[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 145 (Wednesday, November 14, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6785-S6787]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DOD INSPECTOR GENERAL OVERSIGHT FAILURE
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, I am getting the runaround from the
inspector general at the Department of Defense, and my remarks, which
are fairly lengthy, will be connected with that problem I am having.
With sequestration looming on the horizon, Congress needs a truly
independent Department of Defense audit oversight capability. We need
it to root out waste.
As my friend from Oklahoma, Senator Coburn, knows all too well,
rooting out Department of Defense waste is no easy task. His new report
identifies some excellent examples of waste ready for removal. I
commend Senator Coburn for his outstanding work and stand ready to help
him.
But to successfully root out waste day in and day out, there must be
a topnotch audit quality and capability in the hands of an inspector
general who is ready and willing to use it effectively.
I am reluctant to say this, but it needs to be said. I fear, and I
suspect, that the independence of the inspector general's audit
capability may have been compromised. I say this because of the story I
am about to tell. This story is about a difficult audit, where the
inspector general apparently got a bad case of weak knees and caved
under pressure. The inspector general dropped the ball on an audit that
should be a critical component in Secretary Panetta's good-faith effort
to bring the Defense Department into compliance with the Chief
Financial Officers Act.
Today, the Department of Defense is the only Federal agency that
cannot pass the test. So Secretary Panetta turned up the pressure. He
wants to move the audit readiness date up to no more than 3 years from
the congressionally mandated date of 2017 to 2014. This is a daunting
task, which I spoke about here on the floor almost 12 months ago now,
on December 11 of last year. I say it is a daunting task because there
is a big pothole in the road the Secretary faces that he may not know
about, hence the reason I am speaking.
The kingpin of this initiative--the Department's flagship accounting
agency known as the Defense Finance and Accounting Service--may not be
ready to produce credible financial statements. It claims to have
earned a clean opinion. Yet when its financial statements were put
under the inspector general's microscope, they were found to be very
lacking. They did not meet the prescribed audit standards.
To make matters worse--far worse--all the evidence suggests the
inspector general may have quashed this negative audit report, allowing
the charade to continue unchecked. This oversight failure could leave a
gaping hole in Secretary Panetta's master plan.
Except for the Corps of Engineers, the Defense Finance and Accounting
Service handles all the Department's financial transactions. It should
be the foundation of Secretary Panetta's initiative. It was created
over 20 years ago to clean up the Department's financial mess. It
should be exerting leadership in this arena and showing the rest of the
Department how to balance the books. Its audit needs to be as clean as
a whistle. If the Department's central accounting agency can't earn a
clean opinion, then who can earn a clean opinion?
Today the central accounting agency's claim of a clean opinion may be
hollow. The inspector general, who is responsible for making those
judgments, rejected that opinion. The inspector general reviewed it and
concluded that it did not pass muster. Unfortunately, the inspector
general dropped the ball and quit before the job was done.
The inspector general's report, known as a nonendorsement report, was
finalized but never signed and issued. It was simply buried in some
deep hole and covered with dirt. Were it not for whistleblowers who are
in touch with my office, we might think the Defense Finance and
Accounting Service's statements were somehow squeaky clean. I now have
the nonendorsement report and other relevant audit workpapers, and they
tell a very different story.
The financial statements produced by smaller organizations, such as
the Defense Finance and Accounting Service, are audited by certified
public accounting firms. But this is always done under the watchful eye
of the inspector general. In the end, the inspector general must
validate those opinions produced by a CPA firm.
The firm Urbach Kahn and Werlin, UKW, examined the defense accounting
agency's statements. It awarded an unqualified opinion or passing
grade. The inspector general, by comparison, reached a different
opinion. It concluded that those statements did not meet standards. The
inspector general announced that it would issue a nonendorsement
report, but that report was never issued.
That is why this Senator is here on the floor today. What happened to
the nonendorsement report? All the evidence appears to indicate that
the inspector general may have quashed the nonendorsement report. That
assessment is based on a continuing review of all the pertinent
documents. I would like to briefly review those facts so my colleagues
can understand where I am coming from.
Seven red flags have popped up on my radar screen.
Red flag No. 1. The contract, which governed the audits in question,
is a good place to start because it sets the stage for what followed.
The contract was supposed to put the inspector general in the driver's
seat. Section 3 of the contract clearly specifies that ``all
deliverables are subject to final Department of Defense Inspector
General approval.'' The opinion prepared by the public accounting firm
was the main deliverable. Two members of the inspector general's audit
team were designated as contracting officer representatives. They had
exclusive authority to determine whether that opinion met audit
standards and deserved endorsement and to approve invoices for payment.
Unfortunately, as I will explain, none of the parties involved showed
much respect for this contract. In fact, when the crunch came, they
trashed it.
Red flag No. 2. The inspector general's decision memorandum and final
version of the nonendorsement letter, both dated February 16, 2010,
contain compelling evidence. The evidence points in just one direction:
There was a lack of credible audit evidence to justify a clean opinion.
Both the inspector general's audit team and its Quantitative Methods
and Analysis Division reported major deficiencies in the CPA firm's
work. Once the inspector general determined that the CPA's audit
opinion did not meet prescribed standards, the inspector general's
representative prepared a nonendorsement letter and instructed that
payments on outstanding invoices be stopped. Those decisions
precipitated a classic bureaucratic impasse.
Red flag No. 3. The impasse came to a head at the Defense Finance and
Accounting Service's audit committee meeting held on January 27, 2010,
where three options were considered: first option, the IG would issue a
nonendorsement letter; second option, the CPA firm would do more work
on accounts payable and undelivered orders issued; and third option,
the IG would do additional work. Just 1 day later, January 28, a senior
official from the Inspector General's Office, Ms. Patty Marsh,
announced the results of the meeting. Ms. Marsh reported that a
consensus was reached: No additional work would be performed. She then
declared that the
[[Page S6786]]
Inspector General's Office would issue a nonendorsement letter.
Red flag No. 4. The Defense Finance and Accounting Service
immediately implemented a series of measures that appeared to bypass
and eliminate oversight by the inspector general.
In what appeared to be overt defiance of the inspector general's
decision, the accounting agency's Director of Resource Management,
Elaine Kingston, in a letter to the accounting firm, unilaterally
declared that her agency had ``proudly achieved an unqualified
opinion.'' Kingston's letter was dated February 19. At that point, this
opinion had been explicitly and unambiguously rejected by the inspector
general, and Kingston knew it. She also authorized that all disputed
invoices be paid. The invoices authorized for payment by Ms. Kingston
were the very same ones previously rejected by the inspector general's
contract officer representative. Their rejection was based on advice
from the inspector general's legal counsel. Kingston's actions showed
blatant disregard for the contract and authorized payments alleged to
be fraudulent.
Then, on April 15, the central accounting agency's contract officer,
Normand Gomolak, effectively eliminated independent oversight by the
inspector general. He issued a letter terminating the two inspector
general contract officer representatives. A known flaw in the contract
allowed this to happen. Gomolak's termination order was retroactive to
January 27, 2010--the very same day the inspector general revealed its
intention to issue the nonendorsement letter. It is as if Mr. Gomolak
had superhuman powers and could reach back in time and wipe the
nonendorsement report clean off the slate, like it never really
happened. As one witness put it, ``DFAS virtually kicked us--the
Inspector General--out of the contract, and without so much as a
whimper from the duly designated junkyard dog.''
Red flag No. 5. Under the circumstances, the stop-work order blessed
by the audit committee was not surprising. That it would be accepted
and tolerated by the inspector general is astonishing indeed. The
consensus reached was between the three main targets of the audit: the
accounting agency, the CPA firm, and the chief financial officer, who
supervises the central accounting agency--such a consensus, as it was.
All appeared to share one common goal: Just simply stop the audit. That
is a predictable response from audit targets, especially if there is
something to hide.
The inspector general's initial response was appropriate. The
Inspector General's Office expressed a willingness to do more work, and
when it became evident that was not a viable option, it declared that a
nonendorsement letter would be issued. Of course, those were good
moves. Unfortunately, however, the Inspector General's Office quickly
began to backpedal and to align itself with the stop-the-audit
coalition. First, it issued a stop-work order to the audit team. That
occurred February 4. Then on April 13 the IG informed the accounting
agency by telephone that the nonendorsement report would not be issued.
This was, of course, a bolt out of the blue.
Red flag No. 6. In a letter to me dated May 26, the Inspector
General's Office attempted to provide a plausible explanation for why
this report never saw the light of day. First, the letter suggested
that a formal nonendorsement report was unnecessary because the
Inspector General's Office had already informed the audit committee of
its decision to nonendorse the opinion. Is the inspector general
implying that Ms. Marsh's verbal nonendorsement announcement
constituted de facto or unofficial nonendorsement? If that is indeed
the case, then how come the central accounting agency still pretends to
have earned a clean bill of health? There is something wrong with this
reasoning. Failing to issue the nonendorsement report left the opinion
under a dark cloud, where it remains today.
In addition, the inspector general also suggested that doing a mere 2
to 3 weeks of additional work to finalize the nonendorsement letter
would not have constituted a ``good use of audit resources''--that is,
it would have been a waste of money. The need for 2 to 3 weeks of extra
work appears to be a real stretch. I have the nonendorsement letter. It
was finished. All it lacks is Ms. Marsh's signature.
More importantly, however, the Inspector General's Office does not
seem to understand either the purpose or the importance of this audit
oversight project. For starters, I recommend the inspector general
check section 7 of the contract. It states:
The DoD OIG will perform oversight of the Contractor's work
to support the decision about whether to endorse the
Contractor's opinion report.
That was the stated purpose of this costly audit project--to make a
decision on endorsement. From day one, however, this was a significant
effort to resolve a difficult and sensitive question: Did the Defense
Finance and Accounting Service deserve a clean opinion--yes or no?
Since the focus of this audit was the kingpin of Secretary Panetta's
initiative in the first place, well, that makes this work inherently
important.
Red flag No. 7 and the last red flag. One of my main concerns about
this entire matter is that it appears to point to a failure of
oversight. So I ask this question: Did the Inspector General's Office
cave under pressure and surrender its oversight responsibilities? By
accepting and tolerating the central accounting agency's actions, the
Office of the Inspector General appears to have allowed a Defense
Department entity to effectively block its ability to perform one of
its core missions; that is, auditing the books of a key defense agency.
If true, this would be a cardinal sin for the inspector general.
The central accounting agency allegedly violated the terms of the
contract. It allegedly made fraudulent payments, and it unilaterally
terminated oversight. Yet, in the face of such blatant defiance, the
Inspector General's Office turned a blind eye to this challenge.
So you have to ask the question, Why did the IG just roll over? Why
did the IG fail to assert its independent audit authority? Stopping
work at this critical juncture does not appear to have been a
responsible oversight option. Why did top management fail to allow the
oversight team to finish its work and render a decision on the opinion?
Why quit when it was on the very edge of issuing a nonendorsement
report on the flawed opinion? Was that report quashed to spare the
chief financial officer another black eye for the unending accounting
screwups or did the IG drop the ball because everyone involved knew
these financial statements were in such bad shape they could never pass
the test?
While we may never know the reasons for what happened, I feel certain
about one thing. On this audit, effective oversight collapsed. Congress
and the citizens of this country need some answers, but one is
paramount: Did the Defense Finance and Accounting Service earn a clean
opinion? A simple yes or no. As the drive to audit readiness begins in
earnest, and that is under Secretary Panetta's leadership, the
Secretary and the Congress need a straight answer right upfront.
Leaving it in limbo is unacceptable.
In closing, I would like to emphasize one point. My inquiry is about
some very important principles. True, the preparation of these
financial statements and all the attendant audit work probably costs
the taxpayers somewhere between $10 and $20 million. To the average
American, those are big bucks. Since the audit came to nothing, waste
surely occurred. Any waste, whatever it is, is unacceptable.
But putting important principles at risk was as egregious as the
dollar waste. What I am talking about are ethical standards, audit
standards, and the integrity of the audit process. Those standards must
be protected at all cost. That is one of the inspector general's jobs,
to watchdog and follow those guiding principles.
The record appears to show that these standards got trampled and this
may have happened with the IG's knowledge and approval. That is what
the evidence appears to suggest so far. If the integrity and the
credibility of that process were undermined, then the effectiveness of
one of our primary oversight weapons would be gravely impaired. When
and if those lines are crossed, the inspector general and anyone else
involved would be treading on dangerous territory. If such
transgressions occurred, then there must be corrective action and
accountability.
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When I complete this oversight investigation, I will submit a final
report to Secretary of Defense Panetta. It will contain findings and
recommendations for the Secretary's consideration. To facilitate this
process, I ask Deputy Inspector General Halbrooks to answer all my
outstanding questions promptly. In other words, I am getting tired of
being jerked around.
I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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