[Congressional Record Volume 158, Number 117 (Thursday, August 2, 2012)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5930-S5931]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Iran Sanctions
What I also came to the floor to talk about today is something we
actually managed to get done just a few days ago when the Senate passed
the House-passed Iran Threat Reduction and Syria Human Rights Act. This
is one thing people who don't agree on much of anything else in the
House and Senate can figure out how to agree on. This bill, while I
think it could have been a little stronger, was still a strong effort
to reach a conclusion that hopefully the President will sign as soon as
possible and send the right message to Iran that even amid our vigorous
disagreements on all these other issues, including something as
important as cyber security, Congress stands united against
Iran developing nuclear capacity.
Let me give some of the highlights of the bill. This would create
strong new measures on any entity that invests in Iran's petroleum,
petrochemical, or natural gas sector, strong measures against any
entity that provides goods, services, and infrastructure or technology
to Iran's oil and natural gas and any entity that provides refined
petroleum products to Iran.
Iran is an economic basket case. They have all this oil, but they
can't turn enough of it into gasoline for their own country because of
the kind of government under which they are suffering.
Again, this bill would create new, strong measures against any
company or entity that insures or reinsures investments in Iran's oil
sector; that engages in joint ventures with the National Iranian Oil
Company; that provides insurance or reinsurance to the National Iranian
Oil Company or the National Iranian Tanker Company; that helps Iran
evade oil sanctions through reflagging or some effort that tries to
hide the real source of oil coming from Iran; that sells or leases or
otherwise provides tankers to Iran; that transports crude oil from Iran
concealing the origin of Iranian crude in any way. These are good
measures that strengthen what we have been doing, and what we have been
doing is having some impact. I believe we need to have more impact
because the result would be so unacceptable if Iran successfully gets a
nuclear weapon.
The bill prevents Iran from bringing money back when it sells oil in
other countries. Now, 80 percent of their hard currency comes into the
country that way. So we would say that can't happen. And 50 percent of
all the money that runs the government comes in that way. When the
President signs this bill, we are saying this shouldn't be allowed to
happen. It also prevents the purchasing of Iranian sovereign debt.
I have been working on this issue for a long time. In 2006 I worked
with my colleagues in the House and Senate and the administration to
secure the first Iran Freedom Support Act, which updated the Iran
sanctions law and put into law many of the things we have been doing.
This bill, along with that bill, addresses problems we need to be
concerned about as a country.
Late last year the Senate passed an amendment to the Defense bill,
100 to 0, to block Iran's access to global capital markets. Foreign
banks that do business with Iran's banks won't be able to do business
with the U.S. financial system.
Nobody disputes what a nuclear Iran would mean to the world. Iran is
currently led by a man who has called for the destruction of our ally
Israel. Iran's government funds and supports terrorist organizations
and regimes all over the Middle East that threaten American allies and
interests and American citizens. The Iranian regime is dangerous, it is
undemocratic, it treats its own people brutally, and it associates
itself with other countries that do the same thing. North Korea,
Venezuela, and Syria are allies of Iran. What does that tell us? We can
sometimes tell a lot about a country by the few friends it has left in
the world. Iran bankrolls Hezbollah and has strong financial ties with
Hamas. Remember, this is a country that can't even produce their own
gasoline, even though they send oil out every day, because they are
focusing on nuclear activities when they have so many other needs. So
there is no reason to believe a nuclear Iran would not be a threat to
the United States.
Some of our country partners in that region, such as Turkey, feel
they have to develop nuclear programs if Iran does.
The Iranian people, many of whom advocate for freedom and
demonstrated their bravery in the 2009 uprisings, are not our enemies.
This government, however, is our enemy, and this government should not
be allowed to have a nuclear weapon.
We are going to have to work together to more vigorously persuade
countries such as Russia and China that their ties with Iran aren't in
the best interest of the world. We have to work to encourage our
European allies to accept some further risk as they also continue on
the path they are on to make these sanctions work better.
I understand there is some risk here, but the Senate--which doesn't
agree on a lot of things--agrees that an unacceptable conclusion to
what is going on in Iran right now would be a nuclear Iran.
I urge the President to sign this bill to implement the provisions as
quickly as possible and to work with other countries in the world to
see that we all advance the interests of peace by insisting that Iran
not continue on the course it is on.
Madam President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
Mr. LEVIN. Madam President, I am very pleased that the Senate is now
taking up the nomination of Gershwin Drain to be a judge on the Eastern
District Court of Michigan.
Judge Drain has an impressive legal career. He graduated from the
University of Michigan Law School and then went on to earn a master's
of judicial studies degree in 1991. He has served with distinction as a
trial judge for over two decades in all three of our trial courts, from
the lowest court, which is a so-called district court, to the
recorder's court and the circuit court.
He has demonstrated a career-long dedication to helping the people
understand how our legal system works. As a longtime columnist for the
Michigan Chronicle newspaper, he has explained often-complex legal
issues in language accessible to lay readers, broadening understanding
of and appreciation for our courts. Beyond his writing, Judge Drain has
been very active in the community, including membership on the
education committee of the Southfield Christian School Board.
It is important to note that the confirmation of Judge Drain would
help to remedy the judicial emergency in the Eastern District of
Michigan. Vacancies and caseloads in the Eastern District meet the
Federal judicial system's definition of an emergency. These judicial
emergencies lead to delays and, even worse, to the risk of rushed
judgments that could deprive Americans of the impartial justice that is
so much a necessary component of our democratic system of government.
Judge Drain was asked about some of his past writings and statements
during his confirmation hearing at the Judiciary Committee on such
issues as capital punishment and mandatory minimum sentences. He
indicated that some of those views--some of them decades ago--have
evolved. He was candid in saying where they have changed. I don't agree
with everything Judge Drain said 20 years ago, but nonetheless, without
the slightest hesitancy, Senator Stabenow and I have recommended him to
be a judge on the Eastern District Court for Michigan.
The test of his fairness has been shown by the fact that he has
served with distinction for over two decades on trial courts. Another
test of his fairness is how the legal community feels about Judge
Drain.
Senator Stabenow and I have appointed a judicial advisory commission
to make recommendations to us for the judicial positions we have on the
Federal district courts. His nomination was the result of an
examination by and consideration of a host of people interested in
being Federal court judges in the Eastern District. His competition was
great. There are literally dozens of qualified people whom we
considered--more accurately, our judicial advisory commission
considered--to recommend to the President for nomination. He was one of
the persons they recommended. This is a commission we have appointed in
order to remove the nominees whom we recommend to the President, as
much as we can, from partisan politics and to
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put them instead under consideration to be a judge with great
objectivity. We have a broadly based commission. I think the best test
of his fairness and objectivity and his ability to judge people not
based on anything other than the merits of the case in front of him is
testified more than anything to by the fact that the broadly based
judicial advisory commission recommended his nomination to us as one of
the people to be considered, and we recommended him to the President.
The American Bar Association has also spoken on this issue. He has
been recommended unanimously as qualified for the Federal bench by the
Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary of the American Bar
Association.
So we are in a position here where we have a judicial emergency on
the Eastern District Court. We have a situation where the delays that
result deprive Americans of what they are entitled to. We have a
nominee who has been recommended by a broadly based commission that
Senator Stabenow and I have appointed. He has been given a unanimous
rating of ``qualified'' by the American Bar Association. And I think
his commitment has been shown not just by his decades of service as a
trial judge but by the way he answered the questions in his
confirmation hearing. He said--and he has shown this in practice--that
``my personal beliefs, both past and present, have no bearing on the
decisions I make in court.'' The notion that he would insert his own
personal judgment in place of the law is contradicted by not just his
testimony but by a record of decisions that indicate he abides by the
concept of judge as impartial arbiter.
Senator Stabenow and I strongly urge our colleagues to confirm Judge
Drain. We hope that can happen in the next hour.
Madam President, I yield the floor and ask that the time between now
and the time for voting be equally divided between the majority and the
minority.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The
quorum call will be equally divided.
The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Mr. LAUTENBERG. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the
order for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.