and in exchange do
their bidding. This ironically reminds one of the ``people's
tribunals'' set up under the Soviet system, where evidence was
considered irrelevant.
These sanctions in this bill against individuals are the economic
equivalent of President Obama's ``kill list.'' Individuals will be
placed on this list under dubious and ill-defined criteria, without due
process or sound evidentiary requirements.
If this bill becomes law, we should expect a response from Russia and
perhaps other of our trading partners--particularly as many of our
colleagues have suggested that the Magnitsky bill should serve as a
model for our relations with the rest of the world. We might imagine
the Russians or the Chinese passing similar legislation, banning
Americans from entry and seizing the assets of Americans allegedly
involved in ``human rights violations.'' What if they considered the
U.S. bombing of Libya, which resulted in the death of thousands of
civilians from NATO bombs, such a violation?
If Congress really is concerned about the human rights of prisoners,
perhaps they might take a look at the terrible treatment of U.S. Army
Private Bradley Manning while incarcerated and awaiting trial. Last
year Amnesty International wrote to then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates
that Manning's ``inhumane'' treatment while in custody ``undermines the
United States' commitment to the principle of the presumption of
innocence.'' Congress remains silent.
In reality, this bill is about politics more than human rights.
Listening to the debate it is obvious that many supporters of this
legislation simply do not like the democratic choices that the Russian
people made in recent elections. Therefore they do what they can to
undermine the Russian government and encourage ``regime change.''
Again, how would we react?
I encourage my colleagues to join me in opposing this legislation in
its current form and to push for a bill that simply extends normal
trade relations with Russia without meddling or provoking. When it
comes to human rights, the United States should most definitely lead
the world by its own example. On that measure, we still have a lot of
work to do.
Mr. MARCHANT. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Russia and
Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act, which strengthens U.S. trade and
helps American businesses stay competitive in a challenging global
economy. The bill accomplishes these goals by granting permanent normal
trade relations, or PNTR, with one of the leading economies in the
world. Texas, in particular, stands to benefit.
First, granting PNTR grows new markets. In Texas, my State exported
$1.6 billion worth of
[[Page H6417]]
goods to Russia in 2011. That makes Texas the leading State in the
country that trades with Russia. PNTR will allow Texas, and all U.S.
businesses, to further expand into emerging markets.
Second, PNTR helps create jobs. In 2011, trade with Russia directly
supported over 4,000 jobs in Texas. That number will only grow as new
markets create new business opportunities.
Third, PNTR ensures U.S. businesses get equal protection with Russia
under WTO obligations. Our foreign competitors can already use WTO
mechanisms to enforce Russia's trade commitments. With this bill, so
can America.
Madam Speaker, this bill promotes free trade, creates new jobs, and
ensures protections for American workers. I proudly support this bill
and urge my colleagues to do the same.
Ms. HIRONO. Madam Speaker, I support H.R. 6156, the Russia and
Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal Act of 2012, with some reservations.
Russia became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in August
of this year. If the United States is to benefit from the non-
discriminatory treatment of goods and services required by Russia's
membership in the WTO, we must grant permanent normal trade relations
with Russia. The WTO provides a forum and process for requiring Russia
to comply with its trade obligations.
Russia is currently the United States' 20th largest trade partner. My
concern is that Russia might not live up to its trade commitments and
here enforcement is key. This bill does have provisions that will
strengthen our ability to make sure Russia complies with its
obligations and directs the U.S. Trade Representative to pay special
attention to Russia's compliance. Congress also has a role; we must
exercise robust oversight to ensure that Russia lives up to its
obligations and that we use all the enforcement mechanisms available to
us.
I am also supporting and have cosponsored H.R. 6149, which would
further strengthen requirements on the U.S. Trade Representative to
monitor and pursue enforcement of Russian commitments under the WTO.
I am also supporting this bill because it includes the Sergei
Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act, which strengthens the ability
of the U.S. government to hold Russian nationals who have engaged in
human rights violations accountable for their crimes.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate on the bill has expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 808, the previous question is ordered on
the bill, as amended.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. CAMP. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________